Moro Islamic Liberation Front Research Articles

Moro Muslims In Southern Phillippines: The Rise of Abu Sayyaf and the Genealogy of Conflict In Southeast Asia


 The main problem of Moro Muslims in Southern Philippines are now the right to self-determination but it also include poverty, underdevelopment, low education, unemployment, discrimination, and violent conflict. Upon the Spanish colonization for more than three centuries (1521-1898), the Moros were controlled by the United States for almost five decades (1898-1942). Japan colonised them for three years before they were integrated to the Republic of Philippines in 1946. Their struggle for independence still continues today represented by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), establihsed in the late 1960s and led by Nur Misuari, and by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hasyim in 1981. The birth of the MILF was a response to dissatisfaction with the MNLF that was considered less assertive in fighting for Bangsamoro's rights and too accommodative to the Philippine government. In early 1990s, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) led by Abdulrajak Janjalani emerged to respond the situation. In later development, it rises to become a prominent group involved in a long-standing conflict and terror in this landmark of Southeast Asia region.

Peacebuilding Model of Third-Party Mediation in the Philippines: Comparing Malaysia and the OIC

Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.

The Influence of Rational Dimension in the GPH-MILF Peace Process

Resolution of the so-called “Bangsamoro Question” rests at the heart of the peace process between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the Southern Philippines, also known as the Bangsamoro homeland. Inspired by Allison and Zelikow’s conceptualization of Rational Actor Model (RAM), this paper analyzed how rational factor contributed to the conclusion of the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB) in 2014 and eventually enshrined into the Philippine Constitution through the approval of the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) on July 27, 2018. This paper argued that the success of the GPH-MILF peace process does not only depend on the sincerity of the administrations of both then President Aquino III and current President Duterte, international support or commitment, pressure from civil societies and community involvement as what many commentators provided. As shown in this paper, the rational factor and its dimension significantly affected actors’ strategic interactions and the GPH-MILF peace process per se. The findings offered a new perspective for conflict-resolution and shed light on how rational dimension impacted both actors’ strategic interactions, which led to the conclusion of the GPH-MILF peace agreement. This clearly indicated that rational dimension greatly influenced GPH and MILF’s strategic interactions and thereby took flexible attitudes to resolve outstanding issues between them which consequently led to the signing of the CAB and ultimately the ratification of the BOL in 2018.

Human Rights Promotion, Protection and Respect in Maguindanao

The study aimed to assess the human rights situation in Maguindanao Province during the period of 2006 to 2012. Specifically, it aimed to find out how CHR provides appropriate legal measures for the protection, promotion and respect for human rights for all persons residing in the Philippines as well as Filipinos residing abroad. The support agencies in the implementation of human rights protection, promotion and respect such as the, Department of Justice (DOJ), Department of th Interior and Local Government (DILG), Local Government Units (LGUs), Philippine National Police (PNP), Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), Non-Governmentl Organizations (NGOs) were also assessed. Problems encountered in the implementation of human rights protection, promotion and respect were also identified. The policy implications were drawn from the result of the study. The study was a qualitative research which used the phenomenological method which studies experiences of the residents. The researcher finds this method appropriate in describing the situation of human rights in the province of Maguindanao. The information was taken through interview of the key informants, observation and documents analysis. The study found out and concluded that the protection, promotion and respect for human right in the Municipality of Datu Odin Sinsuat, Maguindanao is high as manifested by immediate response of CHR and NGOs whenever there were incidents of violations and less occurrence of human rights violations. There were large numbers of human rights violations in the Municipalities of Talitay. Talayan and Guindulungan during the height of armed confrontations between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in 2008. However, these violations trimmed down due to the existing peace truce between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The government agencies and non-governmental organizations had given their roles in the protection, promotion and respect for human rights of the residents of the Municipalities of Datu Odin Sinsuat, Talayan, Talitay and Guindulungan. The CHR and the partner agencies encountered problems on financial constraints and facilities in the implementation of their mandates as well as awareness and willingness of residents or victims to stand up their right.

ISIS Defeat In The Middle East: It's Impact On The Increase Of ISIS Power In The Southeast Asia (Case Study: The Increasing Number Of ISIS Member In Indonesia)

This study intended to discover on the increase of number of Islamic States and Syria (ISIS) member in Indonesia. Post ISIS defeat their existence in Middle East, it caused ISIS tried to expand their influenced and began to build other region, such as Southeast Asia as their base of struggle. This article has focused on how to impact the increasing of ISIS in the Philippines to Indonesia, especially is Marawi. We analyzed from border aspect because Marawi is the nearest border with Indonesia’s territory. The existence of ISIS in Indonesia was also inseparable from the strengthening of ISIS in Marawi, Southern Philippines. ISIS in Marawi is challenging to be paralyzed by the Philippine Government. Although President Duterte is going to crush ISIS in Philippine within a year, if Philippines prefer to fight ISIS by itself, without cooperation with another state in South East Asia region, it may lack on the probability of the mission tend to gain success. In fact, ISIS Philippines as a part of a group of which afiliated with the MNLF Movement (Moro National Liberation Front), MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front) and Abu Sayyaf. They have bailed out at ISIS after the MNLF made several deals with the government and the Abu Sayyaf suffered a lot. There are some subsections in this paper, first, analyze on ISIS and factors caused the increase the number of ISIS member in Indonesia. Second, in regards the territorial border among Indonesia, Philippines, and Malaysia, we applied terms of cooperative security, to analyze to what extent this states could improve their strategy for strengthening border security to avoid ISIS spread their power in this territory.

Bringing Grievances Back In

Over the past 10 to 15 years a pertinent critique has been formulated against the dominant framing of violent conflict in Muslim Mindanao as a mere struggle for autonomy or independence by a Muslim minority against the Philippine nation-state. This critique demonstrates how a wide range of coercive organizations compete over gaining access to rents, and how this competition is the main source of violent incidents. Furthermore, it is discussed how this violent competition over rent access has a clear subnational, intra-Muslim character. This article argues that, despite its obvious merits, this literature has come to overestimate the greed-related features of contemporary conflict in Muslim Mindanao and the coercive qualities in the build-up of political authority in the region. As an alternative, we wish to bring grievances and ideology back in, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of conflict and politics in the region. This will be done by illustrating how the spread of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front ( MILF ) as a legitimate and morally just alternative against injustices and inequalities within Muslim society has been crucial to the organization’s extraordinary growth in recent decades.

Exemplars in the coverage of theBangsamoroframework agreement: using computational tools to compare Qatari and Philippine news framing

On 7 October 2012, the Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front agreed to the framework of a peace deal (signed on 15 October 2012) with the aim to pave the way for enduring peac...

Transmedia mobilization: Agency and literacy in minority productions in the age of spreadable media

ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the transmedia strategies of three ethnic minority activist organizations in the Philippines: Cordillera Peoples Alliance, Tebtebba, and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The fieldwork entailed interviews with leaders of these organizations and their media teams, scholars who study these movements, and social commentators. The analysis shows the complexities of identity construction in the age of spreadable media and the importance of transmedia literacy for activists who have to navigate these complexities to effectively advance their cause.

The Philippines in 2015: the calm before the political storm

AbstractThe year started auspiciously with the successful visit of Pope Francis in Manila. Unfortunately, the afterglow of the event was overshadowed by the tragic death of 44 members of the Special Action Forces (SAF), 18 members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), and five civilians in a botched operation to capture Indonesian terrorist Marwan in Mamasapano, Mindanao. The major political fallout from the tragedy was the breakdown of the peace negotiations with the MILF. The administration was also beleaguered by accusations of incompetence in connection with the monstrous traffic crisis in Metro Manila, extortion rackets at the airport, and the mismanagement of LRT and MRT railway systems. Nonetheless, it demonstrated decisiveness in pursuing an arbitral case against China at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Despite overseeing a succession of impressive economic growth, the legacy of the Aquino administration and the victory of its anointed ...

Causal Factors for Conducting Peaceful Settlement between GRP an MILF on Ancestral Domain Aspect 2008

This article tries to analyze the dynamic of negotiation processes between Government of Republic of Philippines (GRP) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) since 2001 until 2008. It will concern in the negotiation process toward the ancestral domain aspect as the last three major aspects of the Tripoli Agreement on Peace 2001 using literature studies. According to the ripeness theory (Zartman and Faure, 2005), GRP and MILF has been conducting negotiation for 2008 because both conflicting parties have realized the two situations of the Mutually Hurting Stalemate and Mutually Enticing Opportunity. Both conflicting parties has shared the bad experience toward military fighting of Mindanao conflict and realize that by conducting a negotiation they can has expectation on the certain goals for the future. They try to avoid catastrophe situation and gain several benefit from local and international support in the term of politics, social and economic sphere.

Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to highlight the structural features that are proving central to the stability of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and those features that were detrimental to its predecessors.Design/methodology/approach– This paper adopts a legalization framework derived from the model presented by Abbottet al.The simplicity of Abbottet al.’s theory allows for variation in the agreements’ text to be easily measured and compared. The inherent advantages of this model offset the difficulties in characterizing peace agreements under traditional legal methodologies, and reiterate the importance of legalized agreements in a conflict resolution context.Findings– This paper finds that a more highly legalized approach to peace-making has resulted in greater agreement stability in the Philippines. More precise in detail and inclusive in scope, the legal nature of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement has made it more responsive to the root causes of the conflict, and resilient to incidents that threatened to derail the peace process.Practical implications– This case study bears valuable lessons for conflict zones the world over, particularly the troubled negotiations on Syria, and the crisis in Ukraine. The study: lends tentative support to Gopalan’s claim that agreements that exemplify hard legalization are much more sustainable in the long run; stresses the advantages of inclusivity in agreement sustainability and stability; reiterates the importance of addressing the key issues relevant to the conflict if the process is to be sustainable, and; notes the limitations of the legalization framework, but presents the Philippine example as a blueprint for addressing various aspects of the Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts.Originality/value– This is the first peer-reviewed analysis to explore the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement as a highly legalized conflict resolution instrument, and an adaptable template for peace agreement design generally.

The Bangsamoro Basic Law: Awareness and support among the Basilan Ethnic and Non-Ethnic Youths

The Philippine government (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro, which culminates the Aquino Administration’s effort to end the deadlock in the peace process in Mindanao. It would pave the way for the creation of the new Muslim autonomous political entity (NPE) called “Bangsamoro” under law to be approved by the Philippine Congress, which was the proposed ‘Bangsamoro Basic Law’ or BBL (Bangkok Post, 2014). This study is a descriptive - correlation – regression analysis of the awareness and support of the Ethnic and Non-Ethnic Youths in Basilan, Philippines on the Bangsamoro Basic Law. The findings and conclusions were: (1) The Basilan ethnic youths (Yakan and Tausug) were moderately aware of the provisions of the BBL, while the Basilan non-ethnic youths (Chavacano and Visayan) are barely aware of the provisions of the BBL; (2) The ethnic youths moderately support the passage of the BBL while the non-ethnic youths least support its passage; (3) There is a significant relationship between the youths’ level of awareness and extent of support for the BBL; and (4) The levels of support for the BBL of the Basilan youths are dependent on their ethnic and non-ethnic affiliation.

From Rebels to Rulers: The Challenges of Transition for Non-state Armed Groups in Mindanao and Myanmar

ABSTRACTThis article presents a critical comparison of the ongoing peace processes in the southern Philippines and Myanmar (Burma). It does so by examining two key armed groups: the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on Mindanao, and the Karen National Union (KNU) in Myanmar. We identify common elements that help to explain the relative – albeit incomplete – success of these two groups in navigating their respective peace processes. The MILF and KNU are ethnonationalist armed groups struggling for self-determination against states that are experienced by ethnic minority communities as culturally alien, and economically and politically dominant. Both conflict actors are characterized by complex combinations of “greed” and “grievance” factors but nevertheless enjoy significant (albeit contested) political legitimacy among the communities they seek to represent. We explore the complex relationships between armed ethnic groups, conflict-affected communities, and civil society actors. We argue that engagement with civil society is a key element of success in the Mindanao peace process, which could be replicated in Myanmar. We examine the roles and changing nature of the state in the Philippines and Myanmar, and contrast the degrees of international involvement, as key variables in these peace processes. We observe that negotiations of comprehensive peace settlements are threatened by “the tyranny of elections” in Myanmar (2015) and the Philippines (2016), and observe the importance of including national parliaments in peace processes in a timely manner. The peace process between Manila and the MILF represents a rare example of a Muslim minority pursuing its political objectives through structured dialogue. The article focuses on the challenges faced by armed groups moving from insurgency to reinvent themselves as credible political actors and governance authorities. Our analysis draws on peace-building literature, specifically the phenomenon of “rebel governance.”

Mindanao: Nationalism, Jihadism and Frustrated Peace

This article examines why the decades-old Moro insurgency in Mindanao, southern Philippines, has remained difficult to resolve, and how recent international developments, such as the jihadization of once secular ethno-nationalist movements and the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), have influenced it. The author argues that jihadism made significant inroads in the Moro nationalist struggle already in the 1990s, way before 9/11, and that since 2007, a more moderate Islamism has gained ascendancy. He argues further that the Moro insurgency has remained intractable because of grave errors committed by the Arroyo and Aquino administrations; recurrent outbursts of anti-Moro hysteria incited by demagogic politicians; and a continuing weak third-party role in the Mindanao peace process. He warns that the apparent collapse of the most recent peace pact between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) poses the danger of the possible rise of new ISIS-linked jihadist groups.

Judicial Review of Peace Initiatives

Author(s): Gatmaytan, Dante | Abstract: In Province of North Cotabato v. Government of the Republic of the Philippines Peace Panel on Ancestral Domain, the Supreme Court of the Philippines struck down a preliminary document that identified guideposts for future peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Separatists’ aspirations are unlikely to be embodied in existing Constitutions, since it is precisely because their aspirations are inconsistent with those of the majority that they are fighting against the State. As a result, peace agreements stretch Constitutions to make room for these aspirations. But when judicial review is invoked to check these agreements, peace agreements risk being declared unconstitutional. Few peace agreements then can survive judicial scrutiny because judicial review enforces the status quo, therefore judicial review makes attaining peace difficult or impossible.To avoid a legal dead end, I propose an approach to the review of peace agreements. We presume that they are valid and look beyond the provisions relating to the creation of autonomous regions. We should look to other constitutional values and judicial review should be undertaken with a view to ensuring that the goals of peace and tolerance are achieved. This approach skews the review process and places an extraordinary burden on those challenging the peace instrument as unconstitutional.This Paper was originally delivered at the 6th Asian Constitutional Law Forum with the theme “Constitutionalism in the Courts: Judicial Review and the Separation of Powers in Asia,” held at the National University of Singapore on December 10–11, 2015.

Collaboration or obstruction? Rebel group behavior during natural disaster relief in the Philippines

Under what conditions do rebel groups collaborate with the government in disaster relief operations? Despite the fact that many natural disasters occur in armed conflict contexts, little is known about the impact of conflict actors on natural disaster relief efforts. Affected by the same typhoon, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the New People's Army (NPA) behaved differently in the aftermath of the natural disaster. While the MILF collaborated with the government in relief efforts, the NPA did not. This article explains this variation by arguing that the level of hostility between the rebel group and the state in the pre-disaster period as well as the type of social contract that exists between the rebels and the local population shape collaboration during natural disaster relief efforts. The theoretical argument is explored through a comparative case study between these two rebel groups in the aftermath of a devastating typhoon in the Philippines in 2012.

Conflict Dynamics and Transformations in Southeast Asia

The present ASEAS issue features a focus on 'Conflict Dynamics and Trans- formations in Southeast Asia'. It brings together topical works of researchers from various academic fields that offer a comprehensive perspective on current developments in some of the region's political, social, and environmental con- flicts as well as on approaches to their management and resolution. The con- tributions include case studies from Indonesia, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Thailand, as well as analyses of the status and prospects of regional security co- operation within the framework of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).The complex and interdependent nature of conflicts makes it inevitable to study their causes and potential solutions through approaches that transcend the borders of classical academic disciplines. In his comprehensive monograph Peace by Peaceful Means, Johan Galtung (1996), the 'father' of peace research, reminds us just how challenging and intellectually demanding peace research is. He argues that this is owed to the many spaces in which peace and conflict researchers have to search for causes, conditions, and contexts in order to un- derstand their subject of study (Galtung, 1996, p. 1). Thus, the multi- and inter- disciplinary character of area studies - here, Southeast Asian Studies - provides a suitable framework for deciphering the multilayered trajectories of conflicts, which, after all, might contribute to their peaceful transformation.Despite its political, religious, and ethnic diversity, Southeast Asia is by no means more prone to inter- or intrastate conflicts than other regions of the world. On the contrary, especially with regard to interstate conflicts, the mem- ber states of ASEAN rightfully claim that the norm of non-interference in do- mestic issues and consensus diplomacy has largely spared the region the terrors of interstate armed conflict. Yet, the postcolonial states of Southeast Asia are still the arena of a significant number of domestic armed conflicts in which resis- tance and liberation movements (Dudouet, 2009) are challenging the respective nation states by striving for greater self-determination or even secession, with all the tragic consequences.On the other hand, during the last decade, Southeast Asian governments have gradually moved away from military conflict resolution approaches. It ap- pears that the mode of procedural conflict resolution (Elwert, 2004) through legitimate institutions is becoming the dominant norm in managing domestic violent conflict. Timo Kivimaki (2012, pp. 419-420), for example, shows that battle deaths related to violent conflicts in Southeast Asia have significantly de- clined since the mid-2000s. Indeed, since the formation of Southeast Asia's post- colonial states following the end of the Second World War, the region has never been as peaceful as it is today (Vatikiotis, 2009, p. 28). Recent successful conflict mediation processes underline this trend, for example, that between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia in 2005 and the comprehensive peace accord be- tween the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Government of the Philip- pines in the southern Philippines in March 2014.This issue begins with a regional macro-perspective, proceeds to a comparative national perspective, and finally offers thickly described empirical case studies at the micro-level. In the first two articles, the authors address one of the most hotly debated issues with regard to the increasingly integrating ASEAN: regional secu- rity cooperation. Henning Borchers ponders the possibility of the development of an ASEAN peacekeeping force despite member states' reluctance towards a regional conflict resolution mechanism, as this could challenge ASEAN's constitutive norm of non-interference in domestic politics of its member states. Borchers argues that the progress in institutionalizing regional cooperation regarding 'soft' security issues - such as environmental challenges - stands to facilitate a slow deepening of 'hard' security cooperation at the ASEAN level, which can deepen political trust among member states. …

The Impact of Militancy on Liberation Movement: The Case of Mindanao

The conflict in the southern Philippines is regarded by many as one of the longest internal conflicts in the world. Beginning from the 16th century when Spanish colonial domination commenced, the conflict had persisted for five centuries. Recently, however, there are positive signs that this conflict will come to an end. On October 15, 2012, the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the historic Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) in order to finally put an end to the decades-long conflict. Under the FAB, the Bangsamoro people will have a new political autonomy that will be called “Bangsamoro Government.” This will replace the existing autonomy in Mindanao, the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Malaysia, the third-party facilitator for more than a decade, played a significant role in the making of this landmark agreement. The research presented here has been undertaken with the objective of exploring various approaches in search for a lasting peace in Mindanao. It examines the impact of militancy in the quest for peace, starting from the Spanish era until the current administration. This research revisits how the Moros resisted the Spaniards and Americans during the colonial era, and the Philippine forces after independence. Although there were efforts by previous administrations to solve the conflict, they did not achieve lasting peace because the root causes of the conflict were not properly addressed. The researcher employed a document-based study and a historical-analytical method because the conflict is very much anchored in its history. Without this, readers could not understand the root causes of the problem and the historical development of the inclusion of Mindanao into the Philippines. The data for this study are collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, articles, journals, newspapers, government reports, non-governmental organisations’ reports, policy statements, press releases, and signed-agreements.

The Impact of Militancy on Liberation Movements : The Case of Mindanao

The conflict in the southern Philippines is regarded by many as one of the longest internal conflicts in the world. Beginning from the 16 th century when Spanish colonial domination commenced, the conflict had persisted for five centuries. Recently, however, there are positive signs that this conflict will come to an end. On October 15, 2012, the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the historic Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) in order to finally put an end to the decades-long conflict. Under the FAB, the Bangsamoro people will have a new political autonomy that will be called “Bangsamoro Government.” This will replace the existing autonomy in Mindanao, the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Malaysia, the third-party facilitator for more than a decade, played a significant role in the making of this landmark agreement. The research presented here has been undertaken with the objective of exploring various approaches in search for a lasting peace in Mindanao. It examines the impact of militancy in the quest for peace, starting from the Spanish era until the current administration. This research revisits how the Moros resisted the Spaniards and Americans during the colonial era, and the Philippine forces after independence. Although there were efforts by previous administrations to solve the conflict, they did not achieve lasting peace because the root causes of the conflict were not properly addressed. The researcher employed a document-based study and a historical-analytical method because the conflict is very much anchored in its history. Without this, readers could not understand the root causes of the problem and the historical development of the inclusion of Mindanao into the Philippines. The data for this study are collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, articles, journals, newspapers, government reports, non-governmental organisations’ reports, policy statements, press releases, and signed-agreements. Keywords : Agreement, ARMM, Bangsamoro, FAB, Framework, Liberation, Militancy, Mindanao, and Moro

The Southern Philippines in 2013: One Step Forward, One Step Back

The peace process in the southern Philippines is making progress after a banner year in 2012, in which the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the government signed a peace pact a decade-and-a-half in the making. Known as the framework agreement, it will grant real autonomy to Muslim-majority Mindanao and the adjacent Sulu archipelago, and put the MILF in charge of a new region, the Bangsamoro, for an interim period. President Benigno Aquino III has set the stage for the MILF’s transformation from an antagonist of the Philippine state into a mainstream political actor. In 2013, the MILF and the government slogged through yet more negotiations necessary to flesh out further details of the framework agreement. But the real drama lay elsewhere. Into the limelight stepped a descendant of the sultan of Sulu whose followers invaded eastern Malaysia with tragic consequences in February and March; an alleged new terrorist alliance whom the government blamed for a sharp uptick in violence in central Mindanao in July and August; and a faction of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), the MILF’s predecessor, which fought a weeks-long battle with the military in September. When the discontents and opportunists circling the peace process acted provocatively, the MILF and the government found themselves working together to shield the framework agreement from the fallout. Through these incidents, this chapter examines the moderating effect of the peace process on the MILF, and the potential implications for the southern Philippines in the years ahead.