Monarchical Institutions Research Articles

Беспощадная непреложность рецепции: был ли заимствован институт президентства в России?

The article raises the problem of reception of the presidency institution in Russia. The author addresses the problems of borrowing of legal institutions and the institutional theory that stipulates rather strict conditions for borrowing of any institutions. Ignoring such conditions (e.g., clear choice of the institution to be borrowed, creation of institutional conditions, strategy, accounting for the cultural factor, etc.) means that the borrowed institution will be dysfunctional or will negatively affect all other institutions. The author uses files of the Constitutional Conference of 1993 to illustrate the initial problems of borrowing of the presidency institution. Justifying the role of the president in the system of separation of powers, the participants of the Constitutional Conference addressed the monarchical culture and Russian traditions ignoring a number of important institutional arguments. Later on, an institutionally strong president has been able to overcome one of the most important characteristics of presidency that distinguishes it from the monarchical institution, which is limitation of the term of office (cadence). The author concludes that overcoming of such important institutional characteristics (fundamentals of presidency) and subsequent concentration of power by the president are the result of mistakes made at borrowing.

Crippled Giant: Institution Crisis of Monarchy since

All human institutions are dynamic. Traditional institutions emerged because of man's need for them, and they change because of various factors. However, monarchical institutions are known to be conservative, culture bound and consistently consistent. Notwithstanding, this giant had faced a lot of crisis and had been crippled over the years in Nigeria through the imposition of the British Colonial rule and post –Independence political developments. In contemporary times, they have been battered, hurt and brutalized by modern political leaders who have seen the monarchical institution as a rival and as an obstacle to their hopes or as instrument to be used and chosen to accomplish their aims. To this extent, little is known historically on the event of change and continuity in the traditional powers and functions of the monarchical institutions. The paper highlights the functions and powers of the monarchy in the society before and during the colonial rule. It also examines their place during the military interregnum and in the current political dispensation. The authors insist with all sense of responsibility, that, monarchical institution has a pivotal role as a link between modern government and local communities, thereby providing a feedback channel through which community needs and aspirations are felt, assessed and addressed. However, what should be done constitutionally is to accept the traditional rulers as purveyors and upholders of traditions, while curtailing and limiting their powers so that they do not clash with executive authorities.

Deities as the third arm of traditional Igbo government

Igbo studies, especially on political organisations, have enjoyed robust scholarly attention in historical discourse in recent times. The Igbo, unlike their immediate neighbours such as Benin (Edo) and the Igala, ran two parallel systems of government in the pre-colonial period. While some practised a centralised system of government, a reasonable number of Igbo communities contended with decentralised systems. Some reasons for the reign of peace and harmony amongst the Igbo have remained largely uninvestigated and unappreciated. The role of deities as the judicial arm of government in the defence and execution of the law in Igboland has been sketchy in the literature. This extant gap appears to have been ignored by most Igbo scholars who, having been trained in mission schools, have negatively profiled deities and their roles in the traditional Igbo political system. This Eurocentric view calls for a re-interpretation so as to broaden the frontiers of knowledge of this religio-political institution and its role in justice delivery among the Igbo in the decentralized group. This study, therefore, investigates the role of deities in the sustenance of village democracy and autonomy in Igboland. Data garnered from the above sources were organised, analysed and presented through descriptive and analytical approach. This study stirs up deeper insight into this more or less dormant area of Igbo history and also arouses scholarly attention thereto. The study found that deities in non-centralised Igbo communities substituted monarchical institutions and thus brought spiritual dimensions into the Igbo system of governance.

IL GRUPPO EQUESTRE DI OLDRADO DA TRESSENO NEL BROLETTO DI MILANO

equestrian statue depicting Oldrado da Tresseno (1233), ostentatiously placed in a niche in the centre of the southern façade of the 13th-century Palazzo della Ragione in the Broletto in Milan, represents one of the first large equestrian monuments of the mediaeval age and an early inspiration to those of Antiquity. Described and commented on, as early as the 14th century (Galvano Fiamma), as a self-celebratory portrait by a podestà, the relief, as widely acknowledged by critics, especially in the 20th century, undoubtedly presents stylistic features ascribable to the Antelami workshop and indeed at times attributed directly to Benedetto Antelami. This study proposes, also following other interventions by the author, the attribution to a sculptor who worked with Antelami in Parma, and who executed some works at the Cathedral of Reggio Emilia, the Cathedral of Fidenza and the Church of St. Andrew in Vercelli. Having confirmed the stylistic characteristics of the staute and briefly examined the historical figure of Oldrado, this essay intends to indicate, also in the light of the inscription engraved under the aedicule that hosts it, how the real reasons for the creation of this sculptural monument do not lie in the desire for self-assertion of the person depicted, but in the symbolic representation of the role and functions of the foreign official whose task it is to govern the city annually, and in particular the administration of justice. In this, the monument constitutes the figurative counterpart of the theoretical reflection that constituted the subject matter of a wide range of treatises produced around the first half of the 13th century on the subject of city government. The theory of the transposition of imperial prerogatives into the figure of the podestà, especially in matters of justice, finds its place in this doctrinaire strand. Hence the reference to the monarchical institution that must find expression in the conduct of the actions and lifestyle of the podestà and even in the municipal palace, likened to a palace, in the same terms used in the inscription under the statue of Oldrado to describe the Town Hall. The doctrinal literature, as well as part of the inscription itself, also refer to legal terms derived from Roman sources of law. All this clarifies the significance of the presence in the aedicule of the large painted eagle above the equestrian statue, symbolising superior imperial power. This element too, in addition to those mentioned, thus contributes to the recognition of the references to equestrian statuary of Antiquity (the Marcus Aurelius in Rome and the 'Regisole' in Pavia) from which Oldrado’s monument is partly inspired. Finally, the analysis was extended to the numerous traces of polychromy that have been brought to light by the recent restorations to the entire complex, and which make it possible to reconstruct the probable original layout of the sculpted relief, in which the sumptuous robes of the podestà, not of a military nature, reinforce the reference to royalty. Finally, close examination of the sculpture has allowed us to confirm that the podestà originally held an object in his right hand, probably a sword, as a symbol of Justice.

‘If You Move in the Same Circles as the Royals, then You’ll Get Stories About Them’: Royal Correspondents, Cultural Intermediaries and Class

This article analyses the cultural politics of the Royal Correspondent: journalists who specialise in reporting news on the British royal family. It draws on in-depth interviews with Royal Correspondents and a broader understanding of royal news production, to position Royal Correspondents as cultural intermediaries. Pierre Bourdieu described cultural intermediaries as ‘taste-makers’ with influence over the construction of, and responses to, forms of culture (1984). This cultural intermediary role is significantly classed, where it is Royal Correspondents who demonstrate the appropriate ‘capital’ (Bourdieu, 1984) who get access to the most exclusive stories. The research finds that, because of the general secrecy around royal news, Royal Correspondents rely heavily upon elite networks and contacts, a practice that produces ‘homophilic’ (Fincham, 2019) tendencies in reporting as well as a hierarchical and nepotistic structure based around those with the most exclusive access. This creates intersectional classed inequalities between those Royal Correspondents who have elite contacts and work for elite institutions, and those who do not. Such exceptionality in access to royal news means that Royal Correspondents are not necessarily disturbing the ideological bases of monarchical power. Rather, they function in service of reproducing the classed power of the monarchical institution.

On the Issue of Bulgarian Public Holidays

The festive calendar is a reflection of the understandings, values and history of a people and country, a sign to the next generations about the difficulties and victories of the past, an example of what they should value, what they should not forget and what they should learn from. Until the establishment of the Third Bulgarian State, the holiday calendar of the Bulgarian society consisted primarily of religious and traditional holidays, which were preserved as a main component of the holiday calendar even after the Liberation. To them are added holidays related to the monarchical institution, as well as important historical events for the Bulgarian people. Generally, public holidays are the designated important dates and non-working days in our annual national calendar, and the national holiday should be the most important day among them. Such an occasion is undoubtedly the adoption of the first democratic Bulgarian Constitution on April 16, 1879, which should not just be a day in Bulgarian history, but a national holiday of the Bulgarian state. If we respect the Bulgarian institutions, statehood and independence, we must give due importance and respect to this date.

‘Leaders, not Lords’: Führertum, Democracy and Nazism in the Weimar Republic

Abstract This article examines the use of the concept of Führertum (leadership) in Weimar Germany. From a historical perspective, scholars tend to analyse the discourse on leadership through the lens of Nazi dictatorship. Yet the picture changes if we take the end of the old monarchy as the starting point. In particular, this article analyses how democrats and liberals developed their own ideas on Führertum. It argues that this concept was in vogue in Weimar because it signified a deviation from the hierarchical order of the traditional Obrigkeit and the established societal authorities of monarchical institutions. A leader had no subjects, only voluntary supporters. In this sense, ‘leadership’ seemed to correspond to popular sovereignty and had populist, even democratic, connotations. This article draws on publications of both well-known political theorists and amateur authors such as high school teachers and civil servants. In Weimar, the term Führertum was used by a variety of political groups and led in multiple ideological directions. Simultaneously, this political contingency facilitated political communication between Nazis and democrats. I argue that seemingly participatory and ‘democratic’ definitions of leadership eventually invited democrats to take part in the ‘national community’ of Nazi Germany. Specifically, this article shows how authors of interwar media believed they were rediscovering democratic ideas in the Nazi Party and how their understanding of democracy influenced their reactions to constitutional changes such as the Enabling Act of 1933. Paradoxical as it may be, discourse on leadership allowed many democrats to identify with Nazi ideology.

An antidote to anarchy? Images of monarchy in Greece in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries

Since Roman times the representation of monarchy as an antidote to anarchy was a strong form of legitimization for the monarchical institution. In modern Greece, this formula dates back to 1821. The Greek Revolution and its republican constitutions were identified by European statesmen with anarchy and demagogy. Thus, a foreign monarch, alien to Greece's internal factions, was deemed the ideal remedy for internecine strife, and the best guarantor of internal unity as well as stability in the Near East. This image of monarchy proved its usefulness again during the First World War, when a controversy between the premier Eleftherios Venizelos and King Constantine over foreign policy and constitutional issues led to the National Schism (1915–17).

Monarchy is a feminist issue: Andrew, Meghan and #MeToo era monarchy

For a brief period, discourses of feminism were brought into discussions of the British royal family through the figure of Meghan Markle. Such a conjuncture demands a closer look at the monarchy's relationship to feminism. This article considers the figure of a ‘feminist princess’ in the context of an inherently antifeminist institution and alongside the deeply antifeminist figure of the ‘wayward prince’ - both specifically in the case of sexual abuse accusations against Prince Andrew, and historically in mythic stock representations from history and folklore. In so doing, we reveal the limits to the feminist discourses possible ‘from within’ the monarchical institution. We argue that monarchy relies upon interwoven structures of colonialism, capitalism, patriarchy, and racism, and as such is incompatible with feminism's work towards dismantling intersecting systems of oppression. No amount of royal campaigns for ‘women's issues’ can elide the fact that the very existence of the monarchy is a feminist issue.

Crafting a ‘liberal monarchy’: regime consolidation and immigration policy reform in Morocco

ABSTRACT This paper demonstrates that Moroccan immigration policymaking is intrinsically tied to the monarchy’s authoritarian consolidation agenda. Drawing on archival research and 87 semi-structured interviews conducted between 2011 and 2017 with Moroccan high-level civil servants, international and national civil society representatives, the paper dissects power dynamics among state and societal actors involved in Morocco’s 2013 immigration reform. The analysis shows that immigration policy liberalisation not only emerged out of Morocco’s autocratic political structures – a dynamic I call the ‘illiberal paradox’ – but at the same time consolidated them. In particular, the Moroccan monarchy used the 2013 ‘liberal’ immigration reform to pursue three interrelated goals: (1) to perform Morocco’s human rights commitment on the world stage and the regime’s responsiveness to domestic pressure for political reform, (2) to consolidate the monarchical institution within Morocco’s state apparatus and (3) to (at least partially) co-opt Moroccan civil society for humanitarian migration management, thereby silencing dissent in other arenas. At the same time, however, the analysis reveals that the regime consolidation strategy and the King’s portrayal as a ‘liberal’ monarch did not cancel out deeply rooted dynamics among and between state and civil society actors, which required both sides to adapt their cooperation or resistance strategies. Ultimately, the paper showcases that immigration politics reflect the power dynamics within and the legitimation strategies of the Moroccan monarchy. Immigration policy research thus offers a privileged vantage point from which to analyse broader political regime dynamics.

The Mixed Constitution in Plato’s Laws

ABSTRACT In Plato's Laws, the Athenian Visitor says that the best constitution is a mixture of monarchy and democracy. This is the theoretical basis for the institutions of Magnesia, and it helps the citizens to become virtuous. But what is meant by ‘monarchy’ and ‘democracy’, and how are they mixed? I argue that the fundamental relations in Plato's discussion of constitutions are those of authority (represented by monarchical institutions) and equality (represented by democratic institutions). These principles are centrally about the extent to which citizens submit to the judgment of an authority and the extent to which they decide for themselves respectively—the extent to which they are ruled by themselves or ruled by another. The institutions of Magnesia reflect these principles in practice and provide a more nuanced way to understand Plato’s assessment of democratic institutions.

Russia, China, and the universalism of modernity: the “Account of the Reforms of Peter the Great” by Kang Youwei

ABSTRACT This paper analyzes a short essay by Kang Youwei (1858–1927) – one of the intellectual and political protagonists of late imperial and early Republican China. In it, he interpreted the historical experience of Russian modernization under Peter the Great (1672–1725) and used it as a “success story” for the renewal of Chinese monarchical institutions. It was written in 1898 and presented to the Manchu throne under the title “Account of the Reforms of Peter the Great”, and for our purposes will be the departing point for a “global intellectual circuit” through which the following questions will be addressed: Why was seventeenth and eighteenth century Russia considered as a model for China by the author? How did he manage to adapt the historical experience of Russia into a social and political conceptual framework for China? What was Kang’s historiographical method, and what kind of philosophy of history framed his reflections? What does this short essay tell us about Kang’s view on “Westernization”, on the concept of “modernity” itself, and on its use for historiographical purposes?

English

The noticeable degree of Benin and Ife influence on Ondo has not obliterated the Oyo factor as a strong force in the history of Ondo, especially its traditions of origin. This paper focuses on Oyo-Ondo connections as a study in pristine inter-group relations. It argues that although Oyo is situated in the savanna region of Yorubaland, while Ondo is placed in the forest region, certain traits offer strong proof that Ondo enjoyed close cordial relationship with Oyo and this must have accounted for the relative peace which Ondo enjoyed before and during the protracted internecine wars in Yorubaland. In fact, no oral and documentary evidence lends credence to the likelihood of Ondo being dominated by Oyo before the advent of colonial rule or even thereafter. The Osemawe monarchical institution, which was established through the enthronement of Pupupu in 1516AD, was said to have emanated from Alaafin Oluaso, one of the pristine rulers of Oyo. His twins and the support group, who wandered through many adverse situations and tortuous terrain, had precipitated the coming of what came to be known as the Ondo group into Ondo land with concomitant vestiges of Oyo traditions. This is evident in the structure of the intricate Ondo political system with its network of chieftaincy titles, the drums and drumming patterns, traditional attire and costumes as well as in tribal marks of which two are visible in the face while fourteen are hidden in other parts of the body. This study relies on oral interviews, Archival documents and relevant secondary materials. Key words: Oyo tradition, Osemawe monarchical institutions, pristine, Yorubaland, chieftaincy titles, inter-group relations.

Монархическая система власти в современном мире и ее особенности

The form of government of any state is directly de-termined by the essence of the state and the form of organizing the state power, its internal circumstanc-es. Under a monarchical government, the head of the state is always the monarch. And the form of the monarchy is completely irrelevant whether it is abso-lute or constitutional (limited). Monarchy is charac-terized, first of all, by monocracy, i.e. belonging of state power to the single person – the monarch, and hereditary way of transferring power from one mon-arch to another. At the same time, it should be noted that the monarchical institutions have undergone a long political evolution and serious modernization resulting in later modifications. The main purpose of our study is to identify the main features of present-day monarchies which in large part distinguish them from historical prototypes.

On the relevance or irrelevance of political parties in Morocco

ABSTRACT In the everyday life of Moroccans and at a very symbolic level, each time that the monarch engages in different activities related to various socio-economic fields within the country or in relations to international relations, television viewers are reminded of the centrality of the monarchy in the Moroccan political scene, and of the relative irrelevance of other political actors as well as the weakness of the members of government in strategic matters. During the recent ‘blocage’ that Abdelilah Benkirane was faced with as he was attempting to constitute of the government following the 2016 elections, the activities and travels of the monarch were regularly and widely reported on television and radio. This reporting clearly and symbolically reinforces in the minds of people the importance and dominance of the monarchical institution and hence minimizes the weight and significance of other political actors and the multiplicity of parties that garnish the Moroccan political scene. This article deals with the ‘relevance’ and ‘irrelevance’ of the Moroccan political parties in the context of what I call the Moroccan ‘political theatre’. I argue that the parties are both irrelevant as far political power is concerned but they are simultaneously relevant in terms of sustaining the nature of the political regime in Morocco.

Um MOOC no século XVIII! Um lugar real como plano de estudos para ensinar onde o professor não está presente

Os MOOCs (Massive Open Online Courses) estão invadindo o planeta. Portanto, os dispositivos monumentais que ocupam o centro de muitas cidades europeias, por que não considerá-los como planos de estudos (Rationes studiorum) em três dimensões atuando como pioneiros MOOCs ? Dispositivos ensinando ou prescrevendo os valores modernos da instituição monárquica, como as catedrais transmitiram aos analfabetos os valores da sociedade medieval. Dispositivos "abertos", disponíveis para todos, tão "massivos" - um equivalente da função online - e cujo mestre não está presente, de acordo com a definição de um MOOC ! Tomo um caso, o da Place royale de Montpellier, a uma boa distância do "mestre ausente": o rei senta em Versalhes, dias e dias de grands chemins ! A cidade tem um complexo monumental projetado para edificar os habitantes do Sul para os benefícios da monarquia, com o objetivo ou a esperança de moldá-los em sua condição de súditos. Um caso emblemático suficiente, também, a reificar contexto dos modelos mais prestigiados tais grandes eixos triunfais de Berlim ou Londres centros, por exemplo, tendo um em Paris como arquétipo.

The Court of the Grand Prince of Muscovy and the Court of France in the 14th–16th Centuries: Comparing the Incomparable? (Государев двор России и королевский двор Франции в XIV–XVI вв.

This study compares the organization, function, and personnel of the royal courts in Muscovy and France in the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries, a period vital to the consolidation of monarchical power in both states. The article traces the rise and parallel development of the ruler’s court in Muscovy and France, and makes the case for significant similarities between the two. In both, membership in the court elite was rooted in similar social and political structures (in Muscovy, membership in the elite was rooted in birth and longtime service to the ruler, while in France it was rooted in birth and proximity to the king), and both courts were positioned in similar ways at the center of politics and religious culture. The similarities between Muscovy and France become especially apparent during the reigns of Ivan IV and Henry III, when both monarchs instituted reforms aimed at strengthening central monarchical power and institutions, and when the rulers were confronting significant centrifugal pressures among the nobility and regional elites. The article argues that the court of the Grand Prince of Muscovy in the second half of fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth centuries was in function, structure, and ritual form very close to that of many other Renaissance courts of Europe, particularly to that of France.

THE ISSUE OF SOVEREIGN POWER IN HENRY V AND KING LEAR

Shakespeare was quite conscious of the working of power “apparatus” due to his presence in Queen Elizabeth’s court and being aware of power relations and constant struggles in it, and he drew on that awareness to give life to the characters portrayed in his drama, namely the two plays discussed here, Henry V and King Lear. To elaborate on his depiction of power relations in those plays, I would resort to Foucault’s theory of power, especially his ideas about “sovereign” power. He contends that sovereignty was issued from the top of a hierarchical pyramid set up by the “monarchical institution” that was founded on the possession of a great amount of land and the assumption of the divine protection. In the light of Foucauldian notion of sovereignty, I would discuss Shakespeare’s depiction of Henry V’s irrefutable power and Lear’s devastated power. Shakespeare portrays Henry V as a ruler who is conscious of the operation of power “apparatus” and consequently strengthens his monarchy, whereas he presents the old Lear as a king who is ignorant of the foundations of “monarchical institution” and as a result loses his power because of his reckless decision of dividing his territory among his daughters.

Mass Revolution and End of the Cultural Institution in Nepal

From 6th April to 24th April of 2006, parliamentary political parties along with the ten years long strafing underground Nepal Communist Party (Maoists) stage a mass revolution against the Royal takeover of 2002 AD for the establishment of republican state. This mass movement gained much impetus then trailed by various organizations, trade unions, students, professional employees and the general mass throughout the kingdom of Nepal. Ultimately, the age-long monarchical institution was finished from the political and cultural scenario of Nepal. This article outlines the main events and outcomes of this revolution and analyzes it. This article is based on secondary sources along with event observation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i2.9882 Researcher 1(2) 2013: 11-22

The King versus the People: The Abolition of Monarchy and Constitution Making in Nepal

The abolition of the institution of monarchy on May 28, 2008 marks a turning point in the political and constitutional history of Nepal. This saga of constitutional development exemplifies the systemic conflict between people’s’ aspirations for democracy and kings’ ambitions for unlimited power. With the abolition of the monarchy, the process of making a new constitution for the Republic of Nepal has started under the auspices of the Constituent Assembly of Nepal. This paper primarily examines the reasons or causes behind the abolition of monarchy in Nepal. It analyzes the three main reasons for the abolition of monarchy. First, it argues that frequent slights and attacks to constitutionalism by the Nepalese kings had brought the institution of the monarchy to its end. The continuous failures of the early democratic government and the Supreme Court of Nepal in bringing the monarchy within the constitutional framework emphatically weakened the fledgling democracy, but these failures eventually became fatal to the monarchical institution itself. Second, it analyzes the indirect but crucial role of India in the abolition of monarchy. Third, it explains the ten-year-long Maoist insurgency and how the people’s movement culminated with its final blow to the monarchy. Furthermore, this paper also analyzes why the peace and constitution writing process has yet to take concrete shape or make significant process, despite the abolition of the monarchy. Finally, it concludes by recapitulating the main arguments of the paper.