Model Of Political Participation Research Articles

Deployment of the Deliberative Model of Political Participation of EU Citizens in the Discourse of the European Democracy Future

The article investigates the process of deployment of the deliberative model of political participation of EU citizens in the discourse of the future of European democracy, which was officially defined by the EU at the organizational level (Conference on the Future of Europe), but the thematic content of the problem was not limited to any official documents, so every EU citizen got the opportunity to express an idea and participate in the discussion of the ideas of other subjects of deliberation at the first stage of the Conference (Multilingual digital platform). The study of the application of digital tools of political participation in the practices of deliberative democracy, applied during the Conference on the Future of Europe, proved that two formats of such tools were used: first, the format of the Multilingual Digital Platform functioned according to the digital model of the deployment of political participation; secondly, the format of the European Citizen Panels was based on a mixed model that combined the principles of digital and face-to-face communications in the deliberation process. At the same time, both formats most systematically reflect the nature of the transformation of the discursive model of political participation of EU citizens from dialogic to deliberative forms based on digital tools. The study of the forms of deliberation on the future of European democracy during the Conference on the Future of Europe and its results allows us to conclude that structurally, the problem of European democracy was defined by EU citizens as a set of interdependent dimensions promising for a common political agenda: elections to the European Parliament; EU federalization; political participation of citizens and consultations; institutional reforms; promotion of common European identity and common public space; protection and strengthening of democracy. The established set of markers, thematic areas and clusters of the deliberation of the future of democracy at the second European Citizen Panel was reflected in 39 guidelines proposed for the development of the final recommendations of the Conference: ensuring rights and (non)discrimination – 9 guidelines; protection of democracy and the rule of law – 5; reforming the EU – 10; formation of European identity – 9; citizens' participation – 6. In the final documents of the Conference, a consensus was reached on 5 proposals, which accumulated most of the recommendations of citizens regarding the future of European democracy, expressed during the deliberation process.

The phenomenon of digital political participation: forms, models and essential aspects

This article is devoted to the study of the conceptual features of the phenomenon of digital political participation, as well as its key forms and models of implementation. According to the author, in the last two decades there has been a transformation of traditional forms and models of political participation under the influence of digital information and communication technologies. In particular, social networks and messengers are used as tools for organizing, mobilizing, implementing various forms of political participation and civil-political activism. At the same time, under the influence of the development of digital information and communication technologies, completely new forms and models of civil and political participation are emerging. In this regard, it is legitimate to talk about the existence today of the phenomenon of online political participation (OPP), or digital network participation (DNP). One of the key questions remains the question of the relationship between "traditional" and digital forms of political participation. Based on the results of the analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that "traditional" and digital political participation are complementary to each other, since digital communication technologies allow today to involve a large number of potentially politically active citizens, disseminate political information and thereby create favorable conditions for the implementation of direct political action.

Self-Determined Intention to Vote and the Mediating Role of Politicized Identification

Abstract. This study tested the Politicized Identification Model of Intention to Vote as an integrated model of political participation and self-determination theory to understand what motivates young people to vote and inform policy and communication efforts. The results of path analyses on survey data from a representative sample of 1,960 young Italians (age range, 20–35 years) revealed that participative efficacy positively and negatively predicted internalized motivation and amotivation, respectively. In addition, politicized identification mediated the positive relation between the internalized motivations and intention to vote. Finally, amotivation negatively predicted voting intention. Civic education campaigns should promote young people’s awareness that they can contribute to society by voting (i.e., participative efficacy) and support internalized motivations to vote.

MODEL OF PARTICIPATION AND POLITICAL AFFILIATION OF THE MATARAMAN SOCIETY OF EAST JAVA, INDONESIA

This study aims to describe the model of participation and political affiliation of the Mataraman people of East Java, Indonesia. The method used in this study is a combination method using an unbalanced mixture model (Concurrent embedded). The subjects in this study are the Mataraman people, namely people who live in the City/Regency of Madiun, Magetan, Nganjuk, Ponorogo, Ngawi, Trenggalek, and Pacitan. To collect data from existing subjects, the methods used are interviews, observations, and documentation and questionnaires. Meanwhile, to analyze the data, Miles and Huberman interactive technique was used, as well as descriptive analysis. The results of this study indicate that the political participation model of the Mataraman community can be categorized as high. In terms of political behavior, the political participation model of the Mataraman community can be grouped into three categories, namely active, passive, and apathetic. The results of this study also show that the practice of money politics (money politics) in political celebrations in the Mataraman community is still quite high. Meanwhile, the ideological affiliation of Mataraman voters can be grouped into four, namely religious/religious-based ideological affiliation, nationalist-based ideological affiliation, nationalist-religious-based ideological affiliation, and change or program-based voter affiliation.

Understanding the Role of Social Networking Sites in Political Marketing

Today social networking sites (SNS) are one of the most popular and extensively used platforms. These SNSs are now acting as a strong medium of social expression and are changing the way people are acting and reacting to the information flow on these sites. Therefore, in this context, the current study tries to identify how SNS engagement of the people is affecting their online political participation and further how it impacts their rational political decision-making strategy. The resource model of political participation and the social exchange theory are undertaken as a guiding theoretical framework of this study. Survey method was used to collect data from university students across the Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir. PLS SEM has been used for data analysis. The paper concludes by putting up the major findings of the study along with theoretical and practical implications.

On a Place in Time

The essay is a comment on Larisa Deriglazova’s article “Time Is Out of Joint”: EU and Russia in Quest of Themselves in Time.” The author argues that modernization does not mean an approximation to a certain normative, but the solution of one’s own tasks, which cannot be achieved by means of simple reproduction or extensive growth of what already exists. Whereas the transfer of the European model of modernization to new EU member-states is supported by external control, for Russia the question of political modernization becomes radically more complex, as it implies not only a response to external challenges, but also the establishment of institutions adequate to domestic demands. The European institutions of liberal-democratic consensus, the very model of political participation that has looked triumphant at the end of the 20th century, is now in a deep crisis.

Savvy and woke: Gender, digital profile, social media competence, and political participation in gender issues among young Filipino netizens.

Social media has become a viable platform for political participation in issues related to gender, especially among the youth. Evidence suggests that gender and sexual identities, digital access, and skills foster political participation in social media. This study sought to determine the predictive relationship of gender, digital profile, and social media competence with social media political participation in gender issues (SMPP-GI) among young Filipino netizens through the lenses of social identity theory and resource model of political participation. A total of 1,090 college netizens aged 18–30 years old participated in this cross-sectional study. An online survey was used to collect data. The respondents reported low to moderate levels of SMPP-GI. Females and non-cisheterosexual respondents report higher scores in certain types of SMPP-GI. Respondents using more social media sites have higher levels of latent and counter engagement SMPP-GI. Among the four domains of social media competence, content generation significantly predicted all types of SMPP-GI, while content interpretation and anticipatory reflection were significantly linked with at least one type of engagement.

Проблема оценки эффективности игровых технологий в рамках формирования политической культуры молодежи в современной России

The author analyzes effectiveness of gaming technologies for the formation of political culture of modern Russian youth, reveals the role of the educational system in cultivation of civic responsibility among young people. It is substantiated that the influence of a game on the model of political behavior of a young person depends on the type of game model used. Classifications of gaming practices are highlighted. Analysis shows that these practices’ application in the educational process contributes to the formation of relevant knowledge, skills and habits of political behavior, and has a direct impact on the value bases of developing models of political participation of the younger generation. The author identifies a way to overcome the problem of evaluating the effectiveness of the game practices used through a set of certain values that are found in the framework of the study of the political culture of youth using the appropriate methodology of analysis.

Women’s Exclusion in Politics and Democratic Consolidation in Nasarawa State, Nigeria: 2015-2019

This paper examines the exclusion of women in politics and democratic consolidation in Nasarawa State between 2015 and 2019. The involvement of women in the active political space since the emergence of democratic governance in the fourth republic and the challenges that confronted them was evaluated from hard data and secondary sources of information to situate the miniature space occupied by women politicians in Nasarawa State. The descriptive model of political participation was used as the theoretical framework of analysis. Similarly, key informant interview was conducted with notable women politicians and some major stakeholders. Content analysis was employed to analyze the data. The study revealed that women are politically marginalized and feature minimally in governance in Nasarawa state because of patriarchy, cultural belief systems which affects their involvements in political parties, poor informal networks/mentoring, poverty, religious beliefs, political violence and the low level of education. Similarly, weak institutions and the lack of constitutional and legislative framework that can guarantee quotas for women are factors that militate against active women's political participation and governance in Nasarawa state and also discourages the few that brace up with an of expression interest in the political sphere. To overcome these problems, the study recommends amongst others, the development of electoral reforms that promote equitable representation of women, active engagement of religious and traditional leaders to promote women participation in politics, commitment of women in partisan politics, empowerment of women by ensuring their access to economic activities and intense women activism and lobbying to secure greater representation and visibility in the state etc.

What Means Social Media in Authoritarian Regimes and For Authoritarian Regimes?

New technologies are important challengers for societies and states. There are many examples in hu-man history that technologies changed the way of thinking, the way of administration, and daily life. However, in the 21st century, new information and communication technologies are changing all these institutions very quickly. Moreover, it is difficult to follow all the updates. The digital divide is a real big challenge in people’s lives and futures. Therefore, the importance of the digital divide becomes more visible through modernization and digitization. Although people want to follow the developments in the digital area, it is not easy when there is a digital gap. Hence, liberation technologies help people to stay up to date. It also expands a person's rights and freedoms, so it can be seen as a threat by autocratic regimes. During the Egyptian Uprisings, social media be-came the main tool of citizens using liberation technologies. There was a mass protest from near and far, hence, a resource model of political participation was used to understand the high level of participation in uprisings. The resources were time, money, and civil skills. When the Egyptian uprising has resulted in the resignation of the president, Hosni Mubarak, social media played a key role in achieving important successes for citizens of Egypt. Consequently, the impact of social media in authoritarian regimes was discussed.

Model of Community Political Participation in the 2019 Presidential Election in West Sumatra

This article examines relationship between perceptions of corruption (X1) and life satisfaction (X2) on political participation (Y). The purpose of this study is a model that describes the association between variables in the 2019 Presidential Election. The approach used is quantitative with survey methods and explanatory designs. The hypothesis proposed is that perceptions of corruption and life satisfaction have an influence on political participation. The results of the study conclude: First, perceptions of corruption and life satisfaction have different influences on people's political participation in the 2019 Presidential Election in West Sumatra. The perception of corruption has an insignificant negative effect on two of the five forms of public political participation, with a total influence value of 1.7%. If the perception of corruption increases by 1 point, public political participation will decrease by 1.7%. Second, life satisfaction has a significant positive effect on two of the five forms of community political participation, with a total influence value of 18.5%. If life satisfaction increases by 1 point, the people's political participation will also increase by 18.5%. Third, the political participation model of the West Sumatran people in the 2019 Presidential Election is generally categorized as "good enough" with a score of 58 and only 6 points above the average.

Procedural Aspects of Using the Dialogue Model of Political Participation in the EU: Level of the European Parliament

The article provides a comprehensive study of the procedural aspects of the use of petitions to the European Parliament as a tool for the dialogue model of political participation of EU citizens indicates that it is an integral element of participatory democracy, which creates such institutional conditions that allow the formation of subject-subject relations in the field of politics. Methodological support formed on the political science discourse of the functional tools of participatory democracy, which revolves around the definition of standards for measuring and evaluating participatory democracy in the context of the idea of Good Democracy; determining the place of the dialogue model of political participation in the space of post-democracy and online democracy; characteristics of the prospects for participatory democracy in conditions of permanent crises and global risks; concretization of the role and functions of petitions in the processes of modernization of the coordination of citizens' interests in the period between elections, made it possible to prove that the right to appeal belongs to the range of tools of participatory democracy, which is designated at the EU level as an opportunity for citizens to use a clear and transparent way of interacting with EU institutions and to participate in democratic political process, influencing the formation of the political agenda. It was found that certain features of the procedural aspects of filing petitions to the European Parliament indicate that the EU has formed a clear and understandable procedure for filing and considering petitions, which is systematically updated towards expanding the boundaries of participation of EU citizens at each stage of consideration of a petition. It is important for Ukrainian political practice that a number of rules for considering petitions, primarily those related to deadlines, have an informal status. However, the absence of formal rules does not provide for the practice of delaying the process of considering petitions both at the level of the European Parliament and during the involvement of other EU institutions. It is substantiated that the main functions of internal parliamentary discussions in the process of considering petitions reveal the discursive nature of policy-making in the EU and free access to relevant instruments. PETI, as a coordinating committee, initiates and facilitates collaboration with other parliamentary committees to create the basis for an internal parliamentary discussion of a petition or group of petitions. The main principle of participation in it is the principle of granting the right to participate to all interested parties. It is proved that a statistical cut of the interest of EU citizens in the use of petitions indicates a consistently reproducible interest in petitions, which in the context of EU member states demonstrates its importance both for citizens of the founding countries and for citizens of the EU member states of the third wave of enlargement. It has been substantiated that one should not idealize the tool of petitions as functional for articulating and representing the interests of citizens. However, it is precisely with its help that it is possible to measure the dynamics of the participatory democracy process and monitor those interests on which the European policy is not sufficiently focused, but which are important for the population of the EU member states.

Anti-Corruption Protests and University Students: Evidence from Russian Cities

AbstractThere are conflicting theoretical expectations regarding students' protest behaviour in contemporary autocracies. On the one hand, in line with a resource model of political participation, university students are more likely to protest than their peers without higher education. On the other hand, university students in autocracies might refrain from high-risk activism in exchange for their own financial well-being and career advancement. To address this debate, the article leverages data on anti-corruption protests organized by the opposition politician Alexei Navalny in March 2017. Results show that anti-corruption protests were larger in Russian cities with a larger university student population. Next, employing individual-level data from the fifth wave of the European Values Survey, multinomial logistic regression analysis demonstrates that university students participated in demonstrations at a higher rate than non-students of the same age. More broadly, these findings yield insights into subnational variation in mass mobilization in a repressive political regime.

Broadening political participation: The impact of socialising practices on young people’s action repertoires

This study builds on the well-known civic voluntarism model of political participation. By doing this, we contribute to a political sociology of participation by refining the role of socialisation in political engagement. We suggest that the action repertoires of young people engaging in politics can be narrower or broader owing to their previous embeddedness in certain social settings, which act as spheres of socialising practices. We focus more specifically on three socialising spheres: educational (schools), recreational (social clubs), and civic (community organizations). Our analysis, covering nine European countries, largely confirms our expectations. We find that active engagement in these spheres of socialising practices leads to a broader range of political activities in young people’s action repertoires. This holds in particular for the civic sphere. The findings provide a fresh look at the role played by socialising spheres, shifting the focus from the dichotomy between participation versus non-participation to an analysis of the breadth of participation.

The Techno-politics of Crowdsourced Disaster Data in the Smart City

This article interrogates the techno-politics of crowdsourced data in the study of environmental hazards such as floods, storms, wildfires, and cyclones. We highlight some of the main debates around the use of citizen-generated data for assessing, monitoring, and responding to disasters. We then argue that, compared to the number of articles discussing the quality of citizen-generated data, little attention has been dedicated to discussing the social and political implications of this kind of practice. While this article does not intend to present definitive answers, it outlines inevitable challenges and indicates potential directions for future studies on the techno-politics of disaster data collection. Within a techno-politics approach, we argue for a model of political participation that recognizes citizens providing data to shape cities as equal experts in the production of knowledge and decision-making, rather than external contributors collecting data for formal authorities. This political participation approach, we believe, would increase the dependence of formal scientific knowledge on citizens' daily-lived experiences, create horizontal collaborations among diverse stakeholders, in terms of respect and recognition, and increase the humanization of marginalized communities, particularly from the Global South.

Formation of a Policy for Protecting the Electoral Model of Political Participation Against Disinformation Influence (On the Example of the Policy of the European Union)

The article provides a comprehensive study of the peculiarities of policy formation to protect the electoral model of political participation from disinformation in the European Union. It is established that its content is determined by the synthesis of three components: (1) information, which combines the functioning of a transparent and accountable online ecosystem, development of education and media literacy, support for quality journalism as a source of formation/renewal/ transformation of motivation of citizens; (2) institutional – security of electoral processes and stable functioning of the institution of elections as a space for the implementation of electoral choice of citizens of EU member states; (3) security – counteracting internal and external threats of disinformation, which distort the electoral choice, by means of strategic communications. The effectiveness of anti-disinformation policy is ensured by its democratic procedure, which involved the involvement of experts (HLEG), broad public consultations on the impact of disinformation on the nature of political processes and opinion polls in EU member states. It has been proven that the tools and types of disinformation dissemination used by third parties have identified the need for legislative regulation of the process of identifying and removing disinformation content of messages on social networks and the Internet; developing a model of coordinated action at EU level to combat hybrid threats; determining the nature and level of EU dependence on foreign technologies in critical infrastructure chains; identifying ways to strengthen internal security at the level of EU institutions; development of a system of tools to counter disinformation campaigns by third countries, which are created to influence the public opinion of citizens of EU member states. It is justified that one of the results of the development of anti-disinformation policy is a clear definition of the unresolved problem to which the political and discursive practices of the political elite should be directed – it is hidden foreign funding of political activities in the EU.

Social justice advocacy: the role of race and gender prejudice, injustice, and diversity experiences

ABSTRACT Applying the Resource Model of Political Participation, this study extended the emerging research on trainees’ social justice advocacy (SJA) by examining race and gender variables among 281 counselors-in-training. Although no racial and gender differences were found regarding trainees’ SJA, we found significant race and gender differences in trainees’ awareness of modern racism and sexism. Structural Equation Modeling revealed that exposure to racist and sexist events and participation in formal diversity experiences had significant links to SJA. Specifically, exposure to racist events and participation in formal and informal diversity experiences were negatively associated with color-blind racial attitudes. Exposure to sexist events was negatively linked to modern sexist beliefs. Implications for theory, training, and research are addressed.

ПОИСКИ НОВОЙ МОДЕЛИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО УЧАСТИЯ В РЕГИОНАХ: ПРАЙМЕРИЗ «ЕДИНОЙ РОССИИ» И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ПРОЦЕССЫ В ЕВРОПЕ

Subject. The article analyzes the experience of the preliminary voting of the United Russia party in the context of the problems of strengthening the party-political system of the state. Topic. The search for a new model of political participation in the regions: the primaries of United Russia and political processes in Europe. Purposes. To analyze the experience of the preliminary voting of the United Russia party in the context of the problems of strengthening the party-political system both in the regions of the Russian Federation and in the states of Europe. Methodology. Complex systems approach, classical institutional method, neoinstitutional approach, elements of critical theory and poststructuralism, political and cultural method. Results. The primaries of United Russia are a step towards the consolidation of the party and political system, an important act that allows improving the personnel composition of the current government structures, as well as supporting all healthy political forces in the country. The importance of new media in shaping the party agenda, as well as the significant role of electronic voting in the digital age in the context of the emergence of influential political networks, is emphasized. Russia is moving away from the crisis electoral models that exist in the West in the conditions of stagnation of neoliberal globalization, and is forming its own vector of strengthening the political participation of voters in real political processes. Scope of application. The results of the research can be applied by specialists in the field of regional policy and political management, regional and world economy, teachers and students of higher educational institutions. Conclusions. The testing of the model of political participation of citizens during the preliminary voting in May — June 2021 has shown its effectiveness and can play a constructive role in the political processes in the regions and in Russia as a whole. Keywords: Political participation, primaries, electronic voting, populism, new electoral models.

Antecedents of intentional and incidental exposure modes on social media and consequences for political participation: a panel study

This study investigates antecedents and consequences of incidental and intentional exposure behavior to political information on social media. Based on the Social Media Political Participation Model (SMPPM), we investigated how political and non-political motivations predict intentional and incidental exposure modes while accounting for moderators (i.e., personal curation skills and the frequency of social media political exposure). We also examined how intentional and incidental exposure modes affect low- and high-effort political participation. We rely on data from a two-wave panel survey based on representative quotas for the Austrian population (N = 559) to run autoregressive models. Political information motivation predicted the intentional mode, and this relationship was stronger with rising levels of curation skills. By contrast, entertainment and social interaction motivations increased individuals’ incidental exposure mode. The intentional mode led to low-effort political participation but not to high-effort participation. However, the incidental mode was unrelated to both low- and high-effort participation.

Citizens of Heaven: Political Participation of Undocumented Americans

Everyday life for undocumented Americans often entails coping with the fear, stress, and anxiety of potential deportation (Fussell, 2011; Valenzuela & Erickson 2015). Yet, despite this troubling emotional state, undocumented Americans are increasingly taking to the streets, social media, and the halls of government demanding that their rights be upheld. This article contributes to understandings of how the political participation of undocumented Americans occurs in spite of the barriers this group faces. Through a comparative analysis of Catholic parishes in Los Angeles, California, and Albuquerque, New Mexico, the author found that a sense of belonging and expanded opportunities to participate in political and civic activities supported undocumented churchgoers as they set aside deportation fear to participate in local public life. This study builds on Verba et al.’s (1995) model of political participation which underscores the potential of churches to serve as political mobilizers. The author also argues that belonging and the provision of opportunities to participate both at and through the church should be incorporated into future models of political participation among undocumented Americans.