Military Command Research Articles

Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands by William S. Kiser

Reviewed by: Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands by William S. Kiser Patrick T. Troester Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands. By William S. Kiser. America in the Nineteenth Century. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022. Pp. viii, 262. $55.00, ISBN 978-0-8122-5351-1.) William S. Kiser’s Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands explores the chaotic history of international relations during the American Civil War and the French Intervention in Mexico (1861–1867). In this vast region beyond the control of any single state or faction, the two overlapping wars joined with long-standing local factors—especially geographic isolation, northern Mexican regionalism, Anglo-American territorial ambitions, Native power, and a porous international boundary—to favor what Kiser calls “irregular diplomacy” (p. 7). As conventional diplomatic channels failed, actors on all sides employed “a kaleidoscopic array of personal scheming,” which involved not only official diplomatic agents but also military commanders, state governors, and local elites, as well as independent Native peoples and stateless groups of filibusters, bandits, and revolutionaries (p. 3). Driven by competing but interconnected “illusions of empire,” this motley cast forged a shifting set of informal local agreements to advance vital strategic goals reaching far beyond the border region. Confederates courted individual Mexican governors, the Benito Juárez administration, and Franco-Mexican imperialists to circumvent the Union blockade and pursue a slaveholding empire in Latin America and the Pacific. U.S. officials used irregular diplomacy to protect and grow their own transcontinental empire, hoping to [End Page 157] leverage Mexican support against Confederate rebels, Native peoples, and the creation of a European-backed monarchy on their southern border. Meanwhile, Mexican leaders at the regional and national levels bent all these efforts to their own ends, aiming to preserve national independence, protect local power, or enrich themselves. After Appomattox, U.S. leaders turned irregular diplomacy toward the goals of Greater Reconstruction, using these methods to consolidate national sovereignty north of the border and to promote Mexican leaders favorable to the expanding interests of American capitalism. To reconstruct this tangled web of diplomacy, commerce, and violence, Kiser draws on the diplomatic and military records of the U.S. and Confederate governments alongside a broad array of secondary literature and published primary sources in English and Spanish. After tracing irregular diplomacy’s antebellum roots, Illusions of Empire follows a loose chronological arc through the 1860s, with chapters alternating between the eastern and western halves of the border region. Given this multinational focus, the main shortcoming of this book is a lack of Mexican archival research. Although Kiser’s attention south of the modern border far exceeds that of most previous works, the voices of northern Mexican leaders appear almost entirely through their politically fraught communications with outsiders—those pursuing illusions of empire with ambivalence toward the local people and resources they sought to manipulate. As a result, the internal complexities of regional politics across northern Mexico often remain underexplored, and readers gain little direct sense of the imperial and national visions guiding borderlands power brokers themselves, even as Kiser convincingly shows their far-reaching influence. The book also misses the opportunity to engage with recent scholarship on mid-nineteenth-century Mexico by Erika Pani, Luis Medina Peña, Pablo Mijangos y González, and others, which has greatly enhanced our understandings of this chaotic period, often with illuminating transnational and comparative analysis. Despite these limitations, however, Kiser’s expansive history of borderlands diplomacy and intrigue fills important gaps in the historiographies of the Civil War era, U.S. foreign relations, North American imperialism, and the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. It will be a valuable read for scholars in all these fields, particularly those with transnational and continental interests. Perhaps most important, Kiser goes beyond simply linking or comparing events in the United States and Mexico to recover the deep entanglement of the Civil War and the French Intervention, while also showing the critical importance of events in the border region to both conflicts and to the broader geopolitical history of North America. Patrick T...

George White and the Victorian Army in India and Africa: Serving the Empire, by Stephen M. Miller

Reviewed by: George White and the Victorian Army in India and Africa: Serving the Empire by Stephen M. Miller M. C. Smith (bio) George White and the Victorian Army in India and Africa: Serving the Empire, by Stephen M. Miller; pp. ix + 323. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $139.99, $139.99 paper, $109.00 ebook. Stephen M. Miller has produced a serviceable new biography of an eminent Victorian soldier, Field Marshal Sir George Stuart White, an understated yet important player in the shaping of the late-Victorian army. George White and the Victorian Army in India and Africa: Serving the Empire opens with a bit of historiography, making the valid point that White deserves an updated biography; the only substantial treatment of his life was written shortly after his death by a friend and colleague, Mortimer Durand. Although Durand’s work was no hagiography, he did treat his friend—and the upper command structure of the Victorian army—kindly. The result was an incomplete story of the life of an influential late-Victorian soldier and administrator. Miller has produced a biography with perhaps a greater degree of objectivity than Durand’s, with the added perspective of an additional century of hindsight to set the context of White’s life and his impact on Victorian military thought. White served during an era of major change as the British Army marched toward the twentieth century, and his opinions and observations provide insight to the effects of modernization, professionalization, and the upheaval of the Cardwell Reforms. [End Page 707] Miller provides but a brief sketch of White’s childhood, then picks up White’s military career with his education at Sandhurst in the early 1850s. He details the professional doldrums of a newly commissioned officer’s life and the frustrated quest for distinction in a series of desultory postings. Distinction came with a Victoria Cross earned during the Second Afghan War, along with notice by Frederick Sleigh Roberts, just as he was elevated as Lord Roberts of Kandahar. The intraservice rivalries between the partisans of Lord Roberts and the Ashanti Ring (a coterie of officers attached to another of Britain’s top soldiers, Sir Garnet Wolseley) formed a key theme in White’s life as he advanced in rank and honors. White was sometimes whipsawed between these polarities, and his experiences offer a glimpse of the factional and personal relationships/rivalries that so often determined the extension or withdrawal of a plum command appointment. Miller follows White’s career in high command from his experience as a brigadier in the conquest of Burma (1885–9) and service in Baluchistan (1889–92) through to his final posting as Governor of Gibraltar (1900–12). He pays particular attention to White’s tenure as Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Establishment from 1893 to 1898. The two chapters that detail his actions as chief military administrator and commander explore (among other things) the concept of so-called martial races in the armies of the Raj and White’s thoughts on the validity of the notion. The latter of these two chapters devotes significant ink to the situation on the Northwest Frontier in 1897 and 1898, culminating in the controversial Tirah Campaign, from both military and political vantage points. It is rather well done. Miller develops a minor chord of race (as defined by nineteenth-century standards) relations through White’s position as an Anglo-Irish landowner and officer. Miller conducted thorough research in the production of this work. His primary sources range from an extensive collection of White’s private papers, journals, and letters, to unpublished official files from the Public Record Office in Kew, to a substantial array of published public documents. He recognizes the need to read what the Victorians had to say about themselves and then-current events as a key to deciphering their social views, mores, and expectations, and consulted a significant number of contemporary or near-contemporary publications. Miller’s use of contemporary secondary sources is balanced with a selection of modern Victorian scholarship. This allows him to paint a vivid picture of late-Victorian military life without merely appearing as a ventriloquist’s dummy seated on John Bull’s...

The impact of the jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia on the development of the commander's individual liability under international criminal law

The issue of military command is an issue which, under the rules of international criminal law, involves a number of numerous issues, related to the regime of commander liability. The case of Russia's armed assault on Ukraine and the questions arising in connection with the possibility of prosecuting the President of the Russian Federation, as well as military commanders - has revived the discussion on the issue of criminal liability of the main actors in these events. If the trials took place, those in leadership positions would be tried under the regime of commander’s liability. Since the Nuremberg Tribunal, the issue of superior responsibility has undergone extensive changes. The article presents the influence of the jurisprudence of the Yugoslav tribunal on the formation of regulations on military command. This is because it was the first international court that had to face this issue. The International Criminal Court built on its experience, clarified the concept of commander's liability and supplemented it with new components.

FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF THE BALKAN IN THE 14TH CENTURY

The Ottomans first made an appearance in the Balkan region after John Kantakouzenos requested Sultan Orhan Is assistance to win the Byzantine throne. During their later assistance, the Ottomans acquired Fort of Tzympe in Gallipoli as their base in the Balkan region. After the annexation of Gallipoli city, the Ottomans affirmed their intention to expand their territory westward that, in less than half of a century, they subjugated almost the entire Balkan region. The objective of this study is to analyse contributory factors for the achievement of the Ottoman conquest and expansion in the Balkans in the 14th century. This study applied historical approach and content-analysis method. This study discovered that the factors contributing to the achievement of the Ottoman rapid conquest and expansion in the Balkan in the 14th century are complex in that the weakening state of Balkan kingdoms, which has often been pointed out, is not the exclusive reason. Apart from the weakness of the Balkans political state, other factors include the absence of military assistance from the neighbouring kingdom to the Balkan rulers in fighting the Ottoman Empire, the strategic location of the Ottoman Empire providing abundant human resources close to the Balkans, the Ottoman military prowess including the high morale of the Ottoman army, the ingenuity of the Ottoman sultans who acted as military commanders in devising conquest and expansion strategy, the Ottoman method of conquest which ensured the continuous obedience of the Balkan region under Ottoman rule and the inclination of the Balkan people towards the Ottoman-Islamic rule rather than the Western-Catholic rule.

Russia's Hybrid Warfare in Ukraine Threatens Both Healthcare & Health Protections Provided by International Law.

Hybrid Warfare is on display because of the unjustified Russian invasion of Ukraine. This is characterized by numerous crimes against civilians as seen vividly during the occupation of the town of Bucha where rape, torture, murder, and looting seem to reflect Russian military policy, leadership, and command guidance. Of particular concern is the threat to hospitals and health care as well as vital life support. Numerous hospitals have been damaged and destroyed. Hospitals are not tactical military targets and targeting health care facilities and personnel ignores traditional jus in bello and ignores numerous conventions established to stabilize the global order. The Russian-proclaimed "special operation" in Ukraine has been characterized by barbarian warfare in which the Russian military uses weapons against the civilian population and civilian infrastructure. The aggressors have embarked on a purposeful terror campaign through infrastructure attacks, which are of little military value except to demoralize the nation's people. This is evident with Russian missile and drone attacks on electric, water, and health care in Ukraine. Warfare now and in the future may be increasingly aimed at demoralizing civilian populations and reducing the will of the people and their government to resist. The Ukrainian invasion clearly shows that this use of hybrid warfare should be met with a strong reaction of the international community at the earliest possible stage, especially the supposedly peace-loving neutral countries, or else the future is expanded unlawful and barbaric military conflict.

'Voorlopig in alle stilte' terwerkstelling van politieke gevangenen in de mijn Willem-Sophia te Spekholzerheide (1945-1946)

'For the time being keep it silent'. Employment of political prisoners at the mine Willem-Sophia in Spekholzerheide (1945-1946)'. This article investigates the beginnings of the employment of collaborationist prisoners in Dutch coal mines after the Second World War, especially in the mine Willem-Sophia in Spekholzerheide (1945-1946). Such employment, made urgent by shortage of fuel as well as of labour, was debated in the early months of 1945. Initially the military commander in charge (‘Militair Gezag’) forbade employment of prisoners unless no regular unemployed were available. Mine directors insisted, particularly because in the months following the liberation of the southern part of Limburg, political prisoner camps housed numerous skilled miners. In collective memory their employment is supposed to have generated much resistance among miners and their unions, as it was supposed to be a degradation of their profession. But research in the archives does not produce much evidence to corroborate this as far as the Willem-Sophia is concerned: the first Dutch coal mine to employ these ‘infected’ miners.

Picturing Political Power: Eighteenth-Century Korean Portraits in San Francisco's Asian Art Museum

Picturing Political Power: Eighteenth-Century Korean Portraits in San Francisco's Asian Art Museum

Revisiting Power Struggles during the Eritrean War of Independence

This article undertakes a nuanced analysis of the Eritrean War of Independence (EWI), focusing on the power struggles that arose among different leaders and armed groups during the conflict’s protracted course between 1961 and 1991. Specifically, the article delves into the evolution of power dynamics throughout the conflict, culminating in the consolidation of an authoritarian regime following Eritrea’s attainment of independence. Drawing on primary sources, such as author interviews with EWI veterans, and secondary sources such as published works, the article’s empirical research illuminates various stages of power struggles. These stages encompassed initial disputes among military commanders, failed administrative structures known as Military Administrative Zones (MAZs), the impact of reform movements, and the disintegration of the pioneering organization, the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). Ultimately, these power struggles resulted in the emergence of a ruthless leader who has maintained power since Eritrea’s “liberation” in 1991. The article’s contribution lies in its insightful analysis of the complex interplay between political, social, and military dynamics during the EWI, and how they continue to shape Eritrea's political landscape. Key Words: Power struggle, EWI, Power relationships, Military commanders, Reform movement, Eritrean Liberation Front, Isaias Afwerki

Partisan Movement in Southern France in 1814: The Case of Florian

In the face of the invasion of the Allied troops into the territory of France, Napoleon highly relied on the popular resistance of the French to the enemy. The author considers the history of a partisan detachment operating in the South of France under the command of Florian, a “half-hero” or “half-robber”. What was the real contribution of partisans to the course of military operations? What was the motivation of their leaders? What was the relationship between the military command and the commanders of the partisan detachments? How did the civil authorities and the local civilian population treat the partisans? The paucity of official documents is compensated by sources of personal origin, which make it possible to reveal the human dimension of this “small war”. In 1814, “Captain” Florian, who led a detachment of twenty volunteers, behaved like a free corsair, whose actions at times situationally coincided with the interests of the military command. Lacking an official partisan patent, he attacked the allies’ supply trains, robbed army stores, intercepted English couriers, and did not disdain the capture of officers’ personal luggage. Having had a reputation as a marauder in Spain since 1813, Florian in 1814 allowed himself all sorts of “excesses” in relation to the local population. The civil authorities in the person of the prefect tried to reason with him and certain individuals disinterestedly worked for him as “pointers”. Only in March did Marshal Soult try to intensify the creation of partisan detachments and subordinate them to a single command. Florian claimed to have unlimited powers from Soult. However, the negotiations between Soult’s representative Major Bory de Saint-Vincent and Florian ended in nothing: the complaints of the civil authorities and the reputation of the partisan commander caused discontent on the part of the marshal. The last action of Florian’s partisans was an attack on April 12 on an English courier, from whom a watch and a large amount of money were confiscated according the “laws of war”. Mythologized in popular scholarship and educational literature of the 1870s, the partisan movement in France in 1814 was distinguished by a very modest scale and limited actions, and the line between ordinary robbery and a patriotic action was sometimes difficult to discern.

On the question of the appointment of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Elder) as Commander-in-Chief of the Danube Army

The article highlights the issue of the appointment of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Elder) as Commander-in-Chief of the Danube Army by Emperor Alexander II on the eve of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 on the basis of published sources of both official and memoir nature, as well as some archival data. The myth created by Marxist historiography that the Grand Duke had a narrow outlook in military affairs, had neither combat experience nor experience in organizational work, was mediocre, incompetent, etc., is debunked. Meanwhile, Nikolai Nikolaevich received an excellent education, he was taught by the best specialists and professors of that era. He acquired his first practical knowledge of the war and experience as a military engineer in the Crimean War, during the defense of Sevastopol in 1854–1855. The subsequent activity of the Grand Duke in the field of army reform, primarily in engineering and cavalry service, convinces of his undoubted organizational abilities, deep knowledge, true state scope and innovation. He enjoyed great popularity among officers and soldiers of the Russian army, which was greatly facilitated by his character and attentive attitude to people. He knew the upcoming theater of military operations and the future enemy — the Turkish army, because he was able to combine a pilgrimage to the East and the Holy Land in 1872 with reconnaissance purposes. Alexander II, taking into account the totality of the merits of his younger brother, as well as being fully confident in his honest performance of duty, in 1876 appointed the Grand Duke as Commander-in-chief of the Danube Army. At that time, there was no personality equal to him or higher in his qualities as a military commander. The Grand Duke developed operations to force the Danube and the winter crossing of the Balkans and led Russian troops to Constantinople. He received the Field Marshal’s baton and became the 25th and last full knight of the Order of St. George in the history of the Russian Empire.

Lethal Military Robots: Who is Responsible When Things Go Wrong?

Although most unmanned systems that militaries use today are still unarmed and predominantly used for surveillance, it is especially the proliferation of armed military robots that raises some serious ethical questions. One of the most pressing concerns the moral responsibility in case a military robot uses violence in a way that would normally qualify as a war crime. In this chapter, the authors critically assess the chain of responsibility with respect to the deployment of both semi-autonomous and (learning) autonomous lethal military robots. They start by looking at military commanders because they are the ones with whom responsibility normally lies. The authors argue that this is typically still the case when lethal robots kill wrongly – even if these robots act autonomously. Nonetheless, they next look into the possible moral responsibility of the actors at the beginning and the end of the causal chain: those who design and manufacture armed military robots, and those who, far from the battlefield, remotely control them.

РОЗВИТОК ТЕРИТОРІАЛЬНИХ ГРОМАД В УМОВАХ ВОЄННОГО СТАНУ

The article examines the development of territorial communities in the conditions of martial law, real challenges for territorial communities that have arisen due to the war, and provides practical recommendations for overcoming crisis situations within territorial communities. The role of local self-government bodies in solving these problems is shown. The article examines already implemented measures regarding organizational and legal assistance by local self-government bodies to displaced persons and considers the prospects of further implementation of measures on social protection of the population in the event of a threat to life or health under martial law. On the basis of the conducted scientific analysis of the development of territorial communities under martial law, the authors express their own proposals aimed at ensuring the operation of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, protecting the rights and freedoms of man and citizen, ensuring, together with the military command, the implementation and implementation of measures of the legal regime of martial law, defense, civil protection, public order and security. It is noted that the territorial communities, which have become more efficient thanks to the municipal reform, demonstrate stability even in war conditions. The primary task of local authorities is to ensure the livelihood of communities, provide the necessary assistance, and establish administrative services. It was emphasized that territorial communities under martial law must rationally use available financial, material, personnel and other resources, as well as identify and attract their reserves in order to meet current needs, the needs of internally displaced persons, the development of the territory and military logistics, and the formation of the competitiveness of territorial communities in future. It is concluded that there is a need for further improvement of the legislative framework and the adoption of new provisions, for example, regarding the distribution of the functioning of communities located in the war zone or under occupation, or in the territory where hostilities are not taking place. Keywords: territorial community, local self-government bodies, services, social services, martial law.

ІНФОРМАЦІЙНО-АНАЛІТИЧНІ ТЕХНОЛОГІЇ ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ПРИЙНЯТТЯ ВІЙСЬКОВОГО РІШЕННЯ ЗА СТАНДАРТАМИ НАТО ПІД ЧАС ВИКОНАННЯ ЗАВДАНЬ У СФЕРІ ДЕРЖАВНОЇ БЕЗПЕКИ

The military decision in the field of state security is taken by the government or the military command, which uses military force to defend the state from aggression. The military decision at the present stage is taken at different levels of military command (strategic, operational, tactical). Standardization of the military decision-making process according to NATO standards opens the way for the wide use of information and analytical technologies by the management bodies of the unit in the planning of service and combat operations in the field of state security. The presence of an information and analytical system for supporting management processes in the automated management system of the unit staff allows to accelerate the process of making military decisions by the brigade management body, as well as to ensure effective interaction and better implementation of the combat capabilities of subordinate units and subunits. The article discusses the issues of implementing information and analytical technologies in the process of making a military decision in accordance with NATO standards in the implementation of service and combat tasks. On the basis of the automated control system of the unit command post with the use of the Arc View GIS version 3.3 geographic information system, the sequence of work of the structural units of the management body at the stages of development, analysis and comparison of options for the method of performing the service and combat task is proposed. Standardization of the procedures of the process of making a military decision by the tactical command bodies leads to the use of automated control tools at the unit command post in order to improve the methods of work of the staff officers and leads to a reduction in its organizational and staffing structure.

Rascoala din 1738 a romanilor banateni si ecoul ei in presa din Europa

In 1738 a large part of the military operations of the Austro‑Turkish War (1737–1739) took place on the territory of Banat. The penetration of the Turkish troops in the mountainous area of south‑eastern Banat encouraged the revolt of Romanian peasants who were extremely unhappy with the harsh taxation regime and the abuses of the imperial officials in Timisoara and in the province. The rebellious Romanians joined the Turkish troops in large numbers and attacked, often under their protection, small units of the imperial troops, but especially the mines and copper and iron smelters and also the villages (inhabited by German settlers) which had kept faith with Emperor Charles VI. Depending on the evolution of the front on the territory of Banat, the repression of the rebellious Romanians was carried out with no mercy by the Austrian troops (e. g. in the Almăjului Valley). The different war episodes and someones of the Romanian uprising were the source of the extensive reports sent to Vienna by the military commanders on the front and by the Imperial Administration in Timisoara, which were published twice a week in the semi‑official “Wiennerisches Diarium”. In fact, the Viennese newspaper was the exclusive source from which other newspapers in Europa took news of what was happening in Banat, includ‑ ing the Romanian uprising. In the appendix are published the 39 news items about the uprising that appeared in nine European newspapers: “Mercurii Relation oder wochen‑ tliche Ordinari‑Zeitung” in Munich, “Gazette de France” in Paris, “Le Courrier d’Avi‑ gnon”, “Bologna”, “Amsterdam” with the supplement “Suite de nouvelles d’Amsterdam”, “St. Petersburgische Zeitung” in St. Petersburg, “Mercure historique et politique” of The Hague (whose accounts were translated into Spanish and published in “Mercurio histórico y politico” in Madrid) and “Gazeta de Lisboa” in Lisbon.

“Like the Ark of Nuh”: Sayyids in the Leadership of the Huthi Movement

The article examines the phenomenon of overrepresentation of sayyids (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad) in the Huthi movement in the 2000s. It is shown that though sayyids’ total share among the population of the northwestern Yemen was about 5 % they occupied most of the top positions in the movement and constituted about half of its military command. The trajectories of sayyid Abd al-Malik al-Huthi’s ascent to power and shaykh Abdullah al-Razzami’s descent from it are tracked down. It is demonstrated that such a prominent role of sayyids is consistent with a traditional local model of leadership, which can be traced back to the 1st millennium AD, and in which (quasi)state entities are managed either by tribesmen who have renounced their tribal identity, or by non-tribal sayyids. Other reasons of the overrepresentation of sayyids in the Movement’s leadership are considered: 1) family ties of some leaders with Hussayn al-Huthi; 2) authority and experience acquired by many of sayyids in the 1980s–1990s through active work undertaken in order to protect Zaydism from Salafi threat and state pressure; 3) reluctance of shaykhs who were affiliated with the government and/or received Saudi subsidies to support the anti-government and anti-Salafi sentiment of their fellow tribesmen, which prompted the latter to seek support from the sayyids. It is suggested that the presence of a large number of potential leaders of sayyid origin in the Huthi movement was one of the key factors that facilitated its transformation from a small group into a significant national actor in the 2000s.

Poimanje pobede u strategijskom konceptu totalne odbrane

Small states that base their defence strategy on the concept of total defence, even if they do not defeat a stronger opponent militarily, and in the course of an armed conflict deny the enemy an absolute victory according to their criteria, and at the same time protect their national interests, can consider such an outcome victory. Victory at strategic level is conditioned, and not entirely determined, by military victories at tactical and operational level. Claiming victory at strategic level is a qualitative and political perception of state leaders, while at a lower level it is mostly the subject of quantitative analysis by military commanders. By analysing the content of strategic and doctrinal documents, scientific publications, and then by comparative and historical analysis of the concepts of strategy and victory, their relationship and understanding in different historical eras has been shown. The historical comprehension of victory in the Republic of Serbia since the restoration of statehood in the 19th century until today has been particularly analysed. A multiple study (R. Serbia 1999-2022; Afghanistan 2001-2021; Iraq 2003-2022) in which the defenders' successes were analysed after the attack by an asymmetrically stronger armed force led by the US Armed Forces, has served as the basis for scientific generalisation and making a final statement about victory and the concept of total defence. By understanding that the strategic victory of the weaker in an asymmetric conflict is achieved by relying on armed forces, and above all by the synergy of all elements of national power, the conditions are created to get out of conflicts under favourable conditions with as few human and material losses as possible.

THE FIRST KING’ S SONS OF KUSH AND THEIR PREDECESSORS

This article examines the origin of the position of governor of Nubia — an official who administered the conquered Egyptians of the southern lands. The author reveals the reason for giving the governors of foreign countries of the south the title zA nsw — «king’s son» and tries to find out who was the first «king’s son» who ruled the conquered southern regions.The paper analyzed the evolution of the title zA nsw from the Ancient Kingdom to the end of the II Intermediate period. The officials with the honorary title «king’s son» for their outstanding achievements, as well as to emphasize the special importance of the position they hold, were revealed. In the II Intermediate period, military officials with the title zA nsw appear. Their mission was to command the troops of the most strategically important fortresses and districts of the Theban rulers. Also, military commanders with this title commanded special elite units. During the wars of Kamos and Ahmose against the kingdom of Kush in the south, king’s sons appear who fought against the Kushites — Teti and Djhuti. Inscriptions with their names and titles were found on the rocks of Armina East in the Aniba area. Investigating the connection of the title zA nsw with the military powers of individual commanders, the author comes to the conclusion that Teti and Djhuti were military leaders of elite Majai units that were based in Aniba during the period of the war with the Hyksos. Continuing the wars against the Kushites, the successors of Teti and Djhuti inherit their title, to which they subsequently add the new title imy-r Has.wt rs.yt — «the ruler of the foreign countries of the south.» Officials with the title zA nsw imy-r Has.wt rs.yt become viceroys of the conquered territories. As the administrative apparatus develops, the administrators of the foreign countries of the south, in the period of pharaoh Thutmose IV, receive the final formulation of their title — zA nsw n KAS — «king’s son of Kush».

Специфіка Youtube-проєкту Центральної телерадіостудії Міністерства оборони України на початку активної фази російсько-української війни

The main objective of the study is to find out what changes occurred in the work of the Youtube project of the Central Television and Radio Studio of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine with the beginning of Russia‘s full-scale aggression against Ukraine (in the period from February 24 to May 31, 2022). Methodology. The methods of content and thematic analysis and data systematization are used in the article. The data visualization method is used for quick perception of information for the third-party users. The factor method made it possible to study the influence of individual factors on the effective indicators of the studied Youtube channel. The comparative method was used when comparing the results and evaluation of Youtube channels, that allowed to demonstrate the general trend. Results, conclusions. In the conditions of the beginning of the active phase of the RussianUkrainian war, the Central Television and Radio Studio of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine was forced to reorganize its work and content. The produced content began to be covered exclusively through the official Youtube channel “Military Television of Ukraine”. The growth of the channel‘s audience in the first three months of the active phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war became possible due to ―aggressiveness‖ and uniqueness of the content: about combat operations, losses of Russian troops in manpower and military hardware, invincibility, feats and professionalism of the Ukrainian soldiers. A characteristic feature of the Youtube project of the Central Television and Radio Studio of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine ―Military Television of Ukraine‖ is in its positioning as an official source of information from the military command about the execution of assigned tasks by the Armed Forces of Ukraine. It is an important instrument of the state propaganda for supporting and promoting the civilizational choice of Ukraine through the armed forces as a guarantor of reliable protection of this choice. The content of the Central Television and Radio Studio of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine can either be offered to the national TV channels, or become the basis of broadcast of a separate military TV channel in the case of making a decision on its creation.

The Missions of the National Defense University of Iran in the framework of comprehensive defense and national security from the perspective of the military sector: from idea to reality

National defense universities around the world have developed a joint philosophy on the importance of strategic and comprehensive understanding of national defense and security for military section commanders and senior managers of the national sector. However, there is a lack of consensus in our country, particularly in the national sector, which has resulted in inappropriate strategic training for division commanders of the army, especially the managers of the national sector in the field of defense and national security. In this regard, a study was conducted to identify the missions of The Supreme National Defense University (SNDU) of Iran and the internal and external obstacles to the realization of these missions from the perspective of several experts in the Division of Army. For this research, a qualitative survey research strategy was adopted, and semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 12 experts related to SNDU to collect data. The researchers analyzed the data by thematic analysis method and drawing of thematic networks. The Trustworthiness of the findings was assessed using four criteria. Accordingly, the findings of the research reveal a network of themes consisting of a global theme, including the "strategic training of national high managers and army based on comprehensive defense and national security" as the fundamental mission of the university, and four organizing themes, including missions, mission domains, internal obstacles, and external challenges. The implications of this research show the necessity of focusing more on the defense and national security sectors, based on the fundamental mission and the various missions under it. Subsequently, it is necessary to revise the architecture of education, research, counseling, discourse building, and diplomacy. The study of internal and external challenges indicated that the SNDU has a long way to go to achieve social authority in its mission. Finally, the research presented a set of suggestions to shorten this path and facilitate and accelerate the fulfillment of the fundamental mission of SNDU and its missions.

On the Reasons of the Beginning of the Armed Conflict between Yemeni Government and the Huthi Movement in 2004

This paper examines reasons which made the Yemeni Government start a large-scale military operation against the Huthis in June 2004. It is noted that this operation led to a constantly unfolding armed conflict (2004–2010) and heavily influenced both Huthi Movement and the Government. It was exactly the point from which a rapid transformation of the Huthis from a relatively small group of followers of a provincial political leader into the nation-wide force began. This military operation also marked the beginning of a series of crises which resulted in a collapse of Yemen’s statehood during the Arab Spring. Opinions of Huthis, Yemen authorities and Western researchers regarding the reasons which led to the conflict are analyzed and acknowledged either misleading or not giving a comprehensive understanding of what exactly provided an impetus to the events in question. It is demonstrated that a combination of negative political, economic, social, religious, and administrative factors created an explosive situation in Saada region (main arena of the conflict) by 2004. It is shown that during his entire rule Yemeni President Ali Saleh, when dealing with opponents, preferred limited repressions to the full-scale violence, so to order a military operation against Huthis he must have been convinced that they had real anti-government aspirations. It is also established that Yemeni high-ranked Salafi military and security commanders — members of the so-called “salafi lobby” — were deliberately misinforming Saleh regarding Huthis’ intentions and thus played a key role in the beginning of the conflict. A brief overview of this powerful group of people, which formed after the 1962 revolution with the help of the Republican authorities, is provided. It is suggested that among the reasons of the Salafis for such actions was their desire to weaken their traditional Zaydi rivals or even inflict a crushing defeat on them; distract Saleh’s and Yemeni public attention from their own strengthening during that period; and profit of the military actions and the smuggling which was flourishing in Saada.