Military Alliance Research Articles

Russian-Chinese “borders” of security. What does the Beijing’s message of V.V. Putin and Xi Jinping mean?

The signing on February 4, 2022 in Beijing of a joint Russian-Chinese statement "On international relations entering a new era and global sustainable development" and a block of bilateral trade, economic and energy agreements means a qualitative expansion of the scope of the strategic partnership between the two countries. Russia and China politically position themselves not only as a global and regional center of power and security, but also as powers that offer the world the development of common human values and concepts - democracy, indivisible security, openness and equality, oppose the politicization of sports, for the expansion of anti-pandemic measures to combat the common evil of COVID-19. China supported the proposals put forward by Russia on its security guarantees in Europe, which helps to further form a common strategic space of Eurasian security from the western part of the Pacific Ocean to the Eastern European conditional line "Black Sea - Belarus". There is no need to reformat the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership into a military alliance in modern conditions. The economic block of cooperation is based on systemic and mutually beneficial energy cooperation, which is implemented in the increase in successful gas contracts, including transactions for the sale of liquefied natural gas (LNG) and pipeline gas, oil projects and sales, the construction of new power units by Russia at Chinese nuclear power plants (NPPs), and the expansion of supplies coal, etc. In the context of a significant increase in the volume of Russian-Chinese trade in 2021 by a third compared to 2020, the expansion of the practice of settlements in national currencies (ruble - yuan), bypassing the dollar, acquires additional importance. In the face of American threats to shut down the SWIFT international payment system, it is relevant to create an independent Russian-Chinese payment system for transactions that provides not only energy transactions, but also the entire range of bilateral trade, economic and interbank transactions. The formation of the Greater Eurasian Partnership involves a wide range of trade, economic, investment, transport and institutional measures to deepen Eurasian cooperation. The key component in this area is to increase the efficiency of the process of interface between the projects of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Chinese initiative "One Belt and One Road", the implementation of joint mutually beneficial infrastructure projects.

“A Military Alliance Can Not Exist Without an Economic Alliance”: The New Economic Policy in the Light of Constitutional Framing in the USSR

The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the new economic policy on the constitutional framing in the USSR, which is little studied in Russian historiography. The aim of the article is to study the views of the party and government leadership at the all-union and republic levels on the problem of incorporating the principles of the new economic policy into the Basic Law on the basis of published and archival sources, as well as a wide range of research literature. Since the republics’ constitutions prevailed over the all-Union constitution in terms of including economic foundations and regulating economic life, considerable attention is paid to the history of creation as well as to the forms and features of the development of constitutional drafts of the State Planning Commission and the RSFSR Council of People's Commissars. The original versions, which contained articles on the foundations of the republic's economic system and on the strengthening of the legal basis of the NEP reforms, were not reflected in the final text of the 1925 RSFSR Constitution. The reason for this was the ideological bias of the party leaders and the uncertainty of the prospects of the NEP development. The NEP was recognized as a necessary condition for the restoration and development of the country's economy, but it was by no means an effective tool for building socialism in the historical perspective. In the opinion of the party and government leaders of the country, the NEP entailed too many political risks and dangers; that is why it was not expedient to include its basic provisions in such a long-term system-forming document as the USSR Constitution of 1924.

Британское присутствие в Индийском океане: перспективы расширения

The article explores the possibility of strengthening and expanding the British political and military presence in the Indian Ocean, its probable goals, objectives, methods and means there. The main purpose of the study is to consider the possibility activating the British military policy in this area, to assess the importance of the Indian Ocean region for London, the prospect of direct expansion of the military presence, the role of British private military companies and alternative methods of influence. The paper analyzes current trends and problems in the foreign and security policy of the United Kingdom. The relevance of the study is due to the change in the British architecture of foreign policy and the perception of its place in international relations. Using system and comparative analysis methods of research, the author concludes the growing probability of expanding the British military presence in the Indian Ocean in the medium and long term. Modern British navy firearms status can allow to increase the intensity of the British military presence in the Indian Ocean. Also, this circumstance may activate Great Britain’s foreign policy in the Indo-Pacific region. It should be noted that the strengthening of the British fleet can be called a marker of the desire of the United Kingdom to become a global player in the international arena. To achieve this goal, almost all possible means of strengthening the capabilities of the UK’s hard power are used: the navy, private military companies, as well as new military alliances such as AUKUS. The work on intensifying the influence in the Indo-Pacific region is a part of the British foreign policy on global strengthening, and should be considered in the context of other regions: Ukraine, Turkey and Northern Europe. Nevertheless, at the moment, the results of such activities cannot be called completely predictable.

Русы и венгры на Нижнем Дунае в 943 г.

Russian chronicles give different dates of Igor's second campaign against Byzantium. Researchers adhere to the dating of The Tale of Bygone Years (Povest' vremennykh let) - 944; however, 943 seems to be the most possible, since Igor's contract with the Greeks was preceded by difficult, and therefore long negotiations, which resulted in Igor's agreement with the Greeks in 944. Earlier in 943, the Hungarians passed through Bulgaria, having confirmed the agreement on the tribute by the “empire of the Romans.” Those who support that Igor's second campaign against the Greeks shoud be dated 943 try to link it with the military action of the Hungarians, having no serious grounds for this. Until 970, the Hungarian leaders did not enter into military alliances with the Kievan princes, since their robber raids were directed mainly to the west, while their invasions of the Balkans became more frequent after their defeat in Germany in 955. Nevertheless, setting off in a raid on Byzantium in the spring of 943, the Hungarians learnt about Igor's military preparations from the Eastern Slavs from Transcarpathia, who had close contacts with the Tivertsy, Igor's allies in his summer campaign of 943. To achieve their goals, the Hungarians skillfully took advantage of the news that a more significant army had been assembled in Russia to march to the Balkans. In his turn, Igor benefited from the fact that the Hungarians had already sown fear in Byzantine society before his arrival on the Lower Danube, saying that Bulgaria did not prevent “northern barbarians” from passing through its territory.

АНГЛОСАКСОНСКИЕ СКРИЖАЛИ НАРАСТАЮЩЕГО ГЛОБАЛЬНОГО ЦИВИЛИЗАЦИОННОГО ПРОТИВОСТОЯНИЯ

The article analyzes the origins and implementation progress of the agreement between the United States, Great Britain and Australia on the formation of the triple military alliance AUKUS, which was announced on September 15, 2021. It is emphasized that the emerging military alliance is based on the concept of integrating the military-industrial complexes of the three Anglo-Saxon countries, aimed at containing and confronting the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the Indo-Pacific region. The main program of action of the emerging military alliance is to equip the Australian Navy with 8 submarines with nuclear power plants. The serious military-technical difficulties that this program will face and is already facing are indicated. At the same time, the process of involving the Australian military-technical potential in the creation of a number of other weapons systems, in particular, hypersonic weapons, is also underway. The formation of AUKUS is considered in a broader aspect as a reflection of the desire of Great Britain and the United States to build a hierarchy of control of the global world order, subject to its subordination to the «collective West», in which the «closed club» of the Anglo-Saxon countries plays the main role. The transformation of the union of Anglo-Saxon countries into the main «bearing» element of the system of global hierarchical governance occurs in the context of the growing crisis of the neoliberal model of globalization, which was given universal civilizational significance at the turn of the 1980 s-1990 s. Thus, a new geopolitical and geo-economic fracture is implanted into the world civilizational space, based on the confrontation of the Western system of values and the Asian system of values, built on the synthesis of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism.

Revisiting the Bandwagoning Hypothesis: A Statistical Analysis of the Alliance Dynamics of Small States

Early theories of alliance formation often focus on when great power or status quo states will enter into military alliances. However, revisionist powers, seeking to threaten the international order igniting global security concerns, often draw power from their alliances with small regional neighbours and weak states. Though several studies discuss indicators that may potentially drive these weak states to bandwagon with revisionist powers to the detriment of protecting status quo security interests, many of these theories have yet to be tested empirically, let alone be presented and tested within the same study. This research empirically tests the conditions under which weak states will form bandwagoning alliances with aggressor states. The results demonstrate that weak states will form bandwagoning alliances with neighbouring regional aggressors, when facing an external threat, and especially under conditions of internal duress or domestic political strife. In order to protect global security interests and to keep aggressor and revisionist states from gaining power and influence through bandwagoning alliances, status quo states should identify internally destabilized weak states and offer early assistance in state building and increasing bureaucratic capacity.

Перспективы военно-политической интеграции в Азии. Быть ли “Азиатской НАТО”?

A unified strategy of formation of a new organization on security in Asia is absent. Such an initiative is not being emanated by the states of the region. Up to a dozen of varying interpretations of the notion of an “Asian NATO” are spread among the political-academic circles of different countries. The main bulk of such interpretations remain of an American authorship and are aimed at formation of military-political alliance targeted against China, and rather through activation of existing formats than through establishing a formalized military alliance. There is an evolution of the quadrilateral format of QUAD. The bifurcation point in its development requires a choice between evolution towards the real military alliance or in direction of a hybrid strategy of general political and economic interaction within the Asia-Pacific region, with only marginal components in security area. The American concept of Indo-Pacific region is criticized by the states of the region, and especially by the ASEAN member countries. The role of ASEAN as organizer and coordinator in the security area is decreasing. New configurations of military-political cooperation in Asia and in the Asia-Pacific region are emerging (Japan–India, India–Indonesia–Australia). Russia should be cautious in reacting to not-yet-formed American initiative targeted against China, to avoid actions leading to a new split between groups of states in Asia as a whole and specifically in the Asia-Pacific region, with understanding that in such a split Russia would play not a leading but a secondary role. The majority of the states of the Asia-Pacific macro-region are not ready to shape or join any formal anti-Chinese alliance under the U.S. leadership.

Trivial Tripwires?: Military Capabilities and Alliance Reassurance

How can states most effectively reassure their allies? Existing studies assessing signals of commitment focus on the role of resolve in making assurances credible. This sidelines important questions about the role of capability. We argue that reassurance effectiveness is the product of both capability and resolve, and suggest that high resolve cannot offset low capability. We introduce a new typology of reassurance measures based on the interaction of military capability and resolve, and test which types of measures are most reassuring using an original survey fielded on European foreign policy experts and a case study of US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization reassurance initiatives in the Baltics. We find that high-resolve, low-capability signals such as tripwire forces in allied territory are not viewed as any more reassuring than high-capability, low-resolve signals such as forces stationed offshore. Our study casts doubt on the reassurance value of tripwires and contributes to scholarship on interstate signaling.

Н. В. Чайковский и А. И. Деникин: диалог, сотрудничество и противоречия лидеров антибольшевистского движения в годы Гражданской войны в России. По страницам документов российских и зарубежных архивов

The article presents the activities of the anti-Bolshevik movement leaders, N.V. Tchaikovsky in the North and General A.I. Denikin in the South of Russia in the days of the Civil War. The object and aim of the research is to analyze their relations, dialogue, collaboration, and contradicting views on state building, interrelations of civil and military powers, relations with the foreign allies by studying archival documents. Most of the studied documents are from documentary collections of the former Russian Historical Archive Abroad in Prague transferred in 1946 to Moscow and now mostly stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation: personal provenance fonds of N. V. Tchaikovsky and A. I. Denikin, documentary collection of the “Society of Northerners.” The article analyzes a long letter written by Tchaikovsky and addressed to Denikin (April 1919), where he assesses organization of power in the Northern Region, relations of the military, including foreign allies and Commander-in-Chief of the Entente forces, with the government of the Northern Region. It presents documents on Tchaikovsky’s views on the political process in South Russia at the time when he was a member of the Russian Political Delegation of the Russian Political Conference in Paris; on relations of the White movement with nationalities. The article highlights Tchaikovsky’s meeting with the Polish leader Josef Pilsudski in an attempt to organize a military alliance of Denikin’s forces with Poland. It assesses Tchaikovsky’s participation in the South Russian Government in 1920 and his relations with General Denikin at the same period. Tchaikovsky sought to implement a “middle” course, balancing the “left” and the “right” fractions, civil and military powers; to demonstrate democratic nature of the Government; and to gain support of a considerable part of the population, while General Denikin was in favor of military dictatorship. Neither approach brought success to the anti-Bolshevik movement in the Civil War. However, identifying and introducing into scientific use documents of these two leaders of the anti-Bolshevik movement is important for proper understanding of its history.

The Eastern Policy of France in the Second Half of the 17th — Second Half of the 18th Century

The article reveals the peculiarities of the eastern policy of France in the second half of the 17th — second half of the 18th century. During the reign of Kings Louis XIV and Louis XV, the eastern policy of France underwent significant changes. At the beginning of this period, the main goal of the “eastern barrier” was to confront the Austrian Habsburgs. To this end, the government of Louis XVI used, first of all, the alliance with the Principality of Transylvania. Problems in the east distracted the Habsburgs from the wars in Europe. During the reign of Louis XV, France's foreign policy became much less consistent. At the beginning of the reign of this monarch, the policy of the “eastern barrier” continued, only now it was directed primarily against Russia, since France was very concerned about the Austro-Russian military alliance. Later, the so-called “reversal of alliances” took place, which eventually led to the Seven Years' War, during which France was on the same side with Austria and Russia, and the policy of the “eastern barrier” was temporarily forgotten. After the turn of Russian policy towards an alliance with Prussia, France is also returning to its traditional policy of containing Russia. This was reflected in the support of the Bar Confederation in Poland and pushing the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate to war with Russia. However, this policy has not led to any significant results. Apparently, the traditional alliance with the Ottoman Empire for France already at that moment did not seem so attractive to some French politicians. The weakening of the Ottoman Empire was presented to them as a possible reason for the seizure of its territories in the Eastern Mediterranean, Egypt for example.

Alignment but not Alliance: Nordic Operational Military Cooperation

Since the start of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, the Nordic states have sought to advance their defence cooperation “beyond peacetime” to also encompass operational military cooperation in crisis and armed conflict. Relations between the two Nordic non-NATO members, Sweden and Finland, have formed a vanguard, encompassing bilateral operational planning beyond peacetime. While no formal security policy guarantees have been exchanged, Sweden and Finland have created strong expectations that they will lend each other support in a crisis. In short, while no formal alliance treaty exists, the two states have nevertheless become closely aligned. In 2020, Sweden and Finland joined NATO member Norway in signalling their intention to strengthen their trilateral defence relationship. The following year, NATO members Norway and Denmark signed a similar agreement with Sweden. The goal of these documents was to coordinate their national operational plans – their “war plans” – and perhaps develop some common operational plans. In this article, it is argued that these agreements fall short of a formal military alliance, but that they represent an alignment policy between the Nordic states.

ВПЛИВ ЯПОНІЇ НА РОЗВИТОК БРИТАНСЬКО-АМЕРИКАНСЬКИХ ВІДНОСИН НАПЕРЕДОДНІ ТА НА ПОЧАТКУ ДРУГОЇ СВІТОВОЇ ВІЙНИ (1931 – 1940 рр.)

The article examines the relationship between two leading countries – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on international political situation in the world in 1930s and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author takes the factor of the Japanese militaristic regime because of the rather similar current geopolitical situation due to the aggressive actions of Russian Federation. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the impact of Japan’s behavior in the international arena on the development of British-American relations in various fields. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the Mukden incident ‒ the beginning of Japanese invasion in the north-eastern part of China (September, 1931) to the conclusion of Berlin (Tripartite) Pact between Japan, Italy and Germany (September, 1940). Methodology: the article uses a comparative-historical method to compare and analyze the influence of Japan and Germany on the foreign policy of London and Washington, as well as descriptive method ‒ to identify the essence and features of British-American relations during 1931–1940. The use primarily of a wide base of diplomatic documents, archival sources from the F. D. Roosevelt Digital Library, cabinet papers of the British government allowed the author to apply the systematic approach and the principle of objectivity working with only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. Scientific novelty: for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the author analyzed and rethought the process of how did Japan’s aggressive actions influence on US-British relations on the eve and beginning of World War II regarding the current geopolitical situation. The author concludes that the leadership of the United States and Great Britain did not realize the threat from Japan in time, that their inconsistent actions only contributed to the rapprochement of Tokyo with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, culminating in the formation of a tripartite military alliance («axis»). According to the author, the ambiguity of the position of London and Washington caused primarily by the struggle for spheres of influence in the Pacific area and trade conflicts between them in general. In view of this, the article emphasizes the need for modern leading states, especially Great Britain and the USA, to take into account the mistakes of the past in order to prevent a repeat of the Japanese scenario in the international arena in future.

Implications of Tensions in South China Sea Region on Land Force Strategy in Indonesia's Defense

The South China Sea have strategic value, from economic and military aspects. In some parts of the waters there is an overlap of jurisdictions between claimant states (Brunei Darussalam, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and China), causing a high potential for conflict. Geopolitical turbulence in the South China Sea region further illustrates the dynamic strategic environment and adds complexity to threats to security in the region. The panelitian method used is a qualitative descriptive method. According to Sugiyono, descriptive methods are studies that describe, describe, or describe the state of the object studied as what it is, according to the situation and conditions when research is done. The theories used are balance of power, military of balance, steps-to-war, and balance of threat. China’s rapid military development has made it a powerful country and has the potential to become a hegemony in the region and will create new tensions in the region. This situation encourages countries in the region to increase their military capabilities, produce military weaponry and equipment, and even form military alliances to offset China’s military capabilities in the region. The U.S.-China rivalry makes the South China Sea region a single geostrategic theater that will drag regional countries into the maelstrom of conflict, including Indonesia in it. Facing a dynamic environment, Indonesia with an active defensive strategy deploys land aspect forces that have been centrally structured and dispersed (territorial command units), in an effort to prevent assertive actions from other countries.

The Impact of Population Dead Cross Phenomenon on the SECURITY of the Korean Peninsula

Purpose: This article examines the potential impacts on the security of the Korean Peninsula(KORPEN) due to the slumping defense workforce in the depopulation and aging era and suggests the impact of the Population Dead Cross Phenomenon(PDCP) to be a considerable factor for the future direction of the ROK-U.S. combined defense system. Method: As a research method, the framework of analysis is to examine the impact of the PDCP and the DPRK military threats on the security of the KORPEN then recommend the future direction for improving the alliance relations in the era of Operational Control Transition(OPCON-T). Due to the limitations and characteristics of this research, this study focused on literature research, official documents from the Republic of Korea(ROK) govern-ment and the Ministry of National Defense(MND), academic and dissertations, forums, and seminars related to the demographic and national security studies. Results: The Republic of Korea is the most rapidly advancing country globally, with a low-birth rate and hyper-aging society. The PDCP in the ROK society is a serious security concern to its conscription-based system. Onlook-ers expect the low fertility rate to shake the national defense policy of the conscription system by causing a decrease in the working-age population and a mission-critical decrease in the available national defense work-force. The continued reduction of the ROK defense manpower may raise questions about how to effectively com-mand the future combined defense forces after OPCON-T. Conclusion: In a broader sense, the decline of the ROK population due to the PDCP is a social problem that desperately needs an essential solution. This social problem is also a reflection point for the ROK and the U.S. defense and national authorities, developing the future direction for the ROK-U.S. combined defense system. If the chronic diseases of the PDCP are ignored, it will directly threaten the security of the KORPEN. The ROK and the U.S. should consider multifaceted factors from various angles and prepare for binational decision space to prepare for the realpolitik in shaping the future landscape of the ironclad ROK-U.S. military alliance.

CONSIDERATIONS ON THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE WARSAW TREATY IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONAL DEFENSE INDUSTRY

The historical moments of the end of the Second World War have generated a very complex European security environment on the international geopolitical scene. The Cold War had begun, the Iron Curtain Restrictions System had been established, and in 1949 the Washington Treaty was signed, forming the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO), a military system with the mission of ensuring security on the European continent. In 1955, at the initiative of the USSR, the European communist states concluded the Warsaw Pact, officially called the Warsaw Pact or the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance. It was, in fact, also a military alliance formed in response to the North Atlantic Alliance, out of a desire to defend against possible threats or attacks from the NATO system. This article is a study of this period, in which we will give an important place to the analysis of the implications of the Warsaw Pact in the development of the national economic environment, especially of the national defense industry. Despite the unprecedented achievements in the production and export of weapons and ammunition systems, the stability of the Eastern European security environment has been severely affected by the pursuit of undemocratic strategies by Russian state actors, expressed through threats and actions of energy blackmail, intensification of cross-border tensions, attempts to strain relations between states, maintain border conflicts (even between treaty states), as well as annexation of territories using armed force and the strategy of persistent conflict. Such aspects have intensified after the events of the early 1990s, following the abolition of the Warsaw Pact and the dissolution of the Soviet Empire.

The Belarusian-Russian Military Alliance in the Context of the Geostrategic Importance of Belarus for Russia as a Way to the West and Its Role in Achieving Its Geopolitical Goals (Part 1)

This article by Grzegorz Baziur concerns the geostrategic importance of Belarus in the context of the „Russian road to the West” in the light of the neo-imperial policy of the Russian Federation, implemented by the authorities under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin. In the introduction, the author presented the aims of the article, research methods and his theses, and in the first part he described Belarusian-Russian relations in terms of military cooperation and the Russian vision of security policy in the West. In the last part of the text, the author asks the question - is there anything to fear from Belarus in the context of the Belarusian-Russian alliance under Russia's hegemony? In this part, he discusses the meanders of Polish-Belarusian relations with Russia in the background, and the whole article concludes with conclusions on the security perspectives of Belarus and its neighboring countries, including Poland.

The Chinese Dragon and the Russian Bear: The Course and the Future of Their Relationship

The tumultuous China-Russia relationship looks back in time. The history of Chinese-Russian relations during the historical journey reflects the existence of two hostile forces that have developed a mutually beneficial cooperation in the shadow of an unsuccessful shared history, a cultural and racial bias of political misunderstandings, ideological differences and geopolitical competition. Although their relationship has been steadily improving during the 1990s to the present day, attitudes have remained highly ambiguous. Moscow and Beijing have reaffirmed their "strategic cooperation" and commitment to a new "global multipolar order," although senior Russian officials have continued to speak openly about the "Chinese threat". The passage from a constructive to a strategic Sino-Russian partnership took place along the historical path, based on a new cooperative vision that formed the cornerstone for the conciliation of the Chinese dragon and the Russian bear. The key question that emerges is the dynamics of this approach and its future. The development of China-Russia "strategic cooperation" can serve the following possibilities: strategic convergence, political and military alliance, the end of history, confrontation and strategic tension. As unique certainty, the relationship between these two countries traverses the emerging horizon, affects Eurasia and far beyond its limits, defining history’s route.

Діяльність вишеградської групи в розрізі українсько-польських відносин у військовій сфері на сучасному етапі

Проаналізовано форми, методи та діяльність членів Вишеградської групи щодо перспектив співпраці з Україною в розрізі українсько-польських відносин у військовій сфері. Досліджено вплив членів Вишеградської групи на перспективи інтеграції України у Північноатлантичний альянс (далі – НАТО) та Європейський Союз (далі – ЄС).

GLOBALIZATION AND THE CHANGING CONCEPT OF NATO

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been the most important and successful multilateral military cum political organization, pursuing the agenda of exporting democracy globally and ensuring the mutual defense of its allies. Historically, NATO was formed against the threat of communism emanating from USSR (Russia). The alliance did not use military option till the end of the cold war between the west and USSR, but post-cold war, it transformed and operated in Balkans, South Asia, Horn of Africa, and Middle East. The 9/11 incident further enhanced the military role of the organization and gave it ample reason to act internationally for ensuring the global security. America, being the leader of the alliance used it for fighting the so-called global war on terrorism and its adventures in Middle East. Nevertheless, in the last two decades the organization went through various changes and is now continuously in the state of transformation. The wave of populism which had influenced the very concept of globalization has posed serious challenges for the alliance. The Trump rhetoric of “America first”, BREXIT, challenges of migration, changing demography of Europe, assertion of Russia in global politics, confrontation between the NATO allies like Turkey and France, and rise of China are few factors which may affect the future of the so-called intergovernmental military alliance. This article concurrently discusses the new challenges for the NATO and sheds light on the possible options to the strategy of Biden administration to reverse the policies of its predecessor which have influenced the cooperation of different allies of NATO. In the end researcher has tried to put forth few recommendations which may help the policy makers to cope with the challenges NATO is facing. The study is qualitative and analytical in nature whereas primary as well as secondary sources are used for data collection.

THE ‘CYPRUS QUESTION’ AND BRITAIN’S DECISION TO LEAVE TURKEY AND GREECE OUTSIDE NATO, 1948-1949

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is an intergovernmental military alliance of unusual geographical membership that was signed on 4 April 1949 in Washington D.C. Twelve countries famously became founding members, but Turkey and Greece were surprisingly not included. In point of fact, these two Mediterranean countries were arguably victims that suffered from the ‘aggression’ of the Soviet Union in the early post-Second World War years and had some strong reasons for being included in NATO. The literature usually focuses on the geographical area of Turkey and Greece and a Mediterranean Pact in explaining why Britain refused to invite these countries to join NATO during its formation years. However, when placing more attention to the perspective of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office regarding this rejection issue, the ‘Cyprus question’, which refers to a major dispute between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus, also influenced them in tightening Britain’s decision to leave Turkey and Greece outside NATO. This study is using qualitative method like archieval data. The finding of this study shows that British documentary analysis illuminates the degree of influence of the problem of Cyprus on British considerations of western security. In particular, this paper offers analysis of British Foreign Office objections to the admission of Turkey and Greece to NATO before NATO was successfully established. Previous researchers have largely drawn attention to Britain’s general views on the structure and membership of NATO, and on Britain as a major instigator of the alliance. This paper, however, will discuss the ‘objection issue’ towards Turkey and Greece from the point of view of Britain, particularly from the perspective of the ‘Cyprus question’.