Members Of Nobility Research Articles

고구려 『유기(留記)』의 편찬 방식과 시기

Examined here is how references to the Goguryeo compilation of history books were inserted in Samguk Sagi, and how and when Yugi(留記) was actually compiled. Previously, the entry of King Yeong ‘yang-wang’s 11th year was believed to be a single entry, but the three sentences composing that entry were actually from three different sources. Separate references to respective compilations of Yugi and Shinjib were merged in the same entry by the author of Samguk Sagi, leading to some misunderstanding by future readers.BR Yugi was a record on its own, included in the Ancient history[古史] which served as the basis for Shinjib. Yug i’s volume seems to have been huge, as it was described as comprised of ‘100 chapters,’ which would have only been natural as Yugi was a history book that collected all kinds of transcriptions including oral literature. Because Yugi gathered together the stories of various members of nobility from the Early Three Kings’ period, people in later periods -who simply did not have enough information on the past- considered Yugi to have been created in the early years of the Goguryeo dynasty.BR Yugi was created to lay groundwork for not only future historical compilation, but to establish the succession line for the throne as well. So Yugi must have been compiled somewhere between the reign of King Dongcheonwang when the existence of a dynastic shrine is confirmed, and the reign of Sosurim-wang, when the genealogy of the Goguryeo royal family was locked down.

Republikańskie teokracje kalwińskie w Europie

The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholics are persecuted. The aim of this text is the presentation vision and ideology of theses Republics. It’s the mixture of sovereignty of the people-citizens with the theocratic tendency of Calvinism. In the theory of Calvin, and in the practice of theses Republics we are the tension between the “too swords”: spiritual (Calvinist consistories) and temporal (political power). In the literature we are many of allusions that the theological-political thought of Jean Calvin is inspired by medieval papal theocracy. It’s theocracy with “purified” Word of God, and inspired by the fear of the “caesaropapism”. This fear was just. Every theocratic rule in the Calvinist republican regime is finished by the supremacy of temporal swords. This text present the process of change from papocaesarism to caesaropapism in every republican case.

Distribution of gas and oil in Russia and Chechnya’s special position

ABSTRACTPutin is hardly an overpowerful autocrat. He most likely resembles a late medieval kings, who balanced between various groups. Such kings dealt harshly with the powerless and those who created problems for them. At the same time, they tried to find compromise with powerful members of nobility. Putin acts in the same way, and his gas policy reflects this. On one hand, the Kremlin is relentless in demanding payment from the powerless populace from Russia’s heartland. At the same time, it tries to be more cautious in dealing with potentially rebellious outskirts of the state.

Parámetros nobiliarios y política de prestigio en el convento Madre de Dios de Baena (Córdoba)

Ofrecemos en esta contribución aquellos factores que se extraen de los elementos materiales conservados y de la documentación archivística custodiada por la comunidad de religiosas dominicas de Madre de Dios de Baena que delatan su vínculo con el linaje de la Casa de Cabra. Valoramos y analizamos sus estatutos fundacionales, los distintos resortes de utilización sociopolítica y propagandística que de este convento se hizo durante los siglos XVI y XVII por los Fernández de Córdoba, así como de los comportamientos que las religiosas desarrollaban intramuros, más propios de la actividad nobiliaria en el siglo que de monjas contemplativas.

The Court Nobility and the French Revolution: The Example of the Society of Thirty

ONE OF THE MOST REMARKABLE FEATURES of the early years of the French Revolution was the prominence of members of the French nobility among the Revolutionary leadership. Historians wishing to maintain the thesis of the Revolution have either ignored these noble revolutionaries altogether or dismissed their presence as irrelevant to the true nature of the class struggle of 1789. Georges Lefebvre, for example, acknowledged that there were nobles in the forefront of the movement for constitutional reform in 1788-89. they were only minority; otherwise the Revolution would have taken place by common accord. 1 Perhaps so. But Lefebvre and other historians of the French Revolution have failed to address satisfactorily the question: Why did some nobles become revolutionaries while others did not? Was it simply that some nobles had read more of Voltaire and Rousseau than others? Or were noble revolutionaries merely bourgeois in disguise, whose titles of nobility were freshly minted during the final years of the ancien regime ? Each of these two answers has its scholarly adherents. Whether taken separately or together, however, neither answer has proved persuasive to most historians of the French Revolution. This problem of the noble revolutionary is most acute if we restrict our considerations to the nobility of the Sword. Many members of the nobility, after all, may be susceptible to inclusion in Guy Chaussinand-Nogaret's rather generous definition of noble as a bourgeois