Political Mediation Research Articles

Systematic Review of Mediatization of Politics in Southeast Asia

Mediatization of politics refers to the meta-process by which political institutions are highly dependent and influenced by the usage of media in political processes. In the early 2000s, research was heavily pioneered by scholars from Western World. For the past decade, scholars from the Southeast Asian region have explored and used the concept in understanding the relationship between media and political institutions in their respective countries. However, there is no cohesive systematic review on research that has been done on how mediatization of politics is being constructed in Southeast Asian context. This is crucial to determine mediatization of politics claims as the new paradigm of media studies holds true in the context of Asian political systems. Therefore, the present article conducted a systematic literature review on mediatization of politics in the Asian region. This study integrated different research designs and the review was based on PRISMA 2020 (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic and Meta Analysis 2020). From 45 articles initially screened, 9 articles were chosen for the final systematic review. Four themes emerged from the systematic review, namely a) democratization, b) disinformation, c) religious populism and d) nationalism. The results showed that in most SEA countries, political actors are embracing the high dependency of media, whether it is the mainstream media or the digital media. Along with the mediatization, comes positive and negative consequences that are different according to the history of the countries. Future scholars should focus on expanding and building the systematic review in different regions. Keywords: Systematic review, mediatization of politics, Southeast Asia, democratization, political institutions.

SOCIAL MEDIA PLATFORMS AS MULTI-SIDED STAKEHOLDERS: YOUTUBE’S ROLE IN SHAPING IMAGINARIES OF AI

Artificial intelligence (AI) is considered a key technology in contemporary societies with high amounts of resources being dedicated globally to its development. Simultaneously, AI technology has been at the center of public debate considering its societal impact. Social Media Platforms (SMPs) play a crucial role in providing a space for public debates but also partake in public discourses on various levels. Understanding social media’s power in informing, shaping, and stirring these debates as stakeholders as well as providing a public arena is crucial, especially in light of their global reach and position. While traditional media’s role is often questioned for framing public debates and resulting imaginaries, this paper is questioning what multiple roles SMPs play in shaping users and, hence, public(s) imaginaries of AI? The research design focuses on YouTube as a case study conceptualizing the platform as a multi-sided stakeholder. The operationalization is based on a mixed-method approach, considering four streams of data to analyze YouTube as an AI innovator, technological implementer, media representative, as well as a political mediator. The mixed-methods approach draws on a combination of document analysis, platform analysis as well as content analysis of YouTube content. This brings forth the ongoing negotiation between platform, creator, and users to question the multifaceted role SMPs play in shaping imaginaries of AI. The analysis showed that YouTube acts as a multisided stakeholder and is shaping users’ imaginaries of AI from various angles depending on the intended audience of the public communication, created content, or applied technology.

Politainment on Twitter: Engagement in the Spanish Legislative Elections of April 2019

The mediatisation of politics is based on the logic of spectacle. Politainment defines the phenomenon in which political information is trivialised by the hybrid narratives in which it is included and its anecdotal tone, with the aim of reaching an audience that seeks entertainment rather than information. This phenomenon has reached the digital sphere; the media, political parties, and prosumers are interested in using the new communicative context to expand their audience or become producers of new narrative formulas that act as a loudspeaker for online infotainment policies or discourses. This research examines the engagement obtained by politainment producers on Twitter, a network where debates about television content are concentrated. The article examines the tweets issued by Spanish television programmes that carry out politainment. The research focuses on the Spanish general elections held in April 2019 to establish whether this social network acted as a sounding board for television broadcasts and how it contributed to fixing ideas and content. The researchers conducted a content analysis on a sample of 7,059 tweets and 2,771 comments. The results show that the production, promotion, and communication strategies of programmes on Twitter are still scarce and unoriginal. The behaviour of prosumers is not very creative, active, or interactive, preventing the creation of a debate on Twitter or the construction of a horizontal (user–user) or vertical (user–programme) interaction on the content published.

Ewolucja przywództwa politycznego od ujęcia tradycyjnego do neoprzywództwa

EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL LEADERSHIP: FROM THE TRADITIONAL APPROACH TO NEO-LEADERSHIP Political leadership seems to be one of the fundamental concepts of the social sciences. The crisis of liberal democracy has brought numerous changes in the relationship between the leader and the followers. Crises have affected many areas: social trust, political communication, political elites, the economy and so on. With the emergence of new populisms, a new paradigm of new leadership has also appeared. When analyzed in evolutionary terms, we can identify traditional leadership (in the era before the mediatization of politics), marketing leadership (1980s and 1990s), and neo-leadership based on modern propaganda and associative communication.

Adaptations of the News Media and Social Media Logics by Indonesian Political Parties’ Leaders and Presidential Candidates after 2004 Indonesian Presidential Election

Adaptations of political actors and organizations in Asian democratic countries to the media and social media logics have been increasingly visible. This article is specified to answer the following questions of how Indonesian political parties’ leaders and presidential candidates after 2004 Indonesian presidential election adapted to the news and social media logics and what drove such adaptations. Focusing on such questions, this article adopts theoretical models of mediatisation of politics formulated by Mazzoleni and Schulz, Strömbäck and Stromback and Van Aelts and extracts in-depth interview data derived from six Indonesian political parties’ leaders, two political consultants and six senior journalists associated with Indonesian media using the qualitative content and thematic analyses. The findings are as follows. These political parties’ leaders and presidential candidates favoured adapting to the news and social media logics when they got to deal with political issues and affairs, formulate political policies and secure their personal images in Indonesian political sphere. Such development was driven by the following factors, including establishing democratic political and media systems, increasing the roles of the media as sources of political information, escalating freedoms of Indonesian media and journalists to manage the media logic. Theoretical implications are chronicled and research recommendations are displayed.

Student Political Efficacy Learning Through Second Screening and Online Discussion

The second screening activity has become practice media use among many students. Especially on political issues, someone tends to look for more information received through television with access to social media-related issues simultaneously. This study wants to see the effect of a second screening on political efficacy directly or indirectly. The involvement of students in the political process is needed in democratic life; moreover, Indonesia is facing a global world crisis. The research used a survey method to distribute questionnaires through social media platforms with a sample of 385 college students who live in Jakarta. The results showed that the second screening has a direct effect on the political efficacy of students, and there is also an indirect effect with the mediation of online discussion-related politics. The second screening activity, with information sources from television and social media as well as interaction with other users, is a learning process student for more involved in the political process. The practice of second screening can be applied to design learning to get student involvement in democratic lives.
 
 Received: 22 October 2022 / Accepted: 24 December 2022 / Published: 5 January 2023

ЕТИЧНІ ДИЛЕМИ СУЧАСНОГО ПОЛІТИЧНОГО ПОСЕРЕДНИЦТВА: АДАПТАЦІЯ ДО СУЧАСНИХ ВИКЛИКІВ

In the contemporary global context, the role of political mediation is increasingly pivotal in resolving conflicts at every stratum, from the local to the global arena. However, amidst rapid global transformations, ethical dilemmas in mediation processes become more pronounced and demand urgent attention. This article focuses on a comprehensive examination of current ethical conundrums in political mediation. It pays particular attention to the mediator’s responsibility, the selection of strategies and methodologies that foster trust and dialogue, and a critical analysis of mediation examples that demonstrate a diversity of approaches and outcomes. The piece thoroughly investigates the broad spectrum of challenges associated with the application of ethical principles in mediation processes and attempts to discern how modern global trends and challenges affect conventional political mediation methods. It also provides a historical perspective, scrutinizing the evolution of academic perspectives on ethical dilemmas in politics through various historical epochs. The study observes that the ethical issues in contemporary political mediation and its adaptation to new challenges often remain outside the scope of scholarly discourse. This lack of adapted concepts and methodologies necessitates further academic efforts and scrutiny of ethical issues within the context of current political negotiations and mediation. The author suggests additional research into the impact of global trends, such as globalization, technological innovations, and an increase in political mediation actors, on the ethical dimensions of this sphere.

FEATURES OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN VIRTUAL COMMUNITIES OF THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL CHALLENGES AND RISKS

The article is devoted to the study of the specifics of political communication in the modern world. As an example, we study virtual communities in the Telegram messenger and the VKontakte social network. The text examines the specifics of the modern digital era, and, in particular, its phenomenon as virtual political communication, as one of the main horizontal ways of communication between individuals. The author emphasizes the inherent nature of the process of mediatization of politics in the modern world, as well as such an important aspect of it as awareness of oneself as a citizen as a direct participant in the implementation of power interactions. Special emphasis in the work is placed on the practices that currently exist in the Russian Federation. In particular, there is an increase in the interest of Russians in political events and, as a result, taking into account the global political situation, not only the growth of the popularity of VKontakte and Telegram, but also the emergence of new innovations, as well as the growth of the popularity of the former ones. There are three main groups of publics: media; communities of political actors; around topical key political issues. The changes in political communication between citizens and the state are investigated. The article provides recommendations on how best to carry out this interaction from the point of view of public authorities: high-quality visual content with an emphasis on concise videos and “presence effect”; user-oriented content marketing; effective speech communication; temporal strategy. There is a request for how, in the conditions of numerous fake and discrediting publications, to increase confidence in public authorities at all levels.

The information privileges of political elites in the conditions of social media development

The article presents the results of a study of the influence of social media on the information privileges of political elites. In the ―Introduction‖ section, the author substantiates the relevance of the topic and problem of his research. In his opinion, it is determined by the rapid development of social media, which have become a tool of various political actors who use them to achieve various goals. With the development of social media, political elites face new difficulties in exercising information privileges, but at the same time receive new opportunities for information dominance. The study of the information privileges of political elites is becoming even more relevant in the context of an information war. In the section ―Materials and research methods‖ the author characterizes the empirical and methodological bases of his research. The first includes reports and reports from various research organizations, regulations, etc. The second includes the classical theory of elites, the modern theory of political communication and the modern theory of mediatization of politics. In the ―Literature Review,‖ the author systematizes publications related to the topic and problem of their research. He identifies three groups of works: 1) works that examine the interaction of elites with the mass media, their communication activity and strategies for mastering the information space; 2) works whose authors analyze the influence of social media on the political process; 3) works in which social media are correlated with such an important political science category as the political regime. In the ―Research results and their discussion‖ section, the author formulates a definition of information privileges, understanding them as priority access to the media space, which provides significant opportunities in the field of information dominance. He argues that, firstly, social media acts as a factor preventing political elites from exercising information privileges, because imply practices that contradict elite models of managing society, and secondly, that in order to realize information privileges and maintain their socio-political status in general, political elites are currently using two ―reactive‖ and one ―proactive‖ strategies. The author emphasizes that in conditions of political crises, through social media, the opposition is trying to eliminate the communication monopoly of political elites. The authors also point out that in the ―post-truth‖world, political elites receive new opportunities to exercise their information privileges. However, ―post-truth‖ circulating in the space of social media also determines the formation of opposition centers of information gravity. Using the latest data, he comes to the conclusion that the hybrid war unleashed against Russia involves the involvement of existing and the formation of new hostile centers of information gravity, the key task of which is precisely to undermine the information dominance of the Russian elite, and then to create and manage internal crises, in destabilizing the political regime in the country. In the ―Conclusion‖ section, the author summarizes his research, briefly listing the results obtained.

Charismatic leadership and political mediation for peace. Some biological, anthropological, and psychological factors of charisma and populism

A situação política atual parece conciliar-se com a existência de líderes carismáticos e populistas, que aparecem dando voz a várias dificuldades da sociedade. Abordaremos neste artigo o carisma e o populismo nas suas manifestações públicas e examinaremos a sua relação com as personalidades psicopática e esquizotípica. A nossa época impõe uma abordagem integrada destas realidades, não somente para impedir que voltem a associar-se a manifestações coletivas e afetivas extremas como no séc. XX, mas também porque a psicologia dos líderes carismáticos precisa de se enriquecer com os conhecimentos da biologia evolutiva, da antropologia e da psicopatologia. Só assim poderemos conceber formas eficazes de mediação política e construção durável da paz.

Public administration and politics: correlation of theoretical concepts in historical retrospect

The article analyzes the classification of the relationship between politics and administration, it was found that four models are distinguished according to the degree of interrelationship: classical, bureaucratic, deliberative, and hybrid. The formation and characteristic features of each model are considered. It was singled out a number of advantages of the hybrid model and given four main reasons that recommend its use: 1) provides an innovative (non-rationalist) view of the political process; 2) integrates policy and administration; 3) is sensitive to the complex nature of public policy; 4) it has the potential to deepen the democratic process. In modern socio-economic conditions, the Ukrainian system of public administration has not yet found an optimal relationship between politics and administration, there is no clear separation of administrative and political functions. The reality of public administration shows that Ukraine lacks professional administrators-managers, free from the “pressure” of politics, as well as politicians who understand administrative mechanisms. However, the science of public administration was conceived as a technical way of solving social problems, which allows people to avoid the pitfalls of politics. It can be said that society would have better life if the collective decision-making process was devoid of political mediation and instead based solely on scientific approach. Although even in this case, it is worth remembering that public administration, which is guided by the instrumental type of rationality, does not allow civil society (which is based on the communicative type of rationality) to have a significant impact on administrative activities. Therefore, in our opinion, the best way to combine such similar and at the same time different phenomena as politics and administration is the method proposed by the hybrid model, because it defines: a) that public administration performs both administrative and political tasks; b) the political process as a continuous dispute that is never resolved forever, the hybrid model is adapted to the increasingly complex conditions of policy formation. After all, the hybrid model notes the coexistence of several views; it allows political subjects to express their disagreement through political centers. By identifying conflict in the political process, the hybrid model promotes the development of democratic practices and institutions. Dissent, rather than binding consensus, is indispensable for revitalizing democratic processes and eliminating the “democratic deficits” that pervade modern societies.

Peculiarities of the use of political mediation in the Russian-Ukrainian war: principles of application and problems of solution

The aim of the article was to investigate the principles of the implementation of diplomatic policy and the problems of the Russian-Ukrainian war settlement by applying the method of mediation. The work is based on the use of both special methods of political research and general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction). With the help of a prognostic method, an attempt was made to characterize the short-term results of the introduction of political mediation in the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war. The results showed that mediation is a special negotiation technology for resolving political conflicts. The key tasks of mediation in political conflict resolution are neutralization of negative consequences of the confrontation, search for dissonance between the parties and development of a strategy for further actions, etc. It is concluded that, at this stage of the war, political mediation to resolve the problems is possible only due to the military failures of the Russian side and the Ukrainian collaborators supported by it.

Perceptions of media influence and performance among politicians in European democracies.

This study explores politicians' subjective views of the mediatisation of politics and the implication it has for their satisfaction with democracy. Based on previous research, we hypothesise a negative effect of their perception of media influence on their evaluation of the news media's performance as a public informant. These perceptions directly and indirectly influence politicians' satisfaction with democracy. The relationships were tested with a Structural Equation Model (SEM) based on comparative survey data from politicians in seven democracies (Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland). Results show that a strong influence runs from politicians' perception of the media's performance as regards public information to their satisfaction with the functioning of democracy. This influence is stable across countries. The SEM thus may provide a good explanation for why some politicians attack legacy media and excessively use social media to communicate with voters. Results also point to risks of media-driven democracies.

Daily Life and Political Activity of the Orlik Family in the Context of International Relations in the First Quarter of the 18th Century

On the basis of two surviving documents compiled by Pylyp Orlyk ("Promemoria" and "Diariusz podorożny ..."), as well as insignificant literature, the author made an attempt to analyze the daily life and political activities of members of the Hetman's family in the context of international relations of the first quarter of the 18th century. This was the period of the end of the Great Northern War and the preparation of the Treaty of Nystad. The Orlyk’s family was in exile and had been constantly changing the place of residence. The involvement of members of Orlyk’s family, including his eldest daughter Anastasia Theodora and her husband, in Pylyp Orlyk’s political affairs has long been a little-known fact. Based on the mentioned texts, the author of the article proves that Anastasia Orlyk was an active associate and assistant of her father, helping him to correspond with family members and political companions. In the face of constant political persecution by the Moscow authorities, relocations and family tragedies experienced by the Orlyk, the hetman’s wife could not always be useful to him. As a result, Anastasia’s role as one of her father’s political mediators increased significantly. An active assistant to the hetman was his future son-in-law Johan Stenflycht. He tried to help Orlyk get amnesty from the Tsar Peter I of Moscow on favorable terms, but his efforts were unsuccessful. Using the help of his children and relatives, Orlyk sought to maintain the interest of European states in the Ukrainian cause. Thanks to their joint efforts, the Ukrainian government in exile tried for some time to maintain its position in international relations in the 1720s and 1730s. Orlyk’s second daughter, Barbara, who was too young at the end of the Great Northern War, was not involved in her father’s political affairs. At the same time, after the death of her sister, Barbara became Stenflycht’s wife and mother of Anastasia’s children. Orlykʼs grandchildren on Anastasia Theodora’s side survived the early deceased mother, but did not survive their father. Stenflycht had no children in his marriage to Barbara. Thus, both branches of the Orlyk-Gertsik family tree were interrupted. Today in Sweden, you can still find material evidence of the life of Johan Stenflicht, but they are not connected with his Ukrainian wives and heirs of the exiled hetman Pylyp Orlyk

La première œuvre collective de l’Académie de France à Rome : un apparat éphémère pour la guérison de Louis XIV*

Abstract This article focuses on the ephemeral, multimedia façade for the French Academy commemorating the recovery of Louis XIV from illness. Known only through an engraved print, this installation seems tobe the first – and perhaps the only – tangible manifestation of the collective work carried out by French architects, sculptors, and painters resident in Rome during the second half of the seventeenth century. The aim is to demonstrate that, in addition to constituting a precious reservoir of visual references, whose correct understanding depends on an archaeological study of the ancient and modern repertoires, this apparatus imposes itself as an ambitious project of political mediation at a particular moment in the history of the Kingdom of France.

Paradigm Shift: From Ownership Issues to Political Mediatization

The political economy approach that focuses primarily on ownership issues has reached a saturation point and, at the same time, has some limitations. It could not explain the shift that occurred in the democratization process in Indonesia regarding the use of social media in Indonesia. Therefore, this paper offers a political mediatization paradigm in the relationship between media and democracy in the 2019 Presidential Election and the democratic trend in the 1955–2019 elections. This research suggests a map of media usage and the tendency of democracy in Indonesia’s 1955 - 2019 General Election and four quadrants of media and political mediatization with two main axes. The first axis has two poles: the media that promote democracy and the media that undermine democracy, and the second axis with the poles of politicizing media and political mediatization. The first quadrant is media that promotes democracy, and there is the mediatization of politics. The second quadrant is media that promotes democracy, and political media is politicized. The third quadrant is the mediatization of politics and media that undermines democracy. The last quadrant shows the politicization of media and media that undermine democracy.

Mediatization of politics: reflections and findings

The article, focused on the elucidation of the paradigm of mediatization in the research of media activity, examines various aspects of the concept of mediatization, presenting the experience accumulated by the mass media in the media coverage of the political process through the methods related to mediatization, understood as a primary function of contemporary mass media. The author refers to the peculiarities of mediatization, discusses the consequences of the mediatization process, characterizes the phenomenon of mediatization as an expression of the increased involvement of the mass media in the political process. Approaching the mediatization phenomenon offers the possibility of revealing some relevant aspects of the current political-media processes, including: the role of the media in the social construction of reality, mediatization as a premise for the manifestation of symbolic politics, as a resource for strengthening democracy. At the same time, the interpretation of mediatization contributes to the clarification of the conditions for the production of the political content of the media and the establishment of trends in the evolution of social interaction. The analysis of political-media realities also reveals certain risks for the mediatization process for the development of democracy, such as, for example, the fact of the attempts of the political class to preserve its functionality in the face of the extended power of the media.

Political conflicts and modern methods of their resolution in the legal field: potential and limitations

The article is devoted to the consideration of modern methods used in the process of resolving political conflicts. The subject of the study is conflict as a political and legal phenomenon. The purpose of the article is to consider legal methods of resolving political conflicts as the most effective and civilized ways to achieve peace.The following scientific methods were used in the work: system, structural and network analysis, which allowed us to consider the totality of the main modern methods of resolving political conflicts, their potential and limitations. Psychological, philosophical, political and legal approaches were also applied in determining the category of "conflict" and its main characteristics.The study reveals the features of modern political conflicts, taking into account which the need to consciously approach the search and practical application of certain methods of their resolution is formed. It is emphasized that a special responsibility lies on the nuclear Powers, as well as on the leading world states and international organizations that create and maintain stability and unity of the global space of the modern world.As the results of this study, the most optimal, effective and rational methods of resolving political conflicts were noted as the most destructive and destructive types of confrontations. Their potential and limitations are highlighted. These methods are in demand in the plane of real conflict-prone realities and do not lose relevance in the modern world. Thus, such methods of resolving political conflicts as the game method, coercive diplomacy, civilizational approach, socio-cultural integration, structural functionalism and the network method were identified and analyzed. Also, legal methods were considered separately, which, according to the results of the study, were recognized as the most fair and consistent for a number of reasons. Among them, negotiations, mediation, arbitration (arbitration), the method of institutionalization of political conflict, political mediation and judicial proceedings are considered. The appeal to legal methods of resolving political conflicts becomes particularly relevant during the wartime period, when the threat of the use of nuclear weapons increases and war crimes are committed.According to the results of the study, it was concluded that legal methods of resolving political conflicts are the most effective and civilized among others. They are structured, clearly formulated in the form of regulatory legal acts, some of them can be implemented in the form of procedures with mandatory execution of the decision, are politically neutral, are carried out with the support of professionals and based on previous constructive experience.

COVID-19-Adapted Multi-Functional Corniche Street Design Assessment Model: Applying Global Sensitivity Analysis (GSA) and Adaptability Analysis Methods

The world-shaking communicable coronavirus disease (i.e., COVID-19) has become a pandemic threat to a healthy built environment. This study aimed to develop the COVID-19-adapted multi-functional corniche street design (Ca-MCSD) assessment model. Accordingly, this study identified variables coordinating the local environmental, physical, social, cultural, and political mediations of multi-functional corniche street design. Secondly, it measured the weight of every single variable through confirmatory analysis, normalization, and standardization techniques, and an expert-input study then developed the MCSD model and Ca-MCSD model. This study validated the models through a case study (i.e., Al Wakrah corniche street in Dubai, Qatar) and conducted ANOVA regression analysis and global sensitivity analysis (GSA). The Ca-MCSD model evaluates the design quality of a corniche street across five criteria—inclusiveness, desirable activities, safety, comfort, and pleasurability—and forty-two sub-criteria. The regression analysis determined that the MCSD model and Ca-MCSD model are linearly and positively correlated (Y = 0.811777X + 0.383401), where the Pearson regression coefficient (r) equaled 0.903729, r2 equaled 0.816727, and the p-value was 0.025 with 95% confidence intervals. The research found that, before the COVID-19 pandemic, microclimate comfort (avWSc.3.4 = 7.880), community gathering places (Sc.2.1), availability of foods (Sc.2.4), appropriate maintenance and physical condition (Sc.3.6), and attractiveness of space (Sc.5.8) (avW = 6.000) played critical roles in designing a multi-functional corniche street. However, after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the key drivers changed to microclimate comfort (favWSc.3.4 = 12.632), appropriate maintenance and physical condition (favWSc.3.6 = 9.618), physical/visual connection or openness to adjacent spaces (favWSc.4.1 = 4.809), and over-securitization (favWSc.4.1 = 4.287).

EXPERIENCING THE MYTH: GREEKNESS AND THE GERMAN HERO

<p>This article explores the influence that an unexpected athletic success can have on the construction of national identity while attempting to answer the question on how such a success can be used as a means to overcome national crises. Using a reflective analysis, this study examines the impact of the Euro 2004 Championship on Greece’s national identity, highlighting the correlation between two events associated with Greekness, to wit national pride and Hellenic identity in the sport, economic and social contexts. The first event was the unpredicted victory of the Greek football team in 2004, thanks to their German coach Otto Rehhagel, and the second Rehhagel’s visit to Athens in March 2013, in his informal role of political mediator, in an attempt to contribute to restoring Greek-German friendship which had been shattered during the country’s period of economic memorandums. This conceptual paper uses a qualitative discourse analysis to explain and understand human action through an examination of media texts and symbolic narratives: the headlines and narratives on the Euro 2004 victory in the Greek and foreign press and media, along with the slogans used by football fans after each victory, voicing the ‘superiority’ of Greekness. </p><p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0935/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>