Adaptations of the News Media and Social Media Logics by Indonesian Political Parties’ Leaders and Presidential Candidates after 2004 Indonesian Presidential Election

ABSTRACTSocial media is characterized by a set of principles defined as ‘social media logic’ [van Dijck, J., & Poell, T. (2013). Understanding social media logic. Media and Communication, 1, 2–14. doi:10.12924/mac2013.01010002], derived from the theory of ‘media logic’ developed in the era of mass media [Altheide, D. L., & Snow, R. P. (1979). Media logic. London: Sage.]. This article explores how ‘social media logic’ impacts on two interconnected but yet distinct professions, journalism and politics, by analysing one of the key principles of social media logics, namely ‘connectivity’, an advanced strategy of algorithmically connecting users to content and other users in social media [van Dijck, J., & Poell, T. (2013). Understanding social media logic. Media and Communication, 1, 2–14. doi:10.12924/mac2013.01010002]. The operationalization of connectedness in this study is the Twitter hashtag, as it is the most common feature for users to connect and relate to within a larger networked discourse [Bruns, A., & Burgess, J. (2015). Twitter hashtags from ad hoc to calculated publics. In N. Rambukkana (Ed.), Hashtag publics: The power and politics of discursive networks (pp. 13–27). New York, NY: Peter Lang.]. The empirical material consists of tweets posted by 10 Norwegian politicians and 10 journalists, selected on their level of activity on Twitter. The tweets are analysed with the emphasis on the frequency and content of the hashtags, and the methodological design is comparative between the journalists and the politicians. A key finding is that there are significant differences between how journalists and politicians use hashtags, but that they both use mass media hashtags to reach outside their follower networks. Consequently, this demonstrates that journalists’ and politicians’ use of social media is closely connected to their professional norms, and that the ‘social media logic’ is still related to the ‘media logic’ of mainstream and broadcast media.

The coalition of political parties in nominating the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pair is a necessity. This is because none of the political parties received a majority vote, making them need support from other parties to meet the presidential threshold requirement. However, the established coalition mostly is not based on the same vision, mission, and ideology. The coalition is based on the developed political situations and conditions or for power-sharing such as sharing ministerial seats. As a result, the composition of the coalition in each presidential election always changes. This is obviously a coalition pattern that is oriented only to pragmatism. The research problems in this study were as follows. (1) What is the basis of the coalition of political parties in Indonesia? (2) What is the pattern of political party coalitions in Indonesia? (3) Why does a permanent coalition pattern between political parties need to occur? This study analyzed the coalition pattern of political parties and its implications for the implementation of the presidential election in Indonesia. The results showed that the coalition pattern of political parties in Indonesia occurred because most of the political parties do not make their vision, mission, and ideology become the basis for determining the direction of the coalition. Political parties build coalitions based on the agreement for a certain number of ministerial seats promised by the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs that they nominate. Political parties that were previously rivals (from the winning presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs) can transfer their supporting positions to the elected presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs. In fact, a permanent coalition is highly needed to ensure a check and balance of the winner of the general election. This means that the composition of political parties supporting the losing presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs must be ready to become parties in the opposition ranks, not to become government coalition parties.

In Indonesia and India the participation of women in politics is influenced by their traditional social roles. This implies that gender ideology, cultural patterns, and previously determined conceptions of suitable social roles dictate the roles of men and women. Although there is a quota system for ensuring that the representation of women in democratic representation reaches the ‘critical minimum of 30%, it is a sad fact that gender sensitivity towards women as a political class is still severely lacking among the political parties both in Indonesia and in India. This is caused by the patriarchal gender bias against women that is inherent in political parties itself and also due to the lack of political education in gender sensitivity for both men and women. In Indonesia and India, the gender sensitivity of secular political parties is almost same but for the Muslim political parties, Indonesia has better condition than in India. Keywords: gender sensitivity, political parties, India, Indonesia

Indonesia's democratic political parties developed rapidly after the end of the New Order era (1966–1998). Based on extensive fieldwork, this book provides a new and necessary perspective on the activities, administration, and membership of the local branches of four large parties. The author also addresses why some political parties in Indonesia have managed to strengthen their institutional base while others have failed to do the same. A significant contribution to understanding grassroots party organization in Indonesia, this timely volume provides insight into the state of parties in advance of the 2014 elections.

Social media editors were initially appointed by media organizations which aimed to extend their reach and to establish their presence in social media. These editors were hired to create content on behalf of mass media organizations, but with social media in mind. As such, they need constantly to reconcile mass media logic and social media logic. Relying on the frameworks of ‘social media logic’ and ‘network media logic’, this study focuses on the role of social media editors as the arena in which both logics fuse to create a hybrid media system. Twenty in-depth interviews with social media editors, representing a large proportion of the Israeli media, were carried out. Our findings underscore how editors’ every day routines are a result of negotiation between logics, creating hybrid media organizations.

Political parties are not sacred, so they can be dissolved according to the provisions of the applicable laws. The mechanism for dissolving political parties in each country is certainly different. So this research aims to examine the differences in mechanisms for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia and Turkey. This research is legal research with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of this research show that the mechanism for dissolving political parties in Indonesia and Turkey is both submitted to the Constitutional Court. Still, specifically for Turkey, it must go through the Court of Cassation first. The applicant who can apply for the dissolution of a political party in Indonesia is the Government which can be represented by the Attorney General and/or the Minister assigned by the President while in Turkey the person who can apply is the Chief Public Prosecutor. The reasons for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia are because (i) the ideology, principles, objectives, and programs of political parties conflict with the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia; (ii) carrying out activities that endanger the integrity and safety of the Republic of Indonesia; and (iii) adhere to, develop and spread the teachings or understanding of communism/Marxism-Leninism. Meanwhile, the reasons for the dissolution of political parties in Turkey are: (i) the statutes and programs, as well as the activities of political parties be contrary to the independence of the State, its indivisible integrity with its territory and nation, human rights, the principles of equality and rule of law, sovereignty of the nation, the principles of the democratic and secular republic; (ii) aim to promote or establish class or group dictatorship or dictatorship of any kind, nor shall they incite citizens to crime; and (iii) receive financial assistance from abroad.

The practice of presidential nomination by using a threshold through political parties or coalitions of political parties in Indonesia is still carried out because Indonesia adheres to a multi-party system. However, the regulation regarding the threshold for presidential nomination is prone to political transactions between parties. The reason is that there is no equality of access to presidential nominations between new political parties and old political parties considering that political parties are a defining element of representative democracy (Political parties are a defining element of representative democracy), this practice threatens the rights of minority political parties and limits the emergence of presidential candidates. The threshold in the nomination of President based on the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia Number 74/PUU/XVII/2020 regarding the review of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections is referred to as an open legal policy which is the authority of the House of Representatives in forming the Law on Elections. This study aims to evaluate the application of the threshold in the nomination of President with the principle of justice. This research is a doctrinal research using a case approach and a law approach. This study was conducted by looking at the development of the application of thresholds in elections and the provisions stipulated in the Election Law. The results of the study indicate that it is necessary to establish an ideal implementation model based on the principle of justice in order to guarantee the rights of minority political parties and avoid the emergence of a single presidential candidate.Keywords: Political Cartel; President Threshold; Single Candidate.

This research formulates several problems, namely: 1) why do reasons and applicants for the dissolution of political party in Indonesia need to be extended in the request?, 2) how is the ius constituendum of the stage of the application for the dissolution of political party in Indonesia? The research method used a juridical normative method by using a philosophical approach and a legislative approach. The results of the research show that corruption must also be included in one of the reasons for the dissolution of a political party, because corruption is a crime that can cause harm for the community. As for the extension of applicants, the urgency can be viewed from four factors. First, the principle of popular sovereignty that adopted by Indonesia. Second, the concept of rechtsstaat that adopted by Indonesia. Third, giving the government the role to be the only applicant in the application for dissolution of a political party will obstruct the process of supervision of political party carried out by the people. Fourth, one of the political party financial resources are from the APBN / APBD, so people reserve the right for the accountability of the use of APBD/APBN by political party. There are two stages in the constituendum of the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia, namely: 1) the stage of submitting an application to the Constitutional Court, 2) the stage of trial in the Constitutional Court. The trial stage consists of five stages: First, preliminary examination. Second, the follow-up trial. Third, the verification process. Fourth, Judicial Consultation Meeting (JCM). Fifth, the reading of the decision by the constitutional judges

Since Indonesia's independence until the reformation of the Indonesian nation, the country's political system has not been one that is purely derived from the socio-cultural values of the Indonesian nation itself, but rather one that utilizes the political culture of the Dutch colonial government. This has been the case from the time of Indonesia's independence until the nation's reformation. The existence of political parties in Indonesia is also impacted as a result of this. The purpose of this study is to investigate the roles that political parties have played in Indonesia's political system since the country's recent reforms. In this investigation, a qualitative strategy is combined with a descriptive research approach. The findings of the study indicate that after the reform in Indonesia, political parties are not able to properly function as pillars of democracy in the political system in Indonesia. Instead, political parties in Indonesia prefer to sacrifice their party ideology, which is the defining characteristic of the party, in order to simply receive the highest number of votes possible. Because of this, political parties in Indonesia exhibit the characteristics of floating parties.

The presidential threshold is a rule that becomes a political requirement for a political party to carry presidential and vice presidential candidates. The existence of this rule can potentially cause restrictions on citizens in running for president and restrictions on political parties in carrying their candidates to the presidency and vice presidency. The presidential threshold journey in coloring the elections in Indonesia has also undergone material testing and a lawsuit by the Constitutional Court. Therefore, this study aims to discuss the practice of the Presidential threshold in the implementation of elections in Indonesia and its relation to the political rights of citizens and political parties in Indonesia. This study is a field research study with a study into the field and using a non-doctrinal approach that is the enactment of law. Primary Data was obtained by interview techniques to the KPU RI, political parties, and legal experts. Furthermore, the secondary data consists of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. This legal research uses descriptive analysis to obtain research results. The results showed that the practice of Presidential threshold has existed since the enactment of the first presidential and vice presidential elections. The political rights of citizens and political parties do not necessarily disappear, they only become conditional. Political parties also have the same opportunity to nominate the president and vice president by carrying their own or joining and forming coalitions with other parties.

Political parties of Indonesia today have created their own websites in which the patterns of the use of ICT (Information and Communication Technology) by political parties are much affected by the political and media system (Anstead and Chadwick, 2010; Ward and Gibson, 2010). What are the patterns of Indonesian political parties in utilizing websites for their political communications? The political culture, digital divides, and media system have shaped the practices of websites and social media of political practices. In the previous environment of media, citizens were disconnected from the membership of Indonesian political parties. New media, instead of giving more ways to let netizens engage and participate in political parties’ activities, treats netizens, once again, merely as passive parties’ message consumers. In other words, political parties are re-disconnected from their constituents after its first disconnection: the massive use of television for political campaign and the loose political membership.The research then concludes that the political parties in Indonesia tend to employ a cartel party strategy through online communication as coined by Lofgren and Smith (2003). The web practices of political parties are more concentrated on informing prior to and during the political campaign period. By contrast, involving and connecting the supporters are shown less in both periods. Social media are expected to be more involving and opening up online forums during the campaign period. However, though interactivity occurs in some degrees, the vertical interactivity was happening less compared to the horizontal one, which, in this case, is also more prone to endorse less substantial comments.

The purpose of this study is to find out the tendencies of Indonesian online media on political party sentiment before the 2024 election in Indonesia. Online media is a communication tool for political parties in providing narratives and brief descriptions of the maneuvers of the political parties themselves and the candidates they carry. This study uses a qualitative type, the method used is qualitative data analysis software (QDAS). 72 news documents from detik.com, tribunnews.com, pikiranrakyat.com, and kompas.com as the data sources for this research, news documents published from May to October 2022. Data analysis used the NVivo 12 plus device including sentiment analysis. The results of data analysis show that online media tends towards several political parties in Indonesia, including the tendency of political parties towards their presidential candidates, and five types of sentiment have their nominations. The results of this study state that a very positive type of sentiment is shown in Ganjar Pranowo. In addition, in the four online media, PDI P appears more frequently than the other 8 political parties. However, detik.com tends toward the KIB party, and thoughts of people.com tend toward the democratic party.

Decentralization in political parties has become an important topic in contemporary political studies, as it is believed to strengthen internal party democracy and encourage broader member involvement in decision-making. This study aims to explore how decentralization can play a role in enhancing internal democracy within political parties. The main focus of this research is to identify the factors that cause centralization in political parties, how decentralization can increase member participation in decision-making, and the impact of decentralization on the quality of internal democracy in political parties. The approach used in this study is descriptive qualitative research with a case study on several political parties in Indonesia that have implemented or are considering implementing decentralization. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with party leaders at both central and regional levels, party cadres, as well as political experts. Additionally, an analysis of the internal party documents was conducted. The analysis aims to provide a deeper understanding of the implementation of decentralization and its impact on the internal dynamics of political parties. The results of the study show that decentralization has the potential to increase member participation in decision-making processes that are more inclusive and responsive to local conditions. Respondents indicated that decentralization opens up more space for regional cadres to present ideas and make decisions that are more relevant to local community needs. However, the main challenge identified in this study is the issue of oversight and management, which could lead to fragmentation within the party's structure. This indicates that while decentralization has significant potential, its implementation must be carried out carefully to avoid risks that could harm party unity. This study concludes that decentralization can improve internal democracy within political parties, provided that an effective communication system between the central and regional levels exists, as well as adequate supervision to prevent the abuse of power. This research makes a significant contribution to the development of democratization theory in political parties in Indonesia and can serve as a reference for political parties that seek to implement a more effective decentralization structure.

combination of presidential government systems and multi-party systems as a system of Indonesian state has led to a government that does not effective and stable. The formulation of the problem which is the focus of the study in this paper, namely how is the legal politics of simplification of political parties in Indonesia for the period 2004-2014. The research method used in this study is normative. Based on the results of the study, the authors obtained answers to the existing problems, that the legal politics of simplifying political parties in Indonesia is democratic legal politics, but the legal politics of simplifying political parties in Indonesia should not only be directed at simplifying political parties in parliament, but also simplifying political parties in political parties participating in the general election.

This research is to know how the provisions regarding the legal standing dissolution of political parties in the country of democracy, namely Indonesia and Germany, and know the legal position of the applicant in the case of dissolution of political parties in Indonesia in accordance with the principles of democracy, this is based on studies with the German state. This research uses the type of normative research, in this research method of data collection is done by Library Research technique, by studying the literature, rules of invite-invitations, books, official documents, and writings of scholars related to this thesis. The Data has been compiled and analyzed using a juridical normative method or qualitative method, which is a study that specialized in the study based on the legal theories that are then associated with legislation.The approach used in this research is a statutory approach as well as an analytical approach. The results of this research showed a comparison of legal standing applicants for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia with Germany, where Indonesia has similarities with the German state that both have a multi-party system as well as the authority to dissolution its political party owned by the Constitutional Court, but in the application of a legal standing applicant dissolution of a different political party, which German , the implementation is already based on the principle of democracy, unlike Indonesia which legal standing applicants only government only, of course this is not based on the principle of democracy state when mirrored to the German state. That there should be other parties who become applicants in the case of the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia, namely the DPR and DPD, it reflects the life of a democratic country and the oversight of the political parties and governments who become parties in the application of the dissolution of the political party, for that it is necessary to study the authority of the applicant in the dissolution of political parties in