Maritime Diplomacy Research Articles

Modi's Maritime Diplomacy: A Strategic Opportunity

This paper examines the maritime diplomacy of India's Prime Minister Modi, and argues that it is encapsulated in the acronym SAGAR, i.e. security and growth for all in the region. This vision also spells out that maritime security is the primary responsibility of the littoral states, while stressing cooperation and collaboration. It also highlights aspects of the Blue Economy and suggests that SAGAR is nonassertive, seeks peaceful resolution of disputes and calls for a commitment by all countries to adhere to international maritime laws. The paper argues that India conducts its maritime diplomacy at three levels which give it a “strategic strength”. They are: high-level bilateral visits where strategic issues are an important component; regional collaborative means; and, lastly, revitalizing the cultural and civilisational links with projects such as “Project Mausam”. The paper concludes that the International Fleet Review to be held at Vishakhapatnam in 2016 gives India a “strategic opportunity” to contribute to a maritime narrative which may be able to address the mistrust in the current global maritime order.

Defining the blue economy as a South African strategic priority: toward a sustainable 10th province?

In 2014, the South African government announced Operation Phakisa in order to stimulate the country's blue economy. Operation Phakisa's strong focus on maritime economic matters ignores two unresolved issues in respect of South Africa's maritime economy and maritime diplomacy, namely the country's extended continental shelf claim. If successful in its claim, South Africa's territory will increase significantly (thus a 10th province) and thus its security and economic opportunities and challenges. The latter includes the exploration and exploitation of extended shelf resources such as oil and gas, gas hydrates, seabed mining, and marine genetic resources. As very little legal precedent and state practice exists in respect of the actual delimitation of the extended continental shelf, South Africa's claims, which overlaps with that of its neighbours Mozambique and Namibia, could contributes to significant insecurity between these states. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations to address the overlapping claims, and promote an Indian Ocean–South Atlantic dialogue on oceans governance and maritime security cooperation.

Medieval maritime diplomacy: the case of Norwegian–Scottish relations, ca. 1266–1468/69

In 1266, Norway and Scotland entered into an agreement aimed at pacifying a long tradition of competition over control of the islands and waterways along Scotland’s seaboards. This paper examines how the two kingdoms developed diplomatic strategies aimed at regulating social, economic and political developments along their common maritime frontier, and seeks to show how effective diplomacy was in ensuring long-term peace and stability in the region throughout the Late Middle Ages. It focuses on three issues which were addressed more explicitly in Norwegian–Scottish accords: first, the question of dominion over the islands around Scotland’s seaboards; second, the question of mobility to and from those islands; and third, the question of how to protect and limit the threat of piracy in and around those islands. Although largely unprecedented in a Northern European context, this case reveals emerging concepts and strategies of maritime sovereignty in the Late Middle Ages.

Obama's Pacific Pivot in US Grand Strategy: A Canadian Perspective

This article explores the possible long-term trajectory of America's “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific and its implications for Canada's security policy. It shows that Obama's pivot represents the beginnings of a strategic choice on “selective primacy,” which, due to Washington's worrisome fiscal situation and push towards a more specialized force structure, promises to only deepen in the future. In the second half of the article, I examine how Canada will likely respond to America's more sustained strategic adjustment to the Pacific based on a reading of how the country traditionally adapts to American strategic preferences. The article concludes with some thoughts on an expanded Canadian effort at maritime diplomacy and the future of a Pacific-centric Royal Canadian Navy.

India's Aspirations and Strategy for the Indian Ocean – Securing the Waves?

India has increasingly high aspirations in the Indian Ocean, as enunciated by politicians, naval figures and the wider elite. These aspirations, its strategic discourse, are of pre-eminence and leadership. India's maritime strategy for such a self-confessed diplomatic, constabulary and benign role is primarily naval-focused; a sixfold strategy of increasing its naval spending, strengthening its infrastructure, increasing its naval capabilities, active maritime diplomacy, exercising in the Indian Ocean and keeping open the choke points. Through such strategy, and soft balancing with the United States, India hopes to secure its own position against a perceived growing Chinese challenge in the Indian Ocean.

Status Hukum Pulau-Pulau Terluar Indonesia

Outer islands play important role to determine national boundaries. Legal status of ninety-two outer islands in Indonesia creates the basic law for Indonesia to be acknowledged as the Archipelagic State. Since the decision from International Court of Justice which won Malaysia over the Sipadan and Ligitan case on the basis of effective occupation, Indonesian people are having highly concerned on effective occupation. Effective occupation is an international law doctrine which arises from law of ancient Rome. Effective occupation is an administrative act without physical occupation. It can be applied to terra nullius territory. This paper discusses over the effective occupation in the case of Sipadan and Ligitan and the role of outer islands in the maritime diplomacy.

Commentary Maritime Diplomacy and Piracy in the Horn of Africa

Commentary Maritime Diplomacy and Piracy in the Horn of Africa

Strategic Imperatives of India as an Emerging Player in Pacific Asia

India's links to the Pacific have gradually emerged in the last decade. Initially this was seen in the Look East policy enunciated in the early 1990s. This policy was rather limited in scope in terms of its emphasis mostly on economic relations with the ASEAN countries. However, the last decade has seen India move beyond such ASEAN, Southeast Asia economic horizons. Its Look East policy has entered ‘phase-2’. Consequently, India has become further involved in military-security power projection, particularly through naval deployments and maritime diplomacy. India has also moved into wider East Asia (Pacific Asia) and Pacific Basin (southern Pacific) settings. In doing so rivalry with China is evident, as is balancing with other Pacific actors like Japan and the US. Whilst India's drive in the Indian Ocean remains more noticeable and manifest, this has spilled further eastwards. India has thus become a Pacific player and a factor within the Pacific Asia balance of power.

China fashions a maritime identity

How will an emerging, increasingly sea-power-minded China manage its relations with seafaring neighbors in Asia? This study uses the international relations concepts of ”identity” and ”strategic culture” to appraise China's emerging diplomacy as it pertains to maritime affairs. A nation's strategic culture at once shapes and can be shaped by the thoughts and actions of important decision-makers. A nation-state's leaders thus can craft a certain identity, conveying how the nation-state will conduct itself in international affairs. This has both domestic and international uses. China's rulers have set out to rally the populace behind their quest for sea power-a quest they see as vital for economic development-and to assuage concerns among fellow Asian sea powers over the naval arms buildup China has undertaken in recent years. Are they sincere in their professions of benevolence? This study examines possible futures for China's maritime diplomacy, concluding that China's leadership neither shrinks from the use of force nor views it as a first resort. Rather, China's leaders will manage their nation's identity and strategic culture prudently in the service of their interests. A welcoming but watchful attitude befits Asian powers surveying China's maritime rise.

China´s Expanding Maritime Ambitions in the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean

This article concentrates on China's apparent intention to expand its maritime influence into the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, China's fear of a major land war has been diminished. Instead, China's leaders have realized the role of naval power in the promotion of China's economic interests, diplomatic ascension, and national prestige. China faces overlapping claims in the Spratly and Diaoyutai (Senkaku) Islands with neighbouring countries, and Beijing has recognized the importance of sea lines of communication from the Persian Gulf to China, as it became a net oil importer since 1993. This strategic environment has made China modernize its naval forces and expand maritime diplomacy around the globe. Moreover, China intends to become a peer competitor to the United States. How effectively the United States and regional countries handle China's naval ambitions will have consequences for overall security in the Asia-Pacific.

Centering the King of Chosŏn: Aspects of Korean Maritime Diplomacy, 1392–1592

In diplomatic settings, the King of Chosŏn Korea showed different faces to different people between 1392 and 1592. The monarch looked toward the Emperor of Ming China as a status inferior and acted as a status equal with rulers of Japan and Ryukyu. In a recasting of the Chinese precept that diplomacy should not be conducted with subjects, he sat upon the throne as status superior to Japanese and Ryukyuans who had been permitted or denied tributary relationships. And he was the “sovereign” before Japanese and Jurchen “subjects” upon whom he had bestowed nominal appointments to military posts. Each posture necessitated a complex of policies, regulations, rites, and practices, including concealment of the tributary from imperial view.

United States Maritime Policy and Diplomacy during the “Phony War,” 1939–1940

United States Maritime Policy and Diplomacy during the “Phony War,” 1939–1940

Review: Wilsonian Maritime Diplomacy, 1913-21, by Jeffrey J. Safford

Book Review| November 01 1980 Review: Wilsonian Maritime Diplomacy, 1913-21, by Jeffrey J. Safford Wilsonian Maritime Diplomacy, 1913-21Jeffrey J. Safford David F. Trask David F. Trask Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Pacific Historical Review (1980) 49 (4): 674–675. https://doi.org/10.2307/3638989 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation David F. Trask; Review: Wilsonian Maritime Diplomacy, 1913-21, by Jeffrey J. Safford. Pacific Historical Review 1 November 1980; 49 (4): 674–675. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3638989 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentPacific Historical Review Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1980 The Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.