MARITIME DIPLOMACY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN: WAY FORWARD FOR PAKISTAN

This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA’s strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.

Indonesia's maritime geopolitics is implemented in the form of relations and interactions between regions, countries, communities, and national interests which have a broad context in the relations of cooperation and international relations. The geographical position of Indonesia, which connects the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean, has strategic geopolitical potential and opportunities to realize the World Maritime Axis policy (WMA). This study aims to analyze the perspective of Indonesia's maritime geopolitics in the Indian Ocean, opportunities and challenges and collaboration with countries in the Indian Ocean. The research method used is a descriptive analysis of the dynamics of the global situation developing in the Indian Ocean. Indonesia's leadership has been recognized and respected by countries in the Indian Ocean region since the Asian-African Conference (AAC) 1955 in Bandung, then again strengthened at the 50 th anniversary of AAC in 2015 in Bandung. Indonesia also took advantage of the opportunity when it was appointed to lead the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) 2017 which gave birth to the agreed IORA Concord or Jakarta Concord as a document that can encourage maximum use of opportunities and respond to challenges in the region and is aimed at addressing non-traditional security issues, such as IUU fishing activities, human trafficking, illegal drugs, illegal immigrants, piracy, pollution of the marine environment, and others. Awareness of the importance of marine resources, maritime stability and security in the Indian Ocean region for the welfare of IORA member countries is realized by utilizing opportunities through a framework of strategic partnership and maritime diplomacy between countries in the region. The result of study, Indonesian maritime geopolitics in the Indian Ocean is a foreign policy utilizing Indonesia's geographical location in building the concept of maritime power in the Indian Ocean region based on strengthening cooperation with countries in South Asia, countries of the Middle East, East Africa, South Africa, Australia and countries others extracted the realization of the World Maritime Axis.

Indonesian maritime diplomacy is the implementation of foreign policy that is not only related to various maritime aspects at the bilateral, regional and global levels but also uses maritime assets, both civil and military to fulfill Indonesia's national interests in accordance with the provisions of national law and international law. The use of military assets in Indonesian maritime diplomacy is carried out by the Indonesian Navy as one of the main components of national defense which besides having duties in the field of defense and security at sea, also carries out naval diplomacy duties in order to support foreign policy policies set by the government. The objectives of this study are (1) to analyze the cooperative maritime diplomacy of the TNI in order to maintain regional security stability in order to maintain state sovereignty; (2) Analyzing the TNI's persuasive maritime diplomacy in order to maintain regional security stability in order to maintain state sovereignty; (3) Analyze the TNI's coercive maritime diplomacy in order to maintain regional security stability in order to maintain state sovereignty. This study used descriptive qualitative method. The results of this study are (1) The facilities and infrastructure that are owned are still limited, Pusinfomar TNI as the TNI's Balakpus Puspa which is still young is facing a long challenge to become a maritime security data center at the national and international level in supporting the TNI's cooperative maritime diplomacy tasks. Awareness of the importance of maritime information data has not grown nationally so that maritime data has not been properly managed between agencies and Ministries/Agencies and there has not been an exchange of information with regional countries in supporting the TNI's maritime diplomacy tasks through information exchange cooperation with domestic maritime data centers and regional countries Indo-Pacific; (2) The implementation of TNI's persuasive maritime diplomacy in the form of sea security training courses has not been carried out with all regional countries, especially with Vietnam and China, it is necessary to carry out training sessions with the two countries as a form of cooperative maritime diplomacy by using sea power assets in peacetime and building CBM in accordance with their respective national interests as well as to show Indonesia's role as the largest country and founder of ASEAN; (3) The bilateral and multilateral Patkor has not yet been fully implemented as a form of coercive maritime diplomacy between the TNI and neighboring countries in the face of the vastness of Indonesia's sea boundaries and the strategic bangling situation in the Indo-Pacific region, especially in the SCS region where ZEEI LNU borders with ZEE Vietnam and Malaysia

Indonesia is a maritime country with all its rich marine resources. With wealth such as renewable resources, non-renewable resources, marine energy sources, and huge environmental services, it is a great loss if it cannot protect the waters. One of the efforts to maintain and manage the territorial waters is through maritime diplomacy. Seeing this, maritime diplomacy should be one of the main pillars in the development of maritime security in Indonesia. Maritime diplomacy does not only apply to certain negotiations and agreements, but also plays a role in responding to security disturbances. Through this maritime diplomacy, it is also hoped that defense capabilities will gradually increase. This paper will discuss maritime diplomacy in order to improve the quality of human resources. This paper is prepared by a qualitative descriptive method. Maritime diplomacy carried out by Indonesia adheres to the same foreign policy, which is free and active. Maritime diplomacy can improve the quality of human resources through the transfer of knowledge and information with cooperation between countries.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 Dr Manmohan Singh in his inaugural speech for IONS 2008 on February 14, 2008. 2 IOR-ARC is the Indian Ocean Rim-Association for Regional Cooperation formed in March 1997. BIMST-EC comprises Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand. It was launched in June 1997. SAARC is the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, formed in December 1985. SADC is the Southern African Development Community. ECOWAS is the Economic Community of West African States, founded in 1975. 3 Peter Lehr, ‘The Challenge for Security in the Indian Ocean in the 21st Century: Plus ça change’, Working Paper No 13, November 2002, South Asia Institute, Department of Political Science, University of Heidelberg. 4 An IONS technical seminar was held in Colombo, Sri Lanka from May 21--23, 2009. There was participation from 31 delegates from 18 member countries. The theme was ‘Practical Cooperative Mechanisms for Technical Support within the Indian Ocean Region’. 5 The events held since IONS 2008 are: Essay Competition (December 2008), by the Indian Navy; Technical Seminar (19–21 May 2009), by the Sri Lankan navy; Preparatory Workshop (1–2 October 2010), by the Kenyan navy; Essay Competition (December 2009), by the South African navy; ‘HADR’ Workshop (October 11--12, 2010), by the Bangladeshi navy; and Essay Competition by the South African navy (January 2012). 6 The second edition of IONS was held in the UAE on May 10--11, 2010, and the theme was ‘Together for the Reinforcement of Maritime Security in the Indian Ocean’. 7 MILAN exercises organised by the Indian Navy started with a total of five participating navies in 1995. By 2012, the participation had expanded to 15 navies from the Asia Pacific Region. 8 In practice this consists of handing over a few files and elaborately crafted handing-over notes. 9 Y.V. Athawale, ‘The IONS Initiative and Its Prospects for Security Cooperation within the IOR’, Maritime Affairs, 6(1), Summer 2010, p. 109. 10 Royal Australian Navy, SPC Canberra, ‘The Western Pacific Naval Symposium’, Semaphore, July 14, 2006. 11 The CSCAP has undertaken similar studies. The output documents of these studies (called Memos) have been forwarded to the ARF for consideration. 12 A similar initiative was suggested by Admiral Arun Prakash (Retd) during an IONS 2008 seminar presentation entitled ‘Commonalities in Maritime Challenges and Options for a Cooperative IOR Structure’. A modified version was suggested by the author in Canberra during the IOMS seminar in 2009. 13 Admiral Sureesh Mehta, Chief of Naval Staff, speaking on ‘India's Maritime Diplomacy and International Security’, 18–20 April 2008, at the First IISS (International Institute of Strategic Studies) Citi India Global Forum, New Delhi. Admiral Mehta was the Indian Naval Chief during IONS 2008. 14 Alex Vines and Bereni Oruitemeka, ‘India's Engagement with the African Indian Ocean Rim States’, South African Journal of International Affairs (SAJIA), 14(2), 2007.

The escalating complexities of maritime disputes necessitate a nuanced examination of the evolving role of non-state actors in maritime diplomacy. This research delves into the conceptualization of non-state actors in international relations, with a primary focus on the roles played by international organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in resolving maritime disputes. Employing qualitative research methods using secondary data, this study draws on existing literature to analyze the conceptual frameworks, roles of international organizations in conflict resolution, contributions of NGOs to maritime diplomacy, and factors influencing the effectiveness of non-state actors in dispute resolution. Findings illuminate the multifaceted nature of non-state actors, showcasing their diverse contributions to diplomatic efforts, from mediation and conflict prevention to post-conflict reconstruction. This research contributes novel insights by synthesizing existing knowledge on non-state actors in the context of maritime diplomacy and providing a comprehensive understanding of their impact on global and regional maritime governance. The study's findings inform policymakers, scholars, and practitioners engaged in maritime diplomacy, shedding light on the intricate dynamics that shape the effectiveness of non-state actors in addressing maritime challenges. Keywords: conflict resolution, international organizations, maritime diplomacy, NGOs, non-state actors

The Indo-Pacific is a strategic area and a stage for competition among major powers. The region’s vast potential, connecting two oceans and continents, serves as a highly strategic maritime trade route. This article aims to analyse the extent to which Indonesia’s maritime diplomacy contributes to maintaining security in the Indo-Pacific region. The research adopted a qualitative method with an analytical-descriptive approach. Data collection techniques involved literature studies, while data analysis techniques included data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. The theoretical framework employed consisted of maritime diplomacy and middle power concepts. The research argues that Indonesia, as a middle power, has utilized the Global Maritime Fulcrum vision as a persuasive diplomatic tool to enhance its influence and contribute to maintaining security in the region. However, the Global Maritime Fulcrum as a model of persuasive maritime diplomacy has been gradually abandoned, shifting towards cooperative maritime diplomacy. Indonesia adopted a more cooperative approach in responding to issues and security dynamics in the region. KEYWORDSGlobal Maritime Fulcrum; Indo-Pacific; Maritime Diplomacy; Middle Power; Security

This article analyzes the strategic significance of the Montreux Convention in the framework of Turkey's foreign policy while examining the country's maritime diplomacy from the perspective of the Islamic paradigm. The Montreux Convention, established in 1936, has given Turkey considerable geopolitical influence and an important diplomatic role in the regional and global arenas. Through a qualitative approach based on historical documentation, diplomatic records, and member-state interviews, this study examines how Turkey exercises its strategic autonomy in facing complex global challenges, promoting regional stability, and strengthening national sovereignty while making strategic and opportunistic adjustments during geopolitical changes in the worldwide order. This study shows that Turkey has consistently used the Montreux Convention to support its active role as a diplomatic intermediary between major powers in an effort to create stable, friendly relations and sustainable diplomatic continuity. The country has acted as a mediator in regional armed rivalries, especially during dynamic historical periods such as the Cold War and tensions in the Black Sea. This study concludes that the Montreux Convention has ultimately established Turkey's position as a strategic player under the auspices of the rule of law and international diplomacy to maintain security and peace in the region and the global world. The policies that have been implemented are also in line with Islamic principles, which emphasize the principles of sovereignty, neutrality, peace, and cooperation

India, a major power within its region, has become an important naval player too, expanding its reach and sphere of influence to shore up power in balance against adversaries, notably China, while also looking to secure resources and protect trade routes. Per its naval strategy, India conceives of itself as a net security provider and seeks to promote security and growth in its neighbourhood. Its involvement in Africa is long-standing and based, in part, on existing cultural relations with islands in the Western Indian Ocean, notably Mauritius and the Seychelles, which has naturally evolved into membership of the Indian Ocean Rim Association and the establishment of the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium. More recently, India has extended its diplomatic reach to West Africa, where it has a focus on energy security. This chapter will ruminate on India’s involvement in African maritime security by considering its historical naval links with African countries, its maritime strategic outlook, and the nature and extent of its maritime diplomacy in the Western Indian Ocean and continental Africa.

The Indian Ocean plays an important role in the international world, especially for countries in the region. Starting from its strategic location and various advantages, the Indian Ocean has attracted the attention of many parties, especially those developing their respective interests. This article focuses on the rivalry between China and India in the Indian Ocean. The competition between the two has been going on for a very long time, starting from the division of territory to continuing to the Indian Ocean region. India considers itself the “owner of the Indian Ocean” and is disturbed by China’s activities. Both countries are trying to establish cooperation with several countries in the Indian Ocean region to gain strength in carrying out their interests. China considers the Indian Ocean great potential to increase its economic interests. Therefore, China is considered to be trying hard to develop its programs. From a realist perspective, this study sees that both countries act in the national interest and seek to maintain or increase their power in the international order. The researcher uses a qualitative method with descriptive analysis in this study. The data collection technique uses library research from various journals, articles, news, and theses whose contents are relevant to the topic of discussion. It was found that both countries depend on the Indian Ocean, where both have their economic interests. This then creates competition between the two which will certainly have an impact on surrounding countries, including countries that cooperate with China or India.

The Asian region has become the epicenter of global economic and geopolitical change. In this regard, the Pakistan Economic Corridor, ‘String of Pearls’ and the Maritime Silk Road in relation to the China Myanmar Economic Corridor are inclusive examples in this region. China has been trying to surround India in the Indian Ocean for a long time. In recent years, Chinese efforts have seen considerable upsurge. For this, it is working on a scheme called ‘String of Pearls’. To make the Indian Ocean a hub of trans-regional connectivity through several alternative routes. Despite China’s effectual interests in the Indian Ocean, its naval presence will particularly have a significant impact on the security of India and other major powers. However, as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Beijing’s strategic culture is more focused on self defense. Because the purpose of the ‘String of Pearls’ is to establish a Silk Road near the Indian Ocean region. There has been competition between India and China to find other such routes in the Indian Ocean region that could have a significant impact. The purpose of this article is to discuss China’s objectives, its approach to the Indian Ocean and its impact on India’s security measures to prevent it. Keywords: String of Pearls, Indian Ocean Region, India, China, Chinese.

The ongoing growth of Chinese naval presence in Indian Ocean and PRC’s rapport with Maldives and Sri Lanka denote the importance of Indian Ocean to the Chinese. This article is an attempt to understand how China’s own set of rules lying beyond the rule-based international order help to penetrate the weak and fragile states. Seen from the perspective of the contemporary worldview, China’s rivalry with the existing norms prevailing in the liberal international order is similar to a clash between different worldviews, where some try to commit to the ideals espoused by the Atlantic Charter, such as self-government, economic prosperity, free trade, and the preservation of global goods, while others challenge its legitimacy. China’s abhorrence to the Western dominant international order reflects its own world view that differs from the West. This article seeks to examine China’s nuanced maritime policy towards the Indian Ocean and Beijing’s attempts to exploit the weaker states in the region. While examining these factors, this article aptly analyses China’s threat perception which leads Beijing to galvanize its security implications. Also, the results emerging from this paper will elucidate on how small states like Sri Lanka and the Maldives are likely to become the phony states in the security cauldron of South Asia.

India developed a robust posture towards maritime diplomacy and Indian Ocean security during the decade of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments in 2004–14. This was due to India’s dependence on seaborne imports of oil fuelling its economic growth and concern over China’s expanding influence in the Indian Ocean. The November 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, with the seaborne arrival of the terrorists, heightened the government’s security perceptions towards maritime security. But, it remained cautious of signing formal defence or logistics agreements with the United States in terms of its ‘hedging’ strategy with China and was reluctant to endorse the concept of the Indo-Pacific or revive the ‘quad’ grouping.

The aim of the paper is to study the European Union’s geoeconomics policy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. In recent times, the Indo-Pacific has been gaining attention of the global economic powers. On this issue, the EU has launched a cooperation policy in the IndoPacific. This study examines the EU’s comprehensive strategy for the expansion of its presence in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. The EU wants economic and security partnerships among the Indo-Pacific countries. Among the EU member states, the French government is much enthusiastic about strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. The European Union’s policy has been operating in the regions as an instrument of soft and hard power. The research highlighted that the EU implies the construction of structural strategic networks to intensify the high capacities in the projection of power. The EU uses the key approaches of hard and soft power to achieve transatlantic goals. The comparative case study method is useful to know the objectives and results of the research. In conclusion, the EU needs to establish a much stronger relationship among the pacific countries to counter the Chinese aggression and expansion in maritime diplomacy.

This article discusses why the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) is significant for Indonesia and how Indonesia plays a strategic role in IORA to realize national interests and advance its vision as the World Maritime Axis? In answering these questions, we build arguments based on Christian Le Miere's theory of maritime diplomacy and Helen Milner's theory of international cooperation. The argument in this article consists of two things. First, IORA is very significant for Indonesia because the organization has a common vision with Indonesia's national interest. Second, in order to achieve this goal, the Indonesian government utilizes cooperative and persuasive maritime diplomacy as a means of enhancing international cooperation. This is demonstrated by Indonesia's involvement in encouraging negotiations and facilitating cooperation in the IORA forum. This is also reinforced by Indonesia's election as chair of IORA for the period 2015 to 2017 as a manifestation of Indonesia's existence as a maritime country in the international arena.