Manifestations Of Xenophobia Research Articles

Manifestations of xenophobia in AI systems

AbstractXenophobia is one of the key drivers of marginalisation, discrimination, and conflict, yet many prominent machine learning fairness frameworks fail to comprehensively measure or mitigate the resulting xenophobic harms. Here we aim to bridge this conceptual gap and help facilitate safe and ethical design of artificial intelligence (AI) solutions. We ground our analysis of the impact of xenophobia by first identifying distinct types of xenophobic harms, and then applying this framework across a number of prominent AI application domains, reviewing the potential interplay between AI and xenophobia on social media and recommendation systems, healthcare, immigration, employment, as well as biases in large pre-trained models. These help inform our recommendations towards an inclusive, xenophilic design of future AI systems.

Xenophobia in the context of African worldviews: A synopsis of the Nigerian situation.

This paper examines the phenomenon of xenophobia in Africa. The manifestation of xenophobia was explored within the tenets of the terror management theory which links existential concerns to the development of worldviews that help to make sense of life vagaries. We put forward that colonialism impacted the African worldview of collectivism and human connectedness and contributed to a worldview of the world as a dangerous place. The authors largely situate xenophobic attitudes of Africans toward Africans within the colonial experience which promoted ethnic discord and influenced the perception and receptivity toward strangers. The value of collectivism in pre-colonial and post-colonial African societies was compared to demonstrate the impact of colonialism. Furthermore, a synopsis of ethnic politics as a legacy of colonialism in Nigeria was provided. The authors conclude by emphasizing the importance of giving recognition to ethnic identity as one approach to managing xenophobic attitudes toward co-nationals in African countries.

Projections of Xenophobia: The Capitulations, Employment, and Anglo-Turkish Relations in the 1920s

Some tensions remained painfully unresolved between Turkey and the Allies at the end of World War I, even after the peace treaty that was signed in 1923 at Lausanne. This article aims to unpack these tensions by examining descriptions and manifestations of xenophobia in post-Lausanne Turkey. It focuses on Anglo-Turkish encounters over employment in Istanbul in 1926, within a timeframe that extends from the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 to Turkey’s entrance into the League of Nations in 1932. The article traces the politics of employment in light of the traumatic impacts of the capitulations, encounters involving specific institutions, as well as broader geopolitical dynamics. It approaches Anglo-Turkish relations in the 1920s as a particularly revealing window onto postwar international politics and stresses the link that was “internationally” drawn in this decade between peoples’ “ability” and sovereignty. Through this emphasis, the article argues that competing projections about Muslim Turks’ ability “to stand by themselves” were central to descriptions and manifestations of xenophobia in post-Lausanne Turkey

Правовое регулирование межэтнических отношений в Европейском союзе

Introduction: The European Union is ethnically diverse and this factor can both positively and negatively influence the processes of regulation of interethnic relations. The European experience shows that it is impossible to avoid the emergence of inter-ethnic tension, the manifestation of xenophobia or discrimination, but they can be effectively combated. The main purpose of the work is to systematize the result obtained and, on its basis, to reveal the structure of the system of sources of legal regulation of interethnic relations in the European Union. Methods: the methodological framework for the study is the methods of historical and system analysis. Results: the analysis of the current legislation of the European Union revealed positive practices and gaps in the regulation of interethnic relations. Thus, despite the common European legal framework, the EU countries have not reached agreements on the development of common strategies for national and migration policies. Conclusions: In matters of regulating interethnic relations, the European Union fully relies on the standards developed by the Council of Europe, and this is natural, since the development of common approaches to the establishment of common European values is more typical for the European community. The legal experience of the European Union, taking into account interaction with the Council of Europe, creates additional opportunities for sustainable development in this area.

Xenophobia among radical and mainstream right-wing party voters: prevalence, correlates and influence on party support

ABSTRACT Considering the current political relevance of anti-immigration sentiments, we examined preference to avoid interacting with immigrants – conceptualized here as a manifestation of xenophobia – among radical (Sweden Democrats, Sverigedemokraterna, N = 2216) and mainstream (Conservative Party, Moderaterna, N = 634) right-wing voters in Sweden. Correlates of xenophobia did not differ between the voter groups or compared to other populations in previous research, suggesting that increased societal focus on immigration has not altered the correlation patterns. Intended Sweden Democrat (vs. Conservative Party) voting correlated with Right-Wing Authoritarianism, institutional distrust, less right-leaning socioeconomic attitudes (in both low- and high-xenophobia subgroups), sexist attitudes (low-xenophobia subgroup), male gender and younger age (high-xenophobia subgroup). In both voter groups, respondents with higher xenophobia expressed on average more sympathy for the Sweden Democrats, perhaps indicating a larger potential voter base. We discuss the interplay of xenophobia and contemporary voting behaviours, and the concept of xenophobia in relation to anti-immigration attitudes.

ETHNIC INTOLERANCE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SPREAD OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: CHALLENGES AND CONTROL MEASURES

The article identifies the main ethno-political challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, which had global consequences for the level of social cohesion and social stability, as well as the pace of further sustainable development at the international and national levels. The global COVID-19 pandemic has had a negative impact on human rights worldwide and has led to growing social inequality and discrimination against individual minority communities, as well as to the conflict potential of ethnic/racial relations in societies through the spread of ethnic xenophobia and intolerance.
 The article aims to analyze the main trends of interethnic intolerance during the COVID-19 pandemic in Ukrainian society and to identify public policy approaches to ensure domestic political stability and social cohesion in the field of interethnic relations. The article analyzes the manifestations of the main tendencies of the coronavirus pandemic influence on the state of ethnic groups in the Ukrainian society, the level of ethnic tolerance and the manifestations of interethnic intolerance. The article concludes that despite a growing trend of xenophobia towards ethnic groups, no significant increase in hate crimes has been registered in Ukraine. However, shortcomings of the legal framework negatively affect the ability of the authorities to effectively register and confront the manifestations of ethnic intolerance at the national level.
 The article also analyzes the influence of socio-economic instability on the manifestations of xenophobia and the perceived/real threat of discrimination based on ethnicity. The author defines the need to overcome socio-economic inequality of vulnerable minority groups, which is an important component of state policy of sustainable development in the post-COVID period. The article also considers the risks of spreading interethnic prejudices and hate speech in the domestic information space, their impact on the state of interethnic relations in Ukrainian society, social consolidation for sustainable development of Ukraine.

The “Ethno-Political Pendulum” and its Manifestations in the Politics of Stalinist Antisemitism in the USSR

In the article, the author uses the metaphor of the "pendulum" to explore the state antisemitism of the Stalinist period as a model of Soviet national policy, whose direction was subject to constant and radical changes by virtue of the unprecedented opportunities for subjectivism and political arbitrariness in public administration. The author tests his hypothesis that such antisemitism was rather an instrument of political technology, utilized towards different ethnic communities and political personalities than a manifestation of xenophobia towards the established ethnicity (to the Jews).The author explains the essence of the concept of an ethnopolitical pendulum. He consistently reveals major historical phases of the Stalinist regime’ attitude and its policy towards Jews: from a broadly neutral and even positive attitude before the Second World War to the gradually hidden increase in negative attitudes and discrimination during the Great Patriotic War and the increasingly frank and open antisemitic stance after the war. This resulted in brutal repression against prominent representatives of the Jewish ethnic group in all spheres of public life (army, industry, science, art). However, within the framework of this trend, the ethnic pendulum, guided by the logic of political expediency, kept on working, sometimes making return motions towards curbing the antisemitic steps of the authorities.

АКСІОЛОГІЧНИЙ ЧИННИК НЕСТАБІЛЬНОСТІ В СУЧАСНИХ МІЖНАРОДНИХ ВІДНОСИНАХ

Автори досліджують вплив цінностей поліетнічних спільнот як чинника нестабільності міжнародних відносин. Використано методологічний підхід на основі синергетичної теорії до розуміння політичної нестабільності міжнародних відносин, в яких аксіологічний чинник є домінуючим. Головна мета роботи: по-перше - аналіз наслідків боротьби між провідними геополітичними гравцями за сфери впливу, що спричиняє масову неконтрольовану міграцію до країн Заходу а разом з тим - політичну нестабільність на основі неконгруентності цінностей; по-друге окреслити шляхи подолання конфліктності, спричиненої аксіологічним чинником. Дослідники показали основні наслідки цих процесів на прикладі Західної Європи: ксенофобію, негативне ставлення місцевих жителів до мігрантів; зростання популярності правого радикалізму в Європі; сплеск міжнародного тероризму тощо. Автори зазначили намагання політичних структур ЄС протистояти конфліктності. Як висновок, автори вказали перспективи зниження конфліктності через організаційну роботу з гармонізації міжкультурної взаємодії та створення нормальних соціальних умов у країнах-донарах міграції.

Технологии информационных войн против России

The subject of this article is the technology of information warfare against Russia. The methodological basis of the research is the content analysis of scientific works on information wars and power relations. The object of information attacks against Russia are the ways to realize power, which include resources (human and material), a set of rules and regulations, remuneration and persuasion. As the examples from the modern press show, an imaginary or real information occasion aimed at one or more ways of realizing power precedes each information attack. The purpose of such attacks is to change the policy of the state (up to the change of the political regime), which meets the interests of western countries. The ideological background of information warfare technologies against Russia is such a manifestation of xenophobia as Russophobia.

Women and negotiated forms of belonging in post-apartheid South Africa

Although post-apartheid South Africa has seemingly opened its doors, its immigration and migration policies are ‘increasingly characterized by powerful xenophobic and exclusionary discourses centred on migration from the rest of Africa’ (Peberdy 2001, 16). The increase in xenophobic violent attacks and the extensive media coverage of these violent spurts has shifted the public discourse from exploring the different manifestations of xenophobia to an emphasis on a specific segment of the population which is primarily male and living in the townships. In both research and public discourse, the dominant discourse of xenophobia as male violence negates psychological and other mental forms of violence and xenophobia against women. Focusing on the experiences of women from other African countries and local women partnered with African non-nationals this article aims to provide counterpoints to this picture. It does so by understanding the negligence of women’s experiences within a framework of body politics and nationalism in which female bodies tend to be constructed as the authentic, inner country whose purity, sexuality, and traditional roles must be secured (Baines 2003, “Body politics and the Rwandan crisis.” Third World Quarterly 24 (3): 479–493, 482). It argues that the nation-building project as imagined by South African society constructs insiders and outsiders at the detriment of the vulnerable and minority groups in society (non-nationals and citizens alike) in a highly gendered manner. By looking at different ways in which women are positioned in the post-apartheid national building project, the article asks what forms of subjectivities and belonging are negotiated and enacted in response to these positionings. It shows how the experience of being a non-national is not fixed but becomes differently articulated during specific moments. Similarly, forms of belonging also depend on the context in which women find themselves in, thereby generating contingent political subjectivities.

Лонгитюдные исследования формирования патриотического сознания у школьной молодежи в полиэтничных регионах (результаты социологических опросов)

The article considers the formation of the patriotic mood of school youth in polyethnic regions of the Russian Federation based on the data of large-scale longitude generational studies that have been conducted since 1998 and are unprecedented in scale for both Russian and Western research tradition. The surveys have been conducted in twelve regions: Astrakhan and the Astrakhan region, Groznyy, Ivanovo, Krasnodar, Maikop, Makhachkala, Moscow, Nazran, Nalchik, Pskov and Stavropol. The project focuses on the views and values of the younger generations, on their conflict and tolerance potential. The main goal of the project is to support the younger generations capable of confronting and overcoming life difficulties, of suppressing one’s negative and conflict reactions, of protecting one’s interests and respecting the interests of others, which would lead to the development of culture of tolerance and consent and to preventing xenophobia manifestations. For the study of ethnic-social attitudes, for the identification of conflict potential, for the prevention of conflicts and manifestations of xenophobia and extremism, the researchers developed an ethnic-conflict monitoring in the framework of the international project “Dialogue Partnership as a Factor of Stability and Integration” (“Bridge between East and West”) and the program “Youth of Polyethnic Regions: Views, Attitudes, Values” (the author is the founder and the head of the project and the program). The monitoring has been conducted for 29 years in the form of generational studies that aim to reveal the development of the youth ethnic consciousness in different regions, and to ensure a timely influence in order to reduce conflict potential and to support the culture of tolerance.

Webs, walls, and wars

Walls, physical barriers for channelling, slowing, or (more rarely) preventing, network flows are an increasingly prevalent social technology in our seemingly ever more connected world. They are employed by a wide range of actors, both state and non-state, as a means of bolstering resilience against a similarly wide range of perceived threats. With few exceptions, the literature decries this development, seeing it as manifestation of xenophobia, anti-urbanism, and generally being inimical to the existence of a just and peaceful world order. By contrast, this paper contends using historical examples combined with insights from cybernetics and natural sciences that walls are no more intrinsically bad than unfettered flows are intrinsically good. A peaceful and prosperous world order, one which is neither a stagnant securocracy nor a perennially unstable chaoplex, depends upon a balance between the two.

‘Fellow-citizens in science and brothers in humanity’: Anglo-French rivalry and the discursive practices of the Critical Review, 1756–1763

This essay examines the discursive practices of the Critical Review during the period of the Seven Years War, when Tobias Smollett – reputedly a fervent anti-Gallican – was editor-in-chief and one of the journalists to whom a substantial number of articles have now been attributed. Reading the Critical Review from the perspective of Anglo-French relations, throws into relief the critics’ animated engagement with French culture, thought and literature, and discloses the review’s multifaceted reformist agenda. This means modifying previous characterizations of the journal’s aims and ethos. The Critical Review’s journalists endorsed the philosophes’ conception of an ‘Enlightenment Republic of Letters’ whose ultimate goal was personal and social amelioration, and acclaimed the efforts of all writers, whatever their nationality, who wrote like ‘true’ patriots or ‘citizens of the world’ or ‘friends of mankind’. Reviewers poured scorn on the ‘ridiculous national prejudices of the vulgar’ and condemned the manifestations of xenophobia that historians have argued were expressions of a distinctive sense of British or English identity. Anti-French slurs do appear on occasions, and some French works were downgraded, but many were generously praised, and different markers signalling affinity and alignment with French writers abound.

Migration, Refugees, and Racism in South Africa

The paper looks at South Africa’s complex history and policies of racism, social separation and control and the impact that this has had on the nature of migration and refugee policy. The paper argues that this legacy has resulted in policy and implementation that is highly racialized, coupled with a society expressing growing levels of xenophobia. Some causes and manifestations of xenophobia in South Africa are explored. It further examines how actions of police and civil servants can mirror the sentiments of the general public, further disadvantaging refugees and migrants. The outcomes of the WCAR are discussed with acknowledgment of the positive gains made for refugees and asylum seekers. The implications for implementation are debated in light of the attacks on the USA. In conclusion, a number of recommendations are made including the need for ongoing public awareness strategies, the value of the WCAR Declarations as lobbying tools, a pragmatic and democratic policy process and the need to highlight development concerns in approaches to address these issues.