Mandate System Research Articles

Translating Ideas of Nationhood: A Case Study of Teaching Nationalism and National Identity in Middle Eastern History

Research Article| May 01 2003 Translating Ideas of Nationhood: A Case Study of Teaching Nationalism and National Identity in Middle Eastern History Magnus T. Bernhardsson; Magnus T. Bernhardsson Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Sally Charnow Sally Charnow Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Radical History Review (2003) 2003 (86): 167–174. https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2003-86-167 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Magnus T. Bernhardsson, Sally Charnow; Translating Ideas of Nationhood: A Case Study of Teaching Nationalism and National Identity in Middle Eastern History. Radical History Review 1 May 2003; 2003 (86): 167–174. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2003-86-167 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsRadical History Review Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. 2003 by MARHO: The Radical Historians' Organization,Inc.2003 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Teaching Radical History You do not currently have access to this content.

Virtues of a worldwide congenital heart surgery database

The rationale for a congenital heart surgery database lies in the organized manner in which information can be compiled to accomplish programmatic evaluation, monitor clinical outcomes, comply with governmental requirements, perform retrospective and prospective clinical studies, and participate in local, national, and global improvement strategies. The task of inaugurating an effective congenital heart surgery database has taken many years and involved concurrent development efforts at multiple sites. Two such efforts took place in North America with the Society of Thoracic Surgeons Congenital Heart Surgery Database, and in Europe with the European Congenital Heart Defects Database. These initial efforts provided the impetus for development of an international congenital heart surgery database that would allow scientific exchanges on an international scale and promote multi-institutional evaluation of congenital heart surgery. Sample outcome templates from the Society of Thoracic Surgeons and the European Association for Cardio-thoracic Surgery's accepted minimum database data set are reviewed for the specific diagnostic entry ventricular septal defect, to familiarize the reader with potential available data summaries and outcome analyses, including risk stratification, when data harvest is performed.In Europe, the agreed upon minimum data set are now collected as part of the Pediatric European Cardiac Surgical Registry, while in North America users of the CardioAccess database and users of the minimum data set downloaded from the Society of Thoracic Surgeons web site are being notified of plans for a 2002 data harvest incorporating the minimum database data set. It is likely that the extant voluntary, minimal data set congenital heart surgery database will be replaced by a mandated system required by states, provinces, and countries. Data collection schemes and data validation programs will become standardized, which will result in improved data quality and uniform congenital heart center participation. As participation with valid data approaches 100% of congenital heart centers, the power and importance of the database increases exponentially. Reliable information can be used to assess residency/fellowship programs, resource allocation, major therapeutic trends, manpower issues, and in the end, all initiatives that will require accurate information. Copyright © 2002 by W.B. Saunders Company

Human Sacrifice and Slavery in the “Unadministered” Areas of Upper Burma During the Colonial Era

Before 1930, large portions of Upper Burma were unadministered. Many societies in these areas practised slavery, while some also performed human sacrifice. With the formation of the League of Nations' Slavery Commission, Britain was pressured to abolish slavery and human sacrifice throughout Burma. To comply, annual military expeditions were sent to Upper Burma for the liberation of slaves. Villages failing to abide by a proclamation abolishing human sacrifice were punished. After six years of operations all slaves were reportedly liberated, but new problems arose. To avoid further international scrutiny, the slaveliberation operations were kept under a veil of secrecy. By the end of World War I, the British colonial system had evolved a set of compromises between the demands of the British public for social reforms based on Western values and the diverse native customs and the cultural practices of traditional societies under colonial rule. Bitter experiences with native rebellions and the rise of popular nationalist movements made colonial authorities very cautious and hesitant to undertake any major social reforms, especially if they were to entail highcost coercive measures applied to native societies. Yet, in the aftermath of World War I, within Western society there was an upsurge of liberal sentiment pressuring metropole governments with the argument that colonial authorities now had new obligations under the League Mandate System to enforce universal standards of basic human rights and to eliminate barbaric practices in areas under colonial rule. The most contentious issue involved the forceful elimination of slavery and human sacrifice. Within the British colonial empire, the region where such practices were most rampant was in Upper Burma.

The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith

* Preface to the Second Edition * Introduction * 1. Definitions of Development * Conventional Thinking * A Methodological Word of Caution * Elements of a Definition * A Scandalous Definition? * 'Development' as an element in the Religion of Modernity * 2. Metamorphoses of a Western Myth * What the Metaphor Implies * Landmarks in the Western View of History * Conclusion * 3. The Making of a World System * Colonization * The League of Nations and the Mandate System * Conclusion * 4. The Invention of Development * President Truman's Point Four * A New World View: 'Underdevelopment' * US Hegemony * A New Paradigm * The ?Development? Age * 5. The International Doctrine and Institutions Take Root * The Bandung Conference * The New International ?Development? Agencies * 6. Modernisation poised between History and Prophecy * A Philosophy of History: Rostow's Stages of Economic Growth * Anti-communism or Marxism without Marx? * Dissident Voices: Francois Perroux and Dudley Seers * 7. The Periphery and the Understanding of History * Neo-Marxism in the USA * The Latin American dependentistas * A New Paradigm, but Age-old Presuppositions * 8. Self-Reliance: The Communal Past as a Model for the Future * Ujamaa and the Tanzanian Experience * The Principles of Self-Reliance * Possible Futures for Autonomy * 9. The Triumph of Third Worldism * The New International Economic Order * An Original Voice: The 1975 Dag Hammarskjold Foundation * Report on Another Development * In the Wake of the NIEO: Further Proposals * The Basic Needs Approach * Conclusion * 10. The Environment or the New Nature of ?Development? * The Return to Classical Economics, plus a few humanitarian extras * 'Sustainable Development' or Growth Everlasting? * The Earth Summit * Reflections on Deliberate Ambiguity * 11. A Mixture of Realism and Fine Sentiments * The South Commission * UNDP and 'Human Development' * 12. The Post-Modern Illusion: Globalisation as a Simulacrum of ?Development? * On the Usefulness of Talking at Cross-purposes * Organisations on Reprieve or in Mutation? * Globalisation or a Return to Normal? * Virtual Reality as a Refuge for Continuing Belief * Beyond Development * 13. Some Thoughts on What is to be Done * 14. The Struggle Against Poverty: Slogan and Alibi * What's the Problem? * What really is a poor person? * An Alibi? * Conclusion * Bibliography * Index

Economic Recovery and Reconstruction in Postwar Beirut

For many westerners the dominant image of Beirut, its buildings reduced to bombed-out shells riddled with bullet holes, freezes the city in time. Although the memory of Lebanon's civil-war landscape looms large in the collective consciousness, the nation has moved forward and seeks a revived economic role in the Middle East. And Beirut is being rebuilt. The society and government confront the dual tasks of reconstructing the physical infrastructure of the city while attempting to create interreligious societal harmony to ensure peace. In light of the major demographic and political shifts that initiated and sustained intersocietal hostilities, it is imperative to place reconstruction plans for Beirut within Lebanon's social and political context. Although armed conflict has ended, many of the issues that aggravated relationships among the country's various confessional groups remain unresolved.(1) The physical and economic reconstruction of Beirut thus holds enormous implications for the future of Lebanon. The greatest challenge is to use the reconstruction process to weld the divergent sectors of the multireligious society and to create, along with economic prosperity, a stronger sense of national unity. Yet reconstruction also has the potential to aggravate old tensions between groups and to renew internal strife. Although the case of Beirut has unique aspects, the problem of joining divergent sectors of society while repairing the built environment is not limited to Lebanon. The apportionment of representative space for ethnic or religious groups will surely be raised during the reconstruction of Sarajevo and throughout the republics of the former Yugoslavia as well. Issues of economic and cultural integration face East European cities as they try to attract investment and create a regional economic presence. A unified Berlin, specifically, faces the challenge of integrating Ossies and Wessies economically and culturally. Admittedly, though, the stakes may be higher in Lebanon, where reconstruction is assumed to be the foundation for future stability and where the propensity for violence is certainly great. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT Though not as monumental an Arab city as Cairo or Damascus, Beirut has held an important and occasionally central role in the Levant for 2,000 years. Much of its historical prominence derived from a favorable maritime location that allowed creation of a trade-based economy. Its important role as a broker for trade between Europe and the Middle East expanded in the fifteenth century with the return of Europeans (they had twice seized the city during the Crusades but were lastingly repelled in 1291) (Boulanger 1965). Beirut's central role in the economy of Greater Lebanon was solidified during the last stage of Ottoman rule (1840-1920).(2) In a period marked by rapid growth, the city's population increased from 6,000 in 1820 to 120,000 by the close of the nineteenth century (Reed and Ajami 1988, 16). Newly created infrastructure, including a major addition to the port of Beirut, facilitated economic growth and drew additional immigrants. The city expanded beyond its old walls as immigrants and refugees arrived, fleeing a civil war between the country's Maronite Christians and Druze sectarians. Members of each religion tended to live among their own, creating Beiruti suburbs that were distinctly homogeneous (Reed and Ajami 1988). Following the defeat of Ottoman troops in 1918 by British and Arab troops, control of Lebanon and Syria was given to France under the newly established League of Nations mandate system. During French control, which lasted from 1920 to 1943, economic and cultural links were forged between Lebanon and Europe that would persist long after French rule ended. Economic and educational opportunities further facilitated the growth of Beirut, the center of French administration, and its population. In the twentieth century Beirut absorbed waves of immigrants, ranging from Armenians to Kurds, who increased both the size and the diversity of its population (Khalaf and Khoury 1993). …

The Versailles Settlement: Peacemaking in Paris, 1919

Part 1 The old world falls apart: shifting balance of power nationalism, imperialism and alliances outbreak of war war aims and wartime developments collapse of the central powers Wilson's programme for world peace pre-armistice agreement armistice. Part 2 The Paris Peace Conference: Council of Ten Council of Four. Part 3 The League of Nations: origins wartime developments Parisian proposals drafting the covenant. Part 4 Reparations: reparations or indemnity? British demand for an indemnity French policy reviewed Commission on the Reparation of Damage origins of the War Guilt clause central points of debate reparations in the Council of Four reparations settlement reactions to the draft proposals reparations in perspective. Part 5 The German settlement: Alsace-Lorraine the Rhineland the Saar Belgium Schleswig Poland the Sudetenland and Austria Memel German disarmament Hanging the Kaiser results. Part 6 The Eastern European Settlement: the Balkans - Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Rumania Eastern and Central Europe - Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Poland, the Baltic Provinces, Russia national self-determination, plebiscites and minority protection. Part 7 The colonial, Near and Middle Eastern Settlements: the Mandate System Germany's colonies in Africa and Asia collapse of Ottoman power peace settlement in the Near East from Versailles to Sevres from Sevres to Lausanne wartime developments in the Middle East the Middle East at the Conference - Syria, Palestine from Versailles to San Remo.

Local feminist policy networks in the contemporary American interest group system

The emergence of local feminist policy networks is set within the context of the New Federalism of the Reagan-Bush administrations and the transformation of the U.S. interest group system over the past three decades. A case study of policymaking in a single urban setting focuses on changes in four policy areas of special interest to women: sexual assault, domestic violence, child care, and displaced homemakers. Single-issue feminist policy networks, composed of feminist advocacy groups, women-run services, local elected officials, and urban bureaucrats responsible for delivering, funding or regulating each policy, have formed around these issues. Each is characterized by: responsive policy changes; frequent interactions between local legislators, bureaucrats, and feminists; interlocking directorates; a symbiotic support system; diverse strategies and funding sources; and a federal-type organization. Local feminists have been incorporated in a new group universe embedded within a complex system of intergovernmental grants, contracts, and mandates. These networks help to sustain feminism and its public policy agenda through crises and challenges.

Implementing employer and individual mandates.

As is true of automobile insurance, a strong case can be made for a mandate that requires individuals to purchase health insurance rather than shifting costs to others. A mandate by itself, however, is likely to be regressive. By dealing with individual needs through the back door, an employer mandate generally keeps costs hidden and raises employment problems, while an employer subsidy will be poorly targeted. An individual mandate, in turn, raises other difficult administrative issues of collection and enforcement. No employer mandate is sufficient without an individual mandate, and millions of Americans will fall outside of any mandated system.

NOMANSLAND: The British Colonial Office and the League of Nations Mandate for German East Africa, 1916–1920

One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.

Syrian Urban Politics in Transition: The Quarters of Damascus During The French Mandate

For urban politics in Syria, the interwar years were pivotal. The country was in a transitional phase, uncomfortably suspended between four centuries of Ottoman rule and national independence. Although the Empire had collapsed and new forms of social and political organization were available, there remained a distinctive Ottoman cast to Syria's urban elites. Meanwhile, France had occupied the country, but was ruling clumsily and with a growing measure of uncertainty. The Mandate system itself dictated that the French could not remain in Syria indefinitely and Arab nationalism, however inconsistent and inarticulate, had become the reigning political idea of the age. The cry of independence rang across much of Syria, and nowhere more loudly and clearly than in her cities, the traditional centers of political life.

The Establishment of the Mandates System 1919-25

That the Peace Settlement of 1919 was a compromise, dependent upon the continuing involvement of the United States in the affairs of Europe for its success, is a fact widely accepted by students of contemporary history. The nature of that compromise is perhaps nowhere more clearly illustrated than in the colonial aspects of the Treaty of Versailles.1 Under the terms of Articles 22 (League Covenant), 119-27 and 257, Germany unconditionally renounced 'all her rights and titles over her overseas possessions' 'in favour of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers.. .'2 and the 'tutelage' of the inhabitants of these territories was to 'be entrusted to advanced nations' and 'exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League'. The Treaty of Versailles, therefore, contained within it the legal basis for the Mandates System, which was to be applied to Germany's former colonies and the former Arabian provinces of the Ottoman Empire during the inter-war years and which was in the years after 1945 to be transformed into the Trusteeship System of the United Nations. The compromise represented by the Mandates System was that between the idealism of British radicals and socialists, given practical political force by the entry of the United States into the first world war, and the desire of the British, French and Dominion governments to retain unfettered possession of the colonial and Middle-Eastern territories that they had conquered. Undoubtedly

South West Africa: A Study in the "Sacred Trust" Thesis

The mandate system may be toothless but it is not bootless. --Parker T. Moon (Imperialism and World Politics) Students of comparative politics and international relations generally admit that one of the more outstanding political developments of the post-World War II era has been what Hans J. Morgenthau calls “the Colonial Revolution”--the granting of independence to colonial territories and dependencies in Asia and Africa. “What seemed to be almost inconceivable at the end of the Second World War,” Morgenthau comments, “has become an accomplished fact only twenty years later” (1967, p. 344). To Morgenthau this colonial revolution “is in its essence a triumph of the moral ideas of the West…carried forward under under the banner of two moral principles: national self-determination and social justice.” Organski (1968), on the other hand, sees the attainment of independence by these colonies as part of an inevitable historical movement, not necessarily owing to ideas as such: “…colonialism sows the seeds of its own destruction. No sooner is a colony conquered than its population begins to move, slowly and imperceptibly at first, then quickly and noticeably, toward political independence” (p. 234). F. H. Hinsley (1967) sees the declining strategic importance of these colonies as a partial reason for the colonial revolution. Arguing in this vein, he contends that the “withdrawal [of an imperial power] from territory since the second World War has been due…to the growing recognition that it is not vital to hold it from the strategical point of view and not feasible to hold it in the face of metropolitan opinion” (p. 359).

Quincy Wright's study of the mandates system

Quincy Wright's study of the mandates system

The United Kingdom and the Beginning of the Mandates System, 1919–1922

The decision of the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919 to place the German colonies and Turkish territories under the supervision of the League of Nations raised serious political and legal questions to which no one had satisfactory answers. But, by contrast with the numerous recent studies of World War I and the Peace Conference that deal at least in passing with the origins and establishment of the mandates system, there are very few satisfactory scholarly essays that analyzer the aftermath of the Peace Conference's deliberations on international colonial affairs. The opening of the archives of the government of the United Kingdom after 1919 provides a good opportunity to review the subject and to examine what the unpublished records reveal about international supervision in colonial areas.

The Origins of the South West Africa Dispute: The Versailles Peace Conference and the Creation of the Mandates System

The roots of the South West Africa dispute relate back to the events that took place at the end of World War I and led to the creation of the League of Nations mandates system. More particularly, the conflict between the United Nations and South Africa cannot be understood except by tracing the manner in which South West Africa became a part of that system. The “great compromise” hammered out by President Wilson and the Dominion ministers at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 produced a three-tiered system of mandates which reflected in a sliding scale a varied balancing of national and international interests. The result of the compromise was a divergency of interpretation that has endured to this day and in considerable measure has fostered and sustained the dispute in its present-day dimensions.

The South West Africa Case: What Happened?

^^riT^HE International Court of Justice shall be the principal 1 judicial organ of the United Nations. Article 92 of the United Nations Charter thus rounds out the grand design of what the Court itself has described as the organized international community. This is the structure or framework for world order, which, however nascent and rudimentary, is an indispensable feature of the modern age. It was to the principal judicial organ of the United Nations that Ethiopia and Liberia submitted the protracted and un resolved dispute with South Africa concerning the interpreta tion and application of the Mandate for South West Africa, the very existence of which was denied by South Africa. A summary of the history and background of the dispute is an essential prelude to the following discussion, which concerns: (1) Why the litigation was instituted. (2) What the Court did ?1962. (3) What the Court did?1966. (4) Some lessons to be learned. The Territory of South West Africa, a German colony prior to the First World War, was entrusted to South Africa in 1920 as a Mandate under the League of Nations Covenant. The Mandate System, of which South West Africa is the one vestigial remnant, comprised certain colonies and territories which, as a consequence of the war, had ceased to be under the sovereignty of the de feated states. These colonies and territories, in the words of Article 22 of the League Covenant, were inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world. The restoration of the colonial status quo ante or the immediate grant of independence were considered by the victors to be unacceptable solutions. Although the powers had publicly voiced opposition to territorial annexation as a proper end of victory, secret arrangements had in fact been made by Great Britain, France and Japan prior to the armistice. These arrangements provided, among other things, that three British Dominions were to have the right to annex, respectively, German

African Origins of the Mandates Idea

As the Allied troops overran the German colonies the First World War British publicists began to debate whether these territories should be returned to Germany, placed under some sort of international control, or sliced up and annexed by the conquering powers. There was little support for the proposal to hand diem back to Germany. In part this was because of the widely held belief that the Germans were guilty of “atrocities” in Africa no less appalling than those committed in King Leopold's Congo Free State before it was annexed by Belgium in 1908. The real question was whether the German colonies should be annexed or “internationalized.” On the left of the political spectrum the Independent Labor Party urged international administration as a means of uprooting imperialism as a cause of war. On the right the conservative press advocated annexation pure and simple as a means of preventing war by strengthening the British Empire. The mandates system itself was a compromise between these opposing ideas. It was viewed by those on the left as a limited triumph in the cause of internationalization; and by those on the right as annexation in all but name.

The Attempt to Terminate Colonialism: Acceptance of the United Nations Trusteeship System

To the contemporary liberal humanitarian the acceptance of the League Mandate System by the world's chief colonial powers signified the advent of a New Deal for dependent areas in which the older and baser motives of empire were defeated even if not completely eliminated. To the con-temporary mind impressed with the prevalence of power politics, how-ever, the acceptance of the Mandate System signified nothing of the kind. It merely represented a new form of compromise between clashing imperial powers who sought to remove one source of friction by recourse to “internationalization”

The Reconciliation of Conflicting Colonial Policy Aims: Acceptance of the League of Nations Mandate System

That politics, and especially international politics, is the art of compromise is a cliché of ancient standing. This, however, does not deprive it of a certain value if we make it our task to examine the factors of ideology and interest which were responsible for the introduction of radical innovations into the structure of international organization. The story of the acceptance of the Mandate System is a case in point.

The Mandate System and Representation to the Estates General under the Old Regime

FRENCH constitutional experience under the Old Regime furnishes an interesting case study in the failure of a parliamentary institution to mature after it had apparently taken root. The estates general, despite a long and eventful career, ultimately succumbed when formidable obstacles seemed to prevent their transformation from an assembly of humble, class-minded, provincial petitioners to a national, sovereign, legislative body. The institution abolished itself by the resolution of June I7, I789.' Reasons for the inadequacy of the estates general as a national legislative assembly were numerous. Evidence seems to indicate that not the least important of these reasons was the apparent inability of the deputies to assume the status and powers necessary to becoming effective representatives of the French nation. It was the mandate principle, in particular the mantdat irmp&ralif, through which this particular shortcoming of the estates general most clearly expressed itself. Although representative government has frequently appeared in the past on municipal and provincial levels, its growth and significance in recent times have, for the most part, coincided with that of national government. As the feudal monarchy was gradually displaced by the national state system, deputies to the various medieval assemblies were required to become more than parochial delegates in order to adapt themselves to the changing pattern of political and social life. It was necessary for them to become representatives of the nation as a whole with power to decide issues in a manner that would be binding upon all constituents. This change occurred in England quite casually.2 By the eighteenth century William Blackstone was able to write: Every member [of parliament], though chosen by one particular district, when elected and returned, serves for the whole