Man Says Research Articles

Eskatologie en koninkryk in die Markusevangelie

Eschatology and kingdom in Mark 
 
 This article investigates the concepts of eschatology and kingdom in Mark from a narratological point of view. Special attention is given to the narrator’s use of story time and plotted time, the narrative function of Mark 13, and the Son of man sayings in the Gospel. The two most important conclusions reached are that Mark uses the Son of man sayings in a non titular way, and that the coming of the son of man (parousia) refers to Jesus’ vindication by God at his resurrection. In Mark the kingdom is equated with Jesus’ new household, a household that replaces the temple. The concepts of kingdom (new household), eschatology and son of man are thus so closely linked in Mark’s narrative that eschatology is the kingdom and the kingdom is eschatology. A possible sociohistorical setting for Mark’s community, in which the above understanding of the concepts of kingdom, eschatology and Son of man sayings would have made sense, is also postulated.

Une prise de parole : soldats du Midi, 1914-1918

Speaking Out : Southern Soldiers, 1914-1918. The Great War generated an unprecedented wave of testimonies of fighting men. These sources, henceforth invaluable, are usually used by historians for what the men say. Well, it seems almost as important to question the sense and the conditions of their speaking out. The case of Southern French soldiers is enlightening as a way of understanding what may have weighed on their discourse and of what speaking out might reveal of how war perturbed the structures of exchanges within the army. Several elements of reflection can then be proposed concerning the functions of speaking out on individual and collective levels. As is often the case, the methods and the contributions of other fields of knowledge are precious in order to help historians progress in the study of testimonies, to concentrate on the way things were said in order to shed more light on what was said.

God Is a Moog: The Electronic Prayers of Gershon Kingsley. Disc 1: Maven on the Moog No. 1, Maven on the Moog No. 2, Maven on the Moog No. 3, Maven on the Moog No. 4, Maven on the Moog No. 5, Jewish Experience Pt. 1, Jewish Experience Pt. 2, Jewish Experience Pt. 3, Jewish Experience Pt. 4, Jewish Experience

God Is a Moog: The Electronic Prayers of Gershon Kingsley. Disc 1: Maven on the Moog No. 1, Maven on the Moog No. 2, Maven on the Moog No. 3, Maven on the Moog No. 4, Maven on the Moog No. 5, Jewish Experience Pt. 1, Jewish Experience Pt. 2, Jewish Experience Pt. 3, Jewish Experience Pt. 4, Jewish Experience Pt. 5, What Is Creativity?, First Commandment, I Have a Little Brain, Is There Only One?, Haiku. Disc 2: L'Cho Dee/Bor'chu/Sh'ma Yisroey!, Micho Mochu, V'shomru, May the Words, S'u Sh'oreem, Baruch Sh'nossan Torah, L'Cho Adonoy, Gad'lu/Hodu, Eyts Chayeem, Kiddush, Interlude/Vaanachnu/Bayom Hahu, Kaddish, But Still the World Keeps Rolling On, Benediction, 1984—One, One Is One, Ode to Life to Celebrate Our Freedom, First Question—Poverty Ballad; Second Question—Bitter Herbs; Third—Wise Men Say, What Does It Take (The Ten Plagues), Security Song, Grace. Reboot Stereophonic RSR-002, 2005 - Volume 1 Issue 1

The Coming Son of Man Revisited

AbstractThe interpretation of the synoptic Son of Man is still a formidable swamp with no consensus emerging. Unfortunately, one of the most interesting suggestions, the collective interpretation of Manson, Moule and Gaston, has been somehow left by the wayside. It has certain advantages, however, in respecting both the basic `generic' sense of an underlying Semitic expression and the Danielic kingdom imagery, without denying this expression for the historical Jesus. The present article focuses on the coming Son of Man sayings and demonstrates the plausibility of applying a collective interpretation to them. The result is an eschatology, focusing not on an individual redeemer figure, but on the manifestation of the Kingdom in community practice. Some suggestions are offered for how such an eschatology, based on a collective interpretation of the coming Son of Man, could `mutate' so quickly into the idea of a second coming of Christ.

The Heavyweight Champion of Irishness: Ethnic Fighting Identities Today

On the night of June 11, 2005, Kevin McBride, the heavyweight boxing champion of Ireland, was in the MCI Center in Washington, DC, to fight Mike Tyson, the one-time world champion. The audience, 15,000-strong, predominantly black, and overwhelmingly favoring Tyson, derided McBride’s “ring walk,” the procession the boxer and his faction make through the arena to the ring before the start of a fight. Earlier, Laila Ali, daughter of Muhammad Ali, had knocked out an American woman named “Irish” Erin Toughill, and the elder Ali had been shown on the big screen with Tyson in his locker room, to loud cheering. McBride was clad in a blue tartan full-length robe; the hood, like a condemned man’s, almost completely covered his downward-cast face. When he emerged from the walkway into the arena, he was greeted by roaring cascades of boos, jeers, and catcalls. Portions of the crowd thundered “USA! USA!” with an air of mockery. His prefatory bagpipers already had been drowned out by the noise and had hurried out of the ring. The usually ebullient standard-bearers of his entourage—the owner of a Boston pub and the manager of another—spent only a few moments waving the tricolor in the ring, before climbing down quickly to their ringside seats. McBride had said at several press conferences before the fight, “When I hit Tyson, he’s going to think the whole of Ireland hit him on the chin.” At an event held at The Kells, a popular Irish pub in Boston, he added,“And as one man says to me when I give that line, ‘there’s 800 years of suppression behind that right hand.’” Tyson had been bemused by McBride’s patriotic fervor, predicting that McBride would break that hand and calling him “cute.” Entering the ring, with his trainers huddling defensively around him, to the crowd, McBride may have appeared, like many of Tyson’s earlier opponents, to have lost the fight before it had began. The hostile scene was a far cry from most of McBride’s fights in America. In nightclubs, ballrooms, and fairgrounds in and around Boston, vocal audiences dominated by working-class immigrants have watched him methodically pound smaller and mostly ineffectual opponents into submission, sometimes pushing them right out of the ring. McBride’s ring walks often last longer than

Paediatric neurology: theory and practice

Edited by Christos P Panteliadis, Rudolf Korinthenberg. New York: Thieme, 2005, €99.95 (£70 (approx.); US$125 (approx.)), hardback, pp 973. ISBN 3131415614 ![Graphic][1] It was Bertrand Russell who said that a stupid man’s report of what a clever man says can never be accurate, because he unconsciously translates what he hears into something he understands. Therefore reviewing a book written by so many distinguished neurologists poses a challenge. Added to this is the fact that paediatric neurology is a mystery for many—the more you read the less you seem … [1]: /embed/graphic-1.gif

Death and dying in Buddhist Ladakh

This paper focuses on the nature of cultural practices and belief systems related to death and dying in Vajrayana (Tibetan) Buddhism. Based on ethnographic and psychological fieldwork conducted in a Buddhist society located in the western Himalaya, it explores how the monks and laypersons of Ladakh approach the hour of their death. The paper includes a discussion of the Bardö T'ödröl, also known in the west as the Tibetan Book of the Dead. It concludes by giving some pointers to western counsellors who may be asked to interact with Buddhist clients in the wider context of death and bereavement. You are a house of bones Flesh and blood for plaster Pride lives in you And hypocrisy, decay and death. The glorious chariots of kings shatter So also the body turns to dust. But the spirit of purity is changeless And so the pure instruct the pure… [I have] beaten out desire And now my mind is free. Siddhartha Gautama Man says: Time passes. Time says: Man passes. Tibetan proverb If you want to know about living, study Confucianism; If you want to know about death and dying, study Buddhism. Chinese saying The geographic focus of this paper is Buddhist Ladakh, a part of Kashmir tucked away high up in the western Himalaya and the Karakorum range. Although politically a part of India, the central and eastern areas of Ladakh border on Tibet, People's Republic of China, and many of its people have for many centuries endorsed the tenets of Tibetan Buddhism together with various associated cultural customs. At the time of my fieldwork there in 1980 and 1981, Ladakh had just been opened up to western tourists and researchers, and its religious heritage and culture had not yet been transformed by the forces of globalisation and its accompaniment, pervasive culture change. Indeed, the Leh District of Ladakh is an area where many of the age-old traditions of Vajrayana (Tibetan) Buddhism continue to be practised to this day. Buddhism, it is sometimes stated, is a death- oriented religion: traditional Tibetans, Chinese and Japanese have looked to Buddhism as the religion that can best teach us how to die while preparing ourselves for the journey to ‘the other shore’. According to tradition, the Buddha became a renunciant after he had encountered old age, illness and death. Furthermore, Buddhist teachings are singularly focused on the nature of mind. Consequently, Buddhist attitudes towards death are inextricably interwoven with Buddhist conceptions of what the mind is, what it is not, and how to train it. Buddhism is simultaneously philosophy, religion and psychology—with various individuals emphasising any one, or a combination of those strands according to their understanding and preferences. Buddhist teachings on the nature of mind and on death-related practices should therefore be of special interest to the multicultural counsellor and to the cultural psychologist, who after all has staked out a rather similar territory when trying to understand how thoughts, feelings and cultural practices coalesce in shaping a person's approach to basic questions of living, suffering, minimising distress and dying. In this paper I explore the nature of Vajrayana Buddhism, death related belief systems and practices prevailing in Ladakh, and the central role of the Bardö T'ödröl in these practices. The paper concludes by outlining some general ideas that western counsellors might find useful when interacting with Buddhists who are approaching death, are bereaved or have loved ones close to death. Such Buddhists may come from a variety of cultural and ethnic backgrounds.

2005 Creative writing contest honorable mention

2005 Creative writing contest honorable mention

DEVIANT DERVISHES: SPACE, GENDER, AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ANTINOMIAN PIETY IN OTTOMAN ALEPPO

In the letters he wrote from Aleppo in 1600, the British merchant William Biddulph described the daily life of this dynamic center of the East–West trade, the city where spices and silks from India and Iran were exchanged for English broadcloth and New World silver in one of the world's largest covered bazaars. He also presented Muslim practices and religious beliefs, emphasizing those features that seemed to him most unusual and reprehensible. His contempt fell firmly on a fixture of the early modern Islamic street, the ecstatic, antinomian Muslim saint: They also account fooles, dumbe men, and mad men,…Saints. And whatsoever such mad men say or doe…or strike them, and wound them, yet they take it in good part, and say, that they shall have good lucke after it. And when such mad men die, they Canonize them for Saints, and erect stately Monuments over their graves, as we have here many examples, especially of one (who being mad) went always naked, whose name was Sheh Boubac…they…erected an house over his grave, where…they are Lampes burning night and day, and many idle fellows (whom they call Darvises) there maintained to looke unto his Sepulchre…

Thinking in Circles

“Oh my God,” the man says. He is about 70 and balanced on one foot in our doorway, trying to remove his left shoe while staring across the round room. He teeters a little, leans back against a wall, and smiles. “Will you just look at that?” Releasing his foot, he is oblivious of everything except the view through an arc of south-facing windows, “If I lived here,” he whispers,“I’d never get anything done. I’d just watch the woods.” He is at our house to see and, we hope, to buy Beverly’s art. For two weekends every October, we turn our tiny, cedar-sided yurt into a gallery, hanging about a dozen paintings on the walls, mounting several more on small easels here and there, perching others against boxes on the kitchen counter or against the credenza on the living room floor. She is a painter of landscapes and still lifes, mostly in oil, the work informed as much by her early training in geology as by her later study of Impressionist styles and her spiritual practice. These six days in mid-autumn, during the countywide Art Harvest Open Studio Tour, our home is taken over by the rich colors, forms, and textures of her work. And we open our isolated, normally tranquil place to all comers. That can be a deeply unsettling experience. We have only 615 square feet of circular space to work with, much of it glass, so it feels as crowded as the lobby of a concert hall at intermission. We bake banana bread and muffins, and I sit at the dining room table with an emptied tackle box to collect checks, a receipt book, and a price list. Thinking in Circles

“I wonder what he’s saying”: Investigating domestic discourse in young cohabitating heterosexual couples

The gendered division of domestic labor has proven of significant interest to scholars and social policy analysts seeking to understand how changing employment patterns are interacting with domestic work and constructing domestic life in contemporary Western societies. This article reports on the use of narrative methods to examine domestic labor in heterosexual couples. The study entitled Whose Turn to Cook? Domesticity and Gen X revealed the disjunctions between what women and men say and what their descriptions reveal that they do. It demonstrated that young women in heterosexual cohabitating couples do more but they also worry more about how their domestic lives appear and what it suggests about them and their male partners. The usefulness and importance of the narrative method of this study is evident as the data gathered here reveals complexity that would not have been apparent in survey or short answer data, even if couple responses had been compared. While both partners often talked of shared domestic burdens, it was plain that women bore the burden of domestic work and also the burden of the myths of shared involvement that are current in contemporary Western accounts of domestic labor.

The Gossip of Ideology

The Gossip of Ideology

“Haloes even in Hell”: Chesterton's Own Private “Heresy”

“Philosophy is merely thought that has been thought out …. What do modern men say when apparently confronted with something that cannot … be naturally explained? Well, most modern men immediately talk nonsense. When such a thing is currently mentioned, in novels or newspapers or magazine stories, the first comment is always something like, ‘But, my dear fellow, this is the twentieth century.’ It is worth having a little training in philosophy if only to avoid looking so ghastly a fool as that. It has on the whole rather less sense or meaning than saying, ‘But, my dear fellow, this is Tuesday afternoon.’ If miracles cannot happen, they cannot happen in the twentieth century or in the twelfth. If they can happen, nobody can prove that there is a time when they cannot happen.”G. K. Chesterton, “The Revival of Philosophy – Why?”The Common Man (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1950). 177.“When I fancied that I stood alone, I was really in the ridiculous position of being backed up by all Christendom. It may be, heaven forgive me, that I did try to be original; but I only succeeded in inventing all by myself an inferior copy of the existing traditions of civilized religion. The man from the Yacht thought he was the first to find England; I thought I was the first to find Europe. I did try to found a heresy of my own; and when I had put the last touches to it, I discovered that it was orthodoxy.”G. K. Chesterton, Orthodoxy.Collected Works (San Francisco: Ignatius, [1908] 1986), I, 214. Italics added.

What men say when apprehended for kerb crawling: A model of prostitutes clients' talk1

Prostitution research has traditionally focused on women engaged in sex work while the male clients have been so hidden that their characteristics and motives have been difficult for researchers to study. A general confusion exists in parliamentary debates, media, and policy, as to who the clients of prostitutes are, and their purpose for the visit (Carpenter, 2000). Despite the lack of theoretically informed debate about the role of the consumer in the buying and selling of sex, recent policy and legislation in England has continued to criminalize the male customer of on-street sexual practices. This paper presents data from 518 cases in which men were stopped for street soliciting (or ‘kerb crawling’), and contributes to the ongoing prostitution/policing debate by providing an analysis of the language these men use to justify their actions when stopped by the police for soliciting women. From the analysis of such attributional accounts, a new theoretical model of client behaviour is presented. Discussion focuses upon the utility of such a model to further our understanding of prostitutes clients' behaviour, their contact with law enforcement, and their subjective reasons for seeking commercial sex. 1Requests for reprints to first author bbg1@le.ac.uk at the School of Psychology, University of Leicester, LE1 7RH. This paper is based on work conducted for a doctoral thesis which was funded by the Economic Social and Research Council (award no. R0042974404). The second author was academic supervisor.

Reading Between the Lines

This article discusses the relative merits of psychoanalytic and psychodiscursive approaches to the study of masculinities and men’s violence. The case histories of four men are presented and analyzed. Two of these men were antisexist men seeking to help other men to change, and the other two were men who were getting help to stop being violent. Using these case histories, this article seeks to demonstrate that psychic experience is not a simple product of social discourses, and therefore masculinity cannot be straightforwardly read off from what men say. The article concludes by arguing that the psychoanalytic notion of a defended subject draws our attention to the unities among men more effectively than psychodiscursive approaches precisely because it is able to acknowledge biographically mediated differences between men.

Removal of ear wax

This is part of a series of occasional articles on common problems in primary care An elderly man says he cannot hear properly and the problem has been worsening for...

Take No Chances

“Your bags are light. That’s good.” The dark-complected, clean-shaven, 40-ish-looking man scurries around the Royal Cab to load my small, softsided bag and laptop backpack. I nod in appreciation as I talk on my cell phone, which has become my lifeline during the last week. “I am at the rental car agency in Richmond now,” I explain into the phone. “The taxi is here to take me to the airport. I must go.” “Take no chances,” my husband Art implores, resisting my attempt to end the conversation. “Don’t worry. I’ll be careful.” I hang up and get into the backseat of the cab. “I lost my suitcase,” I reply once I am settled. “When I went to visit my mother to help her return home from a stay in a nursing home, she gave me this small bag and a few of her clothes.” “It’ll be easier to get on the plane,” the man says, “faster without so many bags.” “Will they let me take my things on the plane?” “I don’t think so. That’s what I heard on TV.” “I was on a plane Tuesday morning,” I say. Noting the man’s Middle Eastern appearance, I wait to see how he will respond. “If you see a group of Muslim-looking men together, turn and head in the other direction,” my husband, worried that I was flying home to Tampa alone, had instructed on the phone. “If they’re getting on your flight, don’t get on. Take no chances.” “I doubt I’ll be the only person watching out for Muslim men,” I had replied. “I guess you’re right,” he acknowledged. “Just take no chances. Be a good ethnographer. Pay attention to your surroundings.” “I haven’t been able to talk for 3 days,” the dark-complected man says now, as he pulls into traffic. “I am so distressed. I can’t sleep. Nothing.” “It’s awful,” I acknowledge, not knowing how to talk about the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington that occurred almost a week ago now.

Allegory and Democratic Public Culture in the Postmodern Era

The man lies on the hotel bed, clad only in his underwear, as he watches the TV screen just beyond his feet. His right hand holds the remote control, which he uses to scan through the cable channels. To his left sits Abraham Lincoln, clothed in long-sleeved white shirt and black pants and reading a book. Lincoln's long, angular frame is just a bit stooped, and his brow is slightly furrowed, as if long accustomed to thinking on the edge of melancholy. Lincoln is mulling over a statement by Walter Benjamin: Allegories are, in the realm of thoughts, what ruins are in the realm of things (Benjamin 1977, 178).1 Seated to the man's right is a woman wearing the terry cloth bathrobe provided by the hotel. She leans slightly forward, legs crossed, as she reads the New York Times Magazine cover story about President Clinton. Listen to this, she says with a bemused smile. In the clutter around his desk in the Oval Office stands not a single bust of a favorite predecessor, but five: Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Truman and two of F.D.R., plus a statuette of Will Rogers for good measure. If governing is choosing, this collection is a metaphor for this President's trouble with choices, and he himself allows, That's the story of my Presidency, that desk' (Purdum 1996, 36). The man says nothing as he continues to watch the succession of images on the screen: a lizard flicks its tongue in the desert heat; a child in a stroller laughs as she holds a strawberry ice cream cone; a congressman in blue suit, white shirt, and red tie jabs his finger into the air as he talks earnestly; cars plastered with automotive product logos curl around a race track; Fred and Ginger swirl around the dance floor; soldiers wade ashore at Omaha Beach; the Space Shuttle lifts off; Groucho lifts his eyebrows; Regis smiles; mushrooms and peppers simmer in a pan. The succession of images could go on indefinitely. The tableau remains static. The composition is an allegory: a figurai presentation that organizes multiple interpretations regarding collective experience. It also contains and comments on other forms of itself: Clinton's desk is an ex-

The Function of Fathers: What Poor Men Say about Fatherhood

Interviews were conducted with 20 young men who used General Assistance, many of whom were the fathers of children of poor, unwed mothers. The relationship respondents had with their fathers was examined. For those young men who were themselves fathers, it also explored how those relationships influenced their own paternal identity and the relationships with their children. Findings from this research suggest that the relationship a man has with his father and the influence this has on his development of generativity and univocal reciprocity may be more influential to the son's paternal identity than his experience of poverty or violence. Increased efforts should be made to broaden the opportunities poor fathers have to be involved in the lives of their children beyond the economic arena.

The View From the Edge of the Cauldron

Perspectives in Psychiatric CareVolume 37, Issue 4 p. 137-139 The View From the Edge of the Cauldron Commentary Sandra P. Thomas PhD, RN, FAAN, Corresponding Author Sandra P. Thomas PhD, RN, FAAN Professor and Director, PhD Program College of Nursing, University of Tennessee, KnoxvilleAuthor contact: Sthomas@utk.edu, with a copy to the Editor: mary77@concentric.netSearch for more papers by this author Sandra P. Thomas PhD, RN, FAAN, Corresponding Author Sandra P. Thomas PhD, RN, FAAN Professor and Director, PhD Program College of Nursing, University of Tennessee, KnoxvilleAuthor contact: Sthomas@utk.edu, with a copy to the Editor: mary77@concentric.netSearch for more papers by this author First published: 22 September 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-6163.2001.tb00646.xCitations: 1AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article.Citing Literature Volume37, Issue4October 2001Pages 137-139 RelatedInformation