Lumber Company Research Articles

OregonScape

oregonscape The earliest logging in the Pacific Northwest took place along streams and rivers, where logs could be rolled or dragged for easy transport down the waterway to a sawmill. By the end of the nineteenth century, streamside areas were becoming logged out and the timber industry was turning to spur railroads to haul logs from more inaccessible interior areas. Building those back-country lines often required crossing rivers, curving around hills, and bridging gullies. One of the techniques used was cribbing, criss-crossing logs cut from nearby trees. This bridge was built for theA.F.Coats Lumber Company in 1924.It was located near Tillamook, where the company operated a sawmill. The bridge was 350 feet long, 110 feet high, and 40 feet wide at the bottom. Nine men built it over a period of two months. At one time, it was claimed to be the world’s largest crib bridge. After three years of use, this bridge was dismantled, and the logs were sent to a mill, resulting in 750,000 feet of salvaged fir and hemlock lumber. Logging companies did not salvage many smaller crib bridges and trestles,leaving them to rot in the forest when they were no longer needed. On top of the bridge, to the left, is a donkey engine mounted on a sled and riding on top of a railcar chassis. Donkey engines, invented in 1881, replaced oxen for dragging logs to a place where they could be loaded for transport to the mill. On the other side of the bridge, back-to-back, are two Climax Class C locomotives, built especially for the logging industry. Such engines were used for both transporting logs to the mill and bringing equipment to where it was needed in the forest. —Mikki Tint, former special collections librarian, OHS Research Library OHS digital no. bb007541 ...

LOGÍSTICA INTEGRADA EM INDÚSTRIA MADEIREIRA DE SANTA CATARINA

A logística integrada possui relevância na gestão da indústria madeireira, porque busca aproximar fornecedores-empresa-clientes para melhorar a qualidade do seu produto, sem necessariamente aumentar seus custos, além de alcançar maior eficiência, produtividade e flexibilidade. Neste sentido, o presente artigo objetiva descrever a logística integrada em uma indústria madeireira de Santa Catarina. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa exploratória, por meio de estudo de caso, utilizando-se de pesquisa documental e técnica de observação, com abordagem qualitativa dos dados. Inicialmente, faz-se uma incursão teórica na logística integrada e na cadeia de suprimentos; em seguida descreve-se a implantação da logística integrada na indústria madeireira. Os resultados da pesquisa mostram que a logística integrada está valorizando não só o produto final, mas também a matéria-prima, que muitas vezes era desconsiderada no quesito qualidade. Embora a logística integrada na indústria madeireira pesquisada esteja sendo implantada lentamente, já apresenta resultados interessantes. Ela contribui para conferir maior qualidade ao produto fabricado, devido ao fato de existir integração efetiva entre todos os setores e os fornecedores tenderem a primar pela qualidade da matéria-prima. Também está proporcionando à cadeia global da indústria madeireira a redução de custos e uma maior agilidade no atendimento, além de maior satisfação aos clientes ao longo do processo.

“La Enojosa Cuestión de Emery”: The Emery Claim in Nicaragua and American Foreign Policy, C. 1880-1910

This article will argue that a seemingly trivial dispute between the Nicaraguan government and an American lumber company operating on Nicaragua's Mosquito Coast escalated to become a major source of tension between the U.S. State Department and Nicaragua, as well as a catalyst that drew U.S. banks into Nicaragua. Despite its significance, the convoluted story of this dispute has attracted little scholarly attention. The importance of the Emery claim was widely acknowledged at the time, however. Stories about it appeared in contemporary newspapers and magazines, and it became a topic worthy of discussion by a U.S. Senate hearing. The claim was also connected to José Santos Zelaya's resignation as president of Nicaragua in the autumn of 1909, a gesture that came shortly after he had agreed to settle the Emery claim.

Mountain Lumber Company

In 1998, Mountain Lumber Company implemented a performance measurement and incentive plan for all company employees. Details of the plan by department for both managers and nonmanager employees are presented, and students are asked to review and evaluate the plan in light of the company's strategy. The case exposes students to evaluating key success factors and developing performance measures for successfully implementing organizational strategy, linking performance measures to monetary incentives, identifying possible unintended consequences of performance-measurement systems, and developing compensating control mechanisms to discourage those behaviors.

Groping toward SustainabilityThe Logic of Sufficiency. By Thomas Princen. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005.

Oriented toward a nonspecialist educated reader, The Logic of Sufficiency is a philosophical, ethical, and practical exploration of one of the biggest and hardest questions facing social science: the power and inertia that drive the engine of the economy in an unsustainable and ultimately self-destructive spiral of increasing growth, depletion of resources, and despoliation of the planet. To make this problem conceivable and conjurable, Princen takes “efficiency” as the master trope for binding together the logic of the factory, the laboratory, and the market. In the first half of the book he presents an abbreviated but intriguing culture history of North American devotion to efficiency, which depicts a country relentlessly pursuing the logic of growth, speed, and increase as national policy, corporate strategy, and personal life plan. He also develops the argument that materialist consumerism is driven by the increasingly dehumanizing and “unnatural” rhythm of industrial work discipline. The second half of the book draws on three extended case studies in an effort to distill some broad principles of management that create systems of “sufficiency,” building institutions and accepting ecological constraints. In his chapters on the long-term management practices of the Pacific Lumber Company, Monhegan Island (Maine) lobster fisherfolk, and an urban Toronto Island that resisted bridge and road improvement, Princen argues that sufficiency is a different kind of logic and ethic from efficiency. Sustainable practices, he says, are based on ecological rationality, acceptance of complexity, humility, long-term thinking, and respect for traditional knowledge and reasonable limits. He also abstracts from ecological economics and the common-property-management literature some of the formal properties of human ecosystems, which tend to be self-regulating and stable: they have fixed boundaries and large buffers of unused resources, resource levels are relatively easily monitored, and exploitation can be policed. There is a lot to argue with here, as is to be expected in a work of such ambitious scope and broadly defined goals. The progressive-technological theme of American culture that

Uma análise dos antecedentes da satisfação no trabalho em uma empresa madeireira

Job satisfaction has been given great importance in recent years not only by scholars but also by professionals. Factors that explain job satisfaction are therefore an interesting subject for investigation. As such, some aspects that contribute to job satisfaction were studied by the conclusive-quantitative method in relation to 182 employees from a large lumber company. Regression analysis of the results substantiated the hypotheses on organizational climate, social benefits and remuneration as having a positive and significant relation with job satisfaction. Suggestions for additional studies were also included.

Price discovery in a private cash forward market for lumber

Cash forward contracting is a common, and often preferred, means of managing commodity price risk in many industries. Despite this, little is known about the performance of cash forward markets, in particular the role they play in price discovery. The US lumber market provides a unique case for examining this issue. The Bloch Lumber Company maintains an active cash forward market for many lumber products, and publishes benchmark forward prices on their website and disseminates these prices to data vendors. Focusing on 2×4 random lengths lumber and 7/16 oriented strand board, this research examines the lead–lag relationships between the 3-month forward prices published by Bloch Lumber, representative spot prices, and lumber futures prices at the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. Results suggest that at least for 2×4 random lengths lumber, the forward prices published by Block Lumber lead both the spot price and futures price, suggesting that this private cash forward market provides some level of price discovery in the lumber markets.

Bear, Man, and Black: Hunting the Hidden in Faulkner’s Big Woods

Bear, Man, and Black: Hunting the Hidden in Faulkner’s Big Woods I. F aulkner’s “big woods” (GDM 257) might better be called “small,” such is the rate of their contraction from the moment of the Bear’s death in De­ cember 1883. By June 1885, Major de Spain has sold the timber rights to a Memphis lumber company (234), thereby translating common-land use rights, common at least for the purposes of hunting,1 into property rights. Post­ sale, extant forestation exists as a commodity about to happen, whose residual form, circa 1942, will be that of a memorial park, “reserved” (243) and marked to protect the resting place of Sam Fathers and Old Ben’s paw (235). It might be objected that I have telescoped a gradual process, seeing 1942 all too imminently in 1883. Yet the paratactic organization of Go Down, Moses (1942) sets disparate times side-by-side as a matter of course: parataxis involves propositions, phrases, or clauses that have been placed in sequence without any grammatical indica­ tion of their coordination or subordination to one another. The structure of Go Down, Moses may usefully be spoken of as paratactic insofar as any coordination of its parts depends upon inferences cast across pauses and changes in narrative direction, instigated by the gaps between the stories themselves. To experience temporal parataxis (a compounding of deja vu with the uncanny) is to reach for an explanatory focus, though the nature of the form may render such explana­ tions elusive, since, in Adorno’s phrase, the paratactical tends “inherently [to] elude subsumption under ideas” (134). Isaac McCaslin’s final account of the miniaturization of the woods is use­ ful. In “Delta Autumn” (set in 1941), perhaps for the last time, Ike (aged 74) is driven to the annual December hunt—the woods are two hundred miles from Jefferson, rather than thirty: He had watched it, not being conquered, destroyed, so much as retreating since its purpose was served now and its time an outmoded time, retreating southward through this inverted-apex, this V-shaped section ofearth between hills and River until ’“On the first morning that Lion led the pack after Old Ben, seven strangers appeared in the camp. They were swampers, gaunt, malaria-ridden men appearing from nowhere, who ran trap-lines for coons or perhaps farmed little patches of cotton and corn along the edge ofthe bottom, in clothes but little better than Sam Fathers” (163). In allowing their request to follow the hunt, Major de Spain points out that Old Ben is “more your bear than ours,” adding, “[ijf you see game in front of my dogs, shoot it” (164). The swampers’ existence plainly depends on their unimpeded taking of what game they can from de Spain’s woods. 3 4 Richard Godden Bear, Man, and Black what was left of it seemed now to be gathered and for the time arrested in one tremen­ dous density of brooding and inscrutable impenetrability at the ultimate funnelling tip. (253) I am tempted to label the iconic triangle “virgin” and move on, but Faulkner’s geometric emphasis on “funnelling” draws a hairline from the treeline and ren­ ders the “tip” vaginal, or, more properly (given “density” and “impenetrabil­ ity”), hymeneal. So, guiltily, I deface my text ... “V” ... with a mark which contradicts the figure’s point by rendering “scrutable” and “penetrable” a terri­ torial pudendum previously lacking vaginal entry. My scratch makes likely the loss of that which the original figure sought to preserve (permitting “destiny” to slip from “density”). Later, Faulkner will imagine Ike, or more exactingly his death, at the “tip” of this “inverted-apex.” Unable to sleep on the first night of the camp, Ike rec­ ognizes “why he had never wanted to own any of it. . . . It was because there was just exactly enough of it” (261). On the basis that he and the woods are “coeval,” belonging to the same period, he visualizes their “two spans running out together”: not toward oblivion, nothingness, but into a dimension free of both time and space where once more the untreed land ... would find ample room for both—the names, the faces of the...

Arkansas Listings in the National Register of Historic Places

Edward Durrell Stone Buildings IN 1916, A FAYETTEVILLE LUMBER COMPANY challenged local boys to design birdhouses. The prestigious competition had the president of the University of Arkansas as one of its judges. Fourteen-year-old Edward Durrell Stone won first prize: $2.50. To create a bluebird house, he sheeted a wooden box in sassafras branches cut in half to look like logs. In his autobiography, he described the small cash prize and local recognition as his undoing, immediately hooking him on a career in design. He followed in the footsteps of his older brother, Hicks, a practicing architect in Boston. Today, Edward Durrell Stone is widely regarded as one of the greatest American architects of the mid-twentieth century. He left Arkansas early in his career but returned intermittently and even had a satellite office in northwest Arkansas from 1955 to 1959 to help him execute commissions in the state. Stone attended the art school at the University of Arkansas from 1920 until 1923 before heading to Boston to join his brother and begin his formal training in architecture. He started at the Boston Architectural Club, then went to Harvard after winning a 1926 competition that awarded him a year's tuition. He later transferred to Massachusetts Institute of Technology because a professor there, Jacques Carlu, was experimenting with modern designs that interested Stone. In 1927, Stone won a prestigious Rotch award to travel to Europe for two years. In the course of his travels, he became more enamored of modern design after having seen and studied the works of modernist innovators Ee Corbusier and Eudwig Mies van der Rohe. Returning to the United States in 1929, Stone began his professional career. He did his earliest work as a paid architect in the employ of larger architectural firms. He worked on the Waldorf-Astoria hotel and Radio City Music Hall in New York but did not fully display his talents until receiving and designing his first private commission, the Mandel House in Westchester County, New York, in 1933. With the Mandel House, Stone made a name for himself for having designed and built one of the earliest International-style residences in the United States. While the work of Rudolf Schindler and Richard Neutra had appeared in the Los Angeles area as early as 1928, the Mandel House helped introduce the style to the East Coast, where it became increasingly popular in the 1930s. Stone's work in the International style was well received, and he built many houses in the northeast. However, as public opinion became more favorable toward the style in the late 1940s, Stone began to pull himself away from it. Edward Durrell Stone visited Frank Eloyd Wright's Taliesin in Wisconsin in the 1940s. His encounters with Wright's work began to alter his design philosophies. He began to feel that buildings executed in the International style left something to be desired. They were sparse, too arid, too cold. Wright had found something that the International-styIe designers had missed. Stone deeply appreciated Wright' s integration of nature into his designs and his use of indigenous materials. After two decades of helping to lead the International-style movement in the United States, Stone reinvented himself and developed an individual style based more upon the work of Frank Eloyd Wright. It was in this latter part of his career that Stone designed most of the buildings in Arkansas with which he is credited. Two of the five private residences Stone completed in Arkansas, the Willis Noll House in Fayetteville (1950) and the Jay Eewis Residence in McGehee (1955), have been placed on the National Register, as has his Pine Bluff Civic Center (1963-1968). These three buildings are fine expressions of Stone's ideology during this stage of his career. The Willis Noll House in Fayetteville illustrates well the changes that Wright's influence had wrought. In the late 1940s, Stone was working on several different projects in northwest Arkansas when he was approached by a local grocer, Willis Noll, to design a home on Mount Sequoyah. …

Supreme Court Activism in Economic Policy in the Waning Days of the New Deal: Interpreting the Fair Labor Standards Act, 1941–1946

Supreme Court Activism in Economic Policy in the Waning Days of the New Deal: Interpreting the Fair Labor Standards Act, 1941-1946 JEROLD WALTMAN* Students ofthe Supreme Court universally agree that it made a dramatic shift in 1937. First, in West Coast Hotel Company v. Parrish,1 it retreated from the unbridled use of the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause to invalidate state economic regulatory legislation. Then, in National Labor Relations Board v. Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation? the Justices widened the reach of congressional power under the Commerce Clause. This looser reading of the Commerce Clause was solidified in 1941 with UnitedStates v. Darby Lumber Company* and Wickard v. Filburn.4 So decisive were these cases in dividing what went before from what came afterward that Bernard Schwartz has said, “The 1937 reversal marked the accession of what may be considered the second Hughes Court—so different was itsjurisprudence from that ofthe Hughes Court that had preceded it.”5 Whereas the definingjurisprudence ofthe former had been close supervision ofeconomic policy, the latter refused to second guess the economic wisdom ofcongressional (and state) regulatory initiatives. Alpheus T. Mason summarized Justice Harlan Fisk Stone’s approach, which was indicative ofthe entire Court ofthis era, as one that would not say that “no economic legislation would ever violate constitutional restraints, [but that]... in this area the court’s role would be strictly confined.”6 Confirming this approach, between 1937 and 1957 the Supreme Court struck down only four federal statutes as unconstitutional, none of which were economic in nature.7 INTERPRETING THE FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT 59 However, we must not take this retreat on the constitutional front as signaling a com­ plete judicial abdication from involvement in economic policy. For in upholding the New Deal statutes, the Justices necessarily created a role for themselves in interpreting them. Given the numerous compromises President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s congressional leaders had to make in order to secure these mea­ sures’ passage, to say nothing of the inher­ ent complexity and ambiguity of the statutes, giving life to these enactments necessarily involved the Court in policymaking. Under­ standing how active the Court really was in the realm of economic policy in the years fol­ lowing 1937, therefore, requires an examina­ tion ofthe path it followed in interpreting these statutes. The purpose ofthis article is to scrutinize the Supreme Court’s decisions regarding the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938s (FLSA) be­ tween 1941 and 1946, the five years after it was upheld.9 Such an exercise provides an impor­ tant window onto the Court’s role in economic policy, inasmuch as the FLSA was one of the most far-reaching of the New Deal reforms.10 The first section is devoted to a brief discus­ sion ofhow one determinesjudicial activism in statutory interpretation. The second part lays out the critical statutory provisions as they were written in 1938. In the third through sev­ enth sections, the article takes a detailed look at the cases that came to the Court during this five- year period, searching for clues ofheight­ ened policy choice. There was a good bit of activism in these cases, and it had a detectable political slant. The Supreme Court, it turns out, was considerably more than a marginal player in economic policy. Judicial Activism and Statutory Interpretation Ernest Young has offered a six-fold classifica­ tion ofthe various types ofjudicial activism in constitutional jurisprudence: In United States v. Darby Lumber Co., a 1941 decision involving the rights of lumber industry workers, the Justices widened the reach of congressional power under the Commerce Clause to a considerable degree. Pictured, cross ties are loaded at a lumber yard in Mississippi. 60 JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Social Security bill in 1935, one of his many New Deal initiatives de­ signed to protect workers. Three years later, he would sign the Fair Labor Standards Act into law at the urg­ ing of Frances Perkins (above, third from right, and right), his Secretary of Labor. (1) second-guessing the federal political branches or state governments; (2) departing from text and/or history; (3) departing from judicial precedents; (4) issuing broad...

Cost of Risk Transfer: Pricing Agreements in Residential Supply Chains

Theoretical and computational studies of supply chains are confined mainly to buyer-supplier dyads. Evaluation of more tiers in the construction sector specifically is also rare, perhaps in part because short-term partnerships are typical. However, supplier selection in residential construction is often conducted in support of multiple subdivision tracts over a comparatively long time-horizon. This paper describes the lumber supply chain for residential construction, extending from the homebuyer to the lumber company. A particular case for a real builder is examined in which a builder adopted a pricing strategy to control their lumber cost risk. The strategy included minimum time periods of fixed pricing, insulating the builder from price fluctuations during those periods. Consideration of supply-chain lead times allows financial risk modeling for the builder-framer/lumber yard.lumber company portion of the supply chain in order to evaluate the cost-effectiveness of this strategy. Historical records of lumber prices were used to conduct Monte Carlo simulations of three tiers of the supply chain. The pricing strategy is shown to result in a risk premium generally in excess of the true commodity price risk.

PUBLIC POLICY AND THE SUCCESS AND FAILURE OF NEW TECHNOLOGY: THE CASE OF TREE HARVESTING SYSTEMS ON THE MIRAMICHI IN NEW BRUNSWICK, CANADA

CONSTITUTING A GENUINE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION in the woods, the technologies and work processes of woods work in Eastern North America underwent a dramatic (and largely unstudied) transformation in the period between 1960 and the late 1980s. Motivating that development was the effort of the owners and managers of mills and their contractors to increase wood production, to decrease the costs, and to do both with fewer and fewer workers (MacDonald and Clow 1999). Horses and muscles have been replaced by the noise and fumes of fellers, delimbers, slashers and skidders. A truly bewildering array of machines together with new tree-harvesting systems resulted, appearing in rapid succession in the forests (Drushka and Konttinen 1997; Silversides n.d.). The research on which we are reporting has been conducted on the Crown Land of the Miramichi Valley, in northeastern New Brunswick. We have conducted fifty in-depth, unstructured interviews during the summers of 1991- 93 with workers, contractors, company officials and forest engineers - some of whom provided us with company documents - connected with tree harvesting for Repap Pulp and Paper and its predecessor companies on the Miramichi. These interviews were transcribed and analysed with the aid of Ethnograph, a programme which permits the systematic analysis of qualitative data. Some more recent data are also presented. That work has presented a research puzzle. At the end of three decades of industrial development one would anticipate the successive replacement of numerous, diverse and less productive systems with a few, relatively homogeneous, highly productive ones. But when examining the woods on the Miramichi, one finds something unexpected: the latest, most productive and advanced tree-harvesting systems have not uniformly pushed out earlier, less productive systems (Clow and MacDonald 2001). Some older and less efficient systems remain in use decades after the introduction of the newer, more efficient systems devised to replace them. The explanation of this phenomenon requires more than the simple notion of developmental time lag, that the old systems are simply being run into the ground to recover their capital costs. This is especially the case for the older harvesting systems, given that one of their definitive features is relatively low capital investment. This paper will attempt to provide an explanation for their persistence, for this 'unfulfilled industrialisation'. The problem we perceive is certainly acknowledged by participants in the industry. They suggest that considerations of 'terrain', 'distance' and 'volume' militate against the utilisation of a few standard harvesting systems, thereby providing the rationale for the presence of a variety of systems - diverse in their technological development, heterogeneous in their productivity - as the optimum mix given the conditions of the Miramichi. But their answer itself needs to be explained. These factors, which appear to grant salience to the natural conditions of the area in the determination of the mix of harvesting systems, can only be understood by looking at the political and social conditions within which forestry operates in New Brunswick. And these conditions, we argue, are mediated by the fact of public ownership of the bulk of the land and the corresponding forest-management regime established by the Crown Lands and Forests Act (clfa) of the Province of New Brunswick. While the economic goal of the industrial revolution in the woods was clear and unambiguous, the success and failure of the technologies developed during the industrialisation of tree harvesting are subject to more complex and contingent social and political determination. Statement of the problem We turn to place (the Miramichi), to time (1991, at the close of industrialisation), and to the harvesting systems in use. Repap, the large integrated paper and lumber company in the region, acquired its wood fibre from the sources identified in Table 1. …

Arkansas Listings in the National Register of Historic Places: Three States Lumber Company in Burdette

Arkansas Listings in the National Register of Historic Places: Three States Lumber Company in Burdette

The Oregon-American Lumber Company: Ain't No More Edward J. Kamholz Jim Blain Gregory Kamholz

The Oregon-American Lumber Company: Ain't No More Edward J. Kamholz Jim Blain Gregory Kamholz

From forgotten film to a film archive: the curious history ofFrom Stump to Ship

H ow did a forgotten 1930 logging film become a marker of regional identity for many Maine residents? How did its unexpected resurgence in the 1980s lead to the creation of Northeast Historic Film, a model regional archive? How did this obscure, amateur 16mm production land on the National Film Registry in 2002? To answer these questions it is necessary to retrace the history of the 28-minute amateur film From Stump to Ship. The movie, which was rediscovered and reconstructed in the early 1980s, depicts a vanished chapter in the history of the Maine woods. While just its recovery is culturally significant, the critical factor in From Stump to Ship's widespread popularity is that the.4ilm was made deliberately accessible to the people of Maine. While some archival films are carefully protected and seen only by archivists and scholars within a controlled environment, From Stump to Ship broke free from the archival setting and went on the road. Viewed by thousands of people from various socioeconomic backgrounds in cities and small towns across the state of Maine, the film helped to foster a collective memory of woods life. It also helped to publicly commemorate the work of early twentieth century woodsmen, enhance a sense of regional identity and increase interest in Maine history. The From Stump to Ship phenomenon was created by a combination of factors: serendipity, hard work, the understanding that amateur film has the power to connect people, places, and communities, and an artifact that provides contemporary viewers with a social history of early twentieth century woodmen. Discovering From Stump to Ship Alfred Ames, the president of the Machias Lumber Company in Washington County, Maine, purchased a 16mm moving picture camera to document the twilight of his family's business the long lumber industry. Ames took full advantage of the mass marketed, amateur-film technology that was invented in 1923 and popularised throughout the 1920s, for the film is full of the industrious activity of Ames' employees and the natural motion of the Machias River.1 In 1929-30, with the help of a friend, Dr. Howard Kane, who did some of the filming with his professional quality movie camera, Ames meticulously recorded the extraordinary labour of both woodsmen and horses. He documented his employees sawing down trees; horses hauling great loads of logs though the woods; river drivers agilely running over logs in rushing rivers; the powerful current of the Machias River forcing thousands of logs to tumble and roll; men expertly clearing log jams at the head of the river's falls; men in bateaus flying down river rapids; the proficiencies of mill employees cutting logs with a 48-foot band saw, and finally, the schooner Lucy Evelyn, loaded with more than two million laths, setting out to sea. In short, Ames' amateur film

Redwood vandals strike Luna

Vandals struck the redwood tree that environmental activist Julia Butterfly Hill lived in for two years (CA, USA). Dubbed Luna, the 66-m tall, 1000-year-old tree made headlines as a symbol of California's environmental movement. Hill lived high atop in the branches to protect the tree from the Pacific Lumber Company. The vandals left a gash across half of the tree's massive base. The wound was 6 m across and nearly 1 m deep. Forestry experts said that the tree should survive, but they reinforced the tree with braces as a precaution to steady the tree. So far, police have no suspects. Reuters. TS

The Marshall Decision and Native Rights

This book begins in its opening chapter with the individual at the centre of this controversy--Donald Marshall, Jr. He is a figure already well known to Canadians as a result of his wrongful conviction and the subsequent judicial inquiry of the 1980's. Here, Marshall is before the Court system again B this time for fishing without a licence, selling eels without a licence and fishing during a closed season. He admits to having caught and sold 463 pounds of eels without a licence and with a prohibited net within closed times. The only issue at trial, then, is whether he possesses a treaty right to catch and sell fish under the treaties of 1760-61 which exempted him from compliance with the regulations.Joined by Mi'kmaq chiefs, the Union of Nova Scotia Indians and the Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq, a legal battle ensues which works its way through the court system ending up finally before the Supreme Court of Canada. In its ruling of September, 1999, the Supreme Court not only finds for Marshall but holds that he has established the existence and infringement of a local Mi'kmaq treaty right to carry on a small scale commercial eel fishery. Amidst the controversy which follows, the Court takes the rather unprecedented step of issuing a statement of clarification [November, 1999]. The statement addresses certain misconceptions about the judgement, principal among these being, that the Marshall decision is specifically about eels and not about other natural resources. Further the treaty right referred to in Marshall is a regulated right. This recognizes the stewardship of the Federal government, the continuing pre-eminence of conservation, and the need to consider the of other users. Finally, the right to a moderate livelihood is interpreted as being limited to securing necessaries--meaning food, clothing and housing, supplemented by a few amenities and not to the open-ended accumulation of wealth.For Coates, making sense of the Marshall decision requires a very broad and comprehensive perspective which must take account of the historical as well as contemporary circumstances of First Nations within the Maritime provinces. Accordingly, there are the historical relations which developed between First Nations and newcomers culminating in the treaties of 1760-61 B the agreements immediately relevant to the case at hand (chapter 2). As well, there are the contemporary social, economic and cultural conditions among these First Nations which finds them largely marginalized from the opportunities enjoyed by most non-Aboriginal Maritimers. Indeed, hardest hit appear to be Aboriginal youth who, even in the face of more vibrant First Nation communities and the reinforcement of language and culture, continue to experience a lack of belonging in a world markedly different from that of their ancestors (chapter 3).The Marshall decision is a legal case in a long line of other such cases, from St. Catherine's Milling and Lumber Company (1888) through Syliboy (1928), White and Bob (1965), Calder (1973), Guerin (1985), Simon (1985), and Sparrow (1990) to Van der Peet, N.T.C. Smokehouse, Gladstone (1996) and Delgamuukw (1997). Together these cases form not only a body of law on issues of resource, treaty and Aboriginal rights but have come to symbolize a hope for greater opportunity (chapter 4). …

The management and problems of lumber company dealing with Northern timber of Toyama Pref.

The management and problems of lumber company dealing with Northern timber of Toyama Pref.

The Industrial Far West: Region and Nation in the Late Nineteenth Century

Research Article| May 01 2000 The Industrial Far West: Region and Nation in the Late Nineteenth Century David Igler David Igler Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Pacific Historical Review (2000) 69 (2): 159–192. https://doi.org/10.2307/3641437 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation David Igler; The Industrial Far West: Region and Nation in the Late Nineteenth Century. Pacific Historical Review 1 May 2000; 69 (2): 159–192. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3641437 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentPacific Historical Review Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 2000 The Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

British Logwood Extraction from the Mosquitia: The Origin of a Myth

British Logwood Extraction from the Mosquitia: The Origin of a Myth