Lower Class Culture Research Articles

한중속담의 역사적 연원 고찰

Korea, which used Chinese characters as characters in the past, has maintained a close relationship geographically and historically for a long time. As a result, various Chinese cultural elements influenced the exchange of language and culture between the two countries, such as the introduction of Korean classical literature, literary works, and proverbs. This can also be seen in the fact that Korean and Chinese proverbs have more similarities in expression and meaning than differences. In addition, from the 17th century to the 2nd century in the late Joseon Dynasty, some writers collected Korean proverbs and left a collection of Chinese-translated proverbs that translated them into Chinese characters. This is the result of the positive will of some intellectuals at the time to accept lower-class culture reflected in the consciousness of those who compiled a collection of Chinese-translated proverbs, and furthermore, the opportunity and driving force for Korean proverbs to be recognized as one of our classics that must be inherited and preserved in the modern era. It can be seen that this has happened.

Literary Slumming: Slang and Class in Nineteenth Century France by Eliza Jane Smith

Reviewed by: Literary Slumming: Slang and Class in Nineteenth Century France by Eliza Jane Smith Amanda Dalola Smith, Eliza Jane. Literary Slumming: Slang and Class in Nineteenth Century France. Lexington Books, 2021. ISBN: 978-1793621146. Pp. 298. Combining sociolinguistic methods and literary analysis, this volume seeks to demonstrate how writers in the nineteenth century represented slang in French literature and ultimately helped define lower-class and criminal culture via linguistic means. True to its title, the book revolves around a concept the author coins "literary slumming," a sociolinguistic style shift in which writers from privileged backgrounds explore forbidden social realms via the appropriation of aspects of lower-class culture, and then fashion them for a bourgeois public in a way that creates a collective cultural image of what it means to be socially disadvantaged, criminal, immoral, or sexually deviant. The phenomenon is heavily mediated by the concept of "indexicality," a process in which context-bounded ways of speaking reference attached cultural ideologies like social class, gender, race, etc., in both referential, e.g., the overt use of informal tu pronouns, and non-referential ways, e.g., the use of a certain dialect, gestures, or slang. Because indexes are subject to an infinite number of interpretations, they exist within an "indexical field," a constellation of meanings that are fluid but ideologically linked. The author's main argument in this text is that the non-referential indexes of slang presented in nineteenth-century French literature are part of a larger adaptable system of ideological interpretation that witnessed a noticeable shift during this time: whereas slang in texts early on often served to index criminals, it later served to index hip Parisians or working-class prostitutes. A new indexical order emerged altogether in Victor Hugo's Les misérables, where slang was used for the first time to index victims, poverty, and social misery, performatively positioning its larger referential group of criminals and working-class figures as individuals in need of assistance from the upper classes. Following an introduction that situates the sociolinguistic framework, the text branches off into six thematic chapters, each exploring a different indexical value for nineteenth-century French slang: criminal code, embodied language, language politics, language of misery, language of Parisians, and language of whores. Within each chapter, discussion proceeds through a series of literary excerpts, each of which is analyzed in terms of its non-referential indexes informing the larger indexical field of slang at various moments in history. The book closes with an epilogue that contextualizes literary slumming even outside the confines of nineteenth-century French literature, e.g., during the Renaissance, in American and British writers, even among 21st-century white hip-hoppers. While advances in printing technology leading to the proliferation of serials for the public may have first accelerated it in the nineteenth century, the mechanism of literary slumming is still alive and well today, not only in literature, but also in music, film, and Internet culture, propagated by the continued presence of social, racial, and gender inequalities. [End Page 254] The book concludes with a call to arms for the dominated to reclaim their self-stylized languages (and not necessarily those popularized by outgroup writers) as an act of resistance against the dominant culture, a message that both literary scholars and sociolinguists alike will agree must never go out of style. [End Page 255] Amanda Dalola University of Minnesota Copyright © 2023 American Association of Teachers of French

‘You Can’t Do Anything Right’: How Adolescents Experience and Navigate the Achievement Imperative on Social Media

The rise in mental health issues among youth has been linked to an emergence of an achievement imperative, causing a rise in personal expectations and achievement demands, with social media highlighted as a significant contributor to these developments. This study examined experiences of achievement demands on social media and well-being through focus groups and individual interviews with early adolescents ( n = 80, ages 12–16 years). Achievement demands and a culture of perfection, along with their negative effects hereof, were mainly experienced in relation to adolescents’ public digital lives and, particularly among the youngest adolescents, the quantity and frequency of communication with friends. Achievement practices were structured by gender, with higher expectations for girls to present self-centred idealized and attractive versions of themselves. Boys were more often expected to appear social, active and prosperous. Sexual presentations of girls and self-centred pictures of boys were often considered distasteful and associated with lower-class culture.

A Middle Volga City as the Middle Ground: Urban Plebeian Society in Late Imperial Russia in Search of a Common Sense

A Middle Volga City as the Middle Ground: Urban Plebeian Society in Late Imperial Russia in Search of a Common Sense This article reconstructs the social dynamics in two Russian urban centers, the two major towns of the Middle Volga region, Nizhnii Novgorod and Kazan, as part of a more general attempt to recast the research agenda once formulated as a “lower-class culture in flux” in the context of a new imperial history of Russia. After the revolution of 1905, the structural diversity of Russia’s regions and populations was complemented by an unprecedented upheaval of social mobility, both upward and horizontal (migrations). The most modern loci of Russian empire, its urban centers, became the test - ing grounds for imperial society’s ability to accommodate this dramatic escalation of its diversity. The cases of Nizhnii Novgorod and Kazan reveal the situation in the deep heartland of the empire, usually perceived as the embodiment of “Russianness” (in cultural and political sense). As the article suggests, even these loci by no means can be seen as the empire’s normative (homogeneous and dominating) ‘core’, which displaces the traditional perception of the empire as a dual core-periphery system. Multilayered and multifaceted diversity was equally characteristic of the borderlands and of the central regions of the Russian Empire. Specifically, at the center of the author’s inquiry is the question of how the ethno-cultural diver - sity of Russian imperial cities correlated with better-studied socioeconomic stratification. How were these overlapping maps of diversity (ethnic vs. social vs. territorial vs. political, etc.) coordinated, and how did people themselves account for and bridge their differences in order to negotiate a compromise and produce a common social sphere? Last but not least, this article tackles the problem of the very limited applicability of explanatory models developed by historians of the educated middle classes and bourgeois public sphere for the case of a “migrant city” dominated by unprivileged and undereducated social groups. Relying on the array of sources documenting the social experiences of the “lower classes” (comprising the absolute majority of the urban population), the article looks into the social mechanisms and practices at work in the process of forging a common social sphere of the “nontextual” mass society out of the diverse body of recent migrants to the city.

A “DARLING OF THE MOB”: THE ANTIDISCIPLINARITY OF THE JACK SHEPPARD TEXTS

The story of Jack Sheppard, a jailbreaker hanged for theft in 1724, inspired William Harrison Ainsworth in 1839 to write a historical romance chronicling and fictionalizing Sheppard's exploits. Though first published in a middle-class magazine, Ainsworth's serialization of Sheppard's career in Jack Sheppard: A Romance (1839–1840) subsequently caused a sensation among lower-class audiences for whom the novel was not originally intended. The wide dissemination of Sheppard's story among the lower classes in ballads, songs, cheap plagiarisms, and theatrical performances created a moral panic for contemporary middle-class critics who were concerned with the implications of such material in lower-class culture. Thus, despite the novel's initial reception in the middle-class press as another pleasant and harmless romance, it soon became reviled as a source of inspiration for would-be Jack Sheppards everywhere.

MAKING ORDER OF DISORDER: A CALL FOR CONCEPTUAL CLARITY*

Criminology & Public PolicyVolume 7, Issue 2 p. 203-213 MAKING ORDER OF DISORDER: A CALL FOR CONCEPTUAL CLARITY* CHARIS E. KUBRIN, CHARIS E. KUBRIN Associate professor of sociology at George Washington University and a research affiliate at the George Washington Institute of Public Policy.Search for more papers by this author CHARIS E. KUBRIN, CHARIS E. KUBRIN Associate professor of sociology at George Washington University and a research affiliate at the George Washington Institute of Public Policy.Search for more papers by this author First published: 10 July 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2008.00502.xCitations: 44 † *Direct correspondence to Charis E. Kubrin, George Washington University, Department of Sociology, 801 22nd St., NW, Suite 409, Washington, D.C. 20052 (e-mail: charisk@gwu.edu) AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume7, Issue2May 2008Pages 203-213 RelatedInformation

Lines in the Sand: Race and Class in Lowcountry Georgia, 1750-1860 (review)

Reviewed by: Lines in the Sand: Race and Class in Lowcountry Georgia, 1750-1860 Judkin Browning Lines in the Sand: Race and Class in Lowcountry Georgia, 1750-1860. By Timothy James Lockley. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001. Pp. 280. Cloth $45.00; paper $22.95.) In his impressively researched and eminently readable work, Timothy Lockley offers an important addition to the historiography of nonslaveholding yeomen in the antebellum South. While the existing literature—ranging from Frank L. Owsley to J. William Harris, Lacy K. Ford, and Stephanie McCurry, to name a few of the most notable—concentrates on planter-yeoman relations, Lockley adeptly explores the complex relationships between nonslaveholders and slaves and how those interactions affected the white elite power brokers in society. Previous works treat such interaction only anecdotally, but Lockley treats the subject comprehensively. Racial barriers were fluid and surmountable—"lines in the sand" that could be crossed for a variety of reasons, despite elite disapproval. White elites "constantly tried, and consistently failed, to prevent biracial interaction" (xvii). Indeed, Lockley argues, "race could defer to self-interest, friendship, cooperation, and brotherly or sisterly solidarity in the minds of the poorer black and white members of lowcountry Georgia society" (xviii). [End Page 312] Lockley opens with a portrait of nonslaveholders in lowcountry Georgia, in which he establishes the foundation for interracial cooperation. Soon after the emergence of slavery in 1750, those who lacked the means to enter the slave-owning class became increasingly marginalized. Most yeomen had to settle for inferior farmlands, while the poorest whites could only inhabit the pine barrens. All nonslaveholders—whether farmers, artisans, or laborers—soon found far fewer opportunities for purchasing land, establishing lucrative trade, or engaging in wage-earning domestic work, creating friction between the haves and have-nots of white society. It is in these political, economic, and social contexts that interracial exchanges emerge. Lockley examines four categories of interaction: social contacts, economic networks, criminal encounters, and shared religious experiences. Throughout Lockley challenges historians who insist that "the racial ties uniting nonslaveholding whites with the white elite prevented the formation of any common biracial, lower-class culture" (29). Informal social encounters took place frequently in the workplace, taverns, and brothels, as whites and blacks worked, drank, and slept together. This was often a product of residential proximity, which helped foster personal contacts between the races. Similarly, lower class whites and blacks engaged in trade—in urban shops, farm cabins, and other informal settings—which proved beneficial to both parties. The trade was often illicit and lucrative, especially in the traffic of liquor. Though disapproving elites spent much of their time prosecuting this illegal trade, convictions were few, and fines were "little more than a slap on the wrist" (79). Though Lockley suggests that such continued trafficking in illicit goods indicates an implicit degree of trust between racial parties, weak deterrents probably had as much to do with it as any innate reliance between the races. If the fines were light, and the profits were significant, poor whites could be conveniently colorblind. The most often prosecuted crime was assault, and race played an integral part in the outcome of the cases. White-on-white crimes were less severe than interracial assaults; black men who assaulted whites could expect harsh penalties, depending on the class of the latter. However, lower class whites frequently assaulted blacks despite mutually beneficial exchanges, and often such violence was a manifestation of racial hostility. If a white man assaulted a slave, elites imposed more severe penalties, for valuable property was at stake. Indeed, property crimes of all sorts were treated harshly. Theft was much more severely punished than assault—and the cases utilized by Lockley are those that employed biracial cooperation, the major dread of white elites. Planters constantly feared a class [End Page 313] alliance between lower class whites and blacks who stole from the propertied classes would undermine elite power and the antebellum social order. Lastly, Lockley demonstrates that whites and blacks interacted in the religious realm. Though initially fairly democratic in its acceptance of all races, the church had become an instrument of white unification by the time of the Civil War. Blacks, who had...

The Poems of Andrew Marvell by Nigel Smith , Andrew Marvell (review)

782 Reviews That a heterodox lower-class culture, ignorant of the intellectual heritage of the Renaissance, found its voice during the 1640s and 1650s was, of course, Christo? pher Hill's recurrent theme, and this view still constitutes the prevailing scholarly orthodoxy. Hill argued that this grass-roots movement did not suddenly appear from nowhere: it had been a feature of English life at least since Wyclif and the Lollards, and probably for longer. What brought it into view was the revolutionary fervour of the 1640s, coupled with the power of the press and the collapse of pre-publication censorship: artisans and cottagers, labourers and vagabonds, empowered by the light within rather than the authority of the elite literate culture to which they had no access, reached fortheir pens. This, however, is to take at their own value the polemically charged and stereotypical caricatures of such opponents as the Presbyterian Thomas Edwards. McDowell's starting point is that this is not biographically sustainable. University men in fact constituted the majority of what is now a pretty firmlyestablished canon of radical writers, highly educated and competent in the traditional rhetorical arts. Indeed, the majority even of Quakers were craftsmen, tradesmen, and yeomen, the 'middling sort' rather than the 'vulgar'. With fine and accurate scholarship, and sensitive and acute readings, McDowell explores the implications of these facts, demonstrating the range of intellectual re? sources and the literary artfulness of these writers. In successive chapters he explores the rhetoric of controversy that shaped constructions of identity in the pamphlet wars of the mid-century, the store set by learning in the Puritan tradition, the deployment of writing strategies in the humanist tradition of Erasmus, the recurrence of sceptical patterns of thought more familiar from Montaigne than from Walwyn, and a parodic strategy that depends more upon Lily's grammar and upon the kind of undergraduate festivities that gave rise to Milton's 'At a Vacation Exercise' than upon oral culture. McDowell handles his argument with engaging tact and scrupulous fairness. The result is a most impressive firstbook, showing beyond doubt that to speak of conflict between 'the high and the low [. . .] the learned and the unlearned' (p. 9) is to misrep? resent the complexity of mid-century radical culture. It also raises larger questions than it is able to pur sue about the cultural dynamics of the period: if these radicals were not of the people, yet spoke for the people, to whom did they speak? If, as Mc? Dowell's argument suggests, they anticipated a readership not unlike Milton's own fit audience though few,why did they adopt the hostile caricature of themselves as illiterates ? McDowell follows Thomas N. Corns in noting that, however sympathetically revolutionary he may have been, Milton took pains to avoid being associated with the illiterate characterizations of the radicals (pp. 47-48); nevertheless, in Paradise Regained, just like them, he explicitly rejects the classicism that, in the companion Samson Agonistes, again like them, he so wonderfully reinvigorates. This tension is yet to resolve. University of Stirling N. H. Keeble The Poems ofAndrew Marvell. Ed. by Nigel Smith. (Longman Annotated English Poets) London, New York, and Toronto: Pearson Longman. 2003. xxvi + 468 pp. ?50. ISBN 0-582-07770-2. Nigel Smith's Longman edition of Marvell is a cornucopia of learning, an extraordi? nary achievement for a single scholar, fully deserving the general editors' description as 'a unique resource for the student of Marvell's work and its age' (p. xi). One is tempted to apply Marvell's words in praise of Cromwell: 'So much one man can do, | That does both act and know' ('Horatian Ode', 11.75-76). The edition makes MLR, 100.3, 2??5 783 available to readers an impressive amount of new material, much of it the result of Smith's tireless researches. It is far superior to all previous editions of Marvell in several respects: its annotation of linguistic detail, the puns and verbal ambiguities so abundant in Marvell; its notes identifying possible sources and analogues, classical and biblical; its citation of parallel passages from the poet's contemporaries; and its consistent attempts to situate Marvell's writings in their historical...

The English Radical Imagination: Culture, Religion and Revolution, 1630-1660 by Nicholas McDowell (review)

MLRy 100.3, 2005 781 allegedly purposeful and controlled. She is involved in an 'encyclopedie, comprehen? sive literary project' whose purpose is to pursue 'a conscious and deliberate explo? ration ofthe various forms and genres available to her at the time' (p. 9), and to engage in 'experiments in genre' (p. 196) to develop original hybrid forms which are more appropriate for her purposes, which include challenging traditional constructions of both gender and genre. Sara Mendelson's intriguing piece sees Cavendish's plays demolishing the line between fiction and life-writing, arguing that they combine thinly disguised autobiography with 'dreamlike inversions of Cavendish's own life experi? ences', which Mendelson calls 'anti-autobiography' (p. 201). Gisele Venet argues that her 'entirely new creative approaches' require an 'aesthetic of fragmentation' as a way of breaking away from conventions and of staging new attitudes towards others or a new convention of the self (p. 213). It is easier to assert purposeful irony than to prove it,however, and some essays seem to imply a particular insight into Cavendish's intentions which is not always borne out by the evidence. The collection's Cavendish is purposeful rather than incoherent. Moreover, far from being ignorant, she is well-read, and is engaged in a critical debate with other authors and scientists. Thus James Fitzmaurice convincingly reads The Life of William Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle as a purposefully hybrid form which combines narrative, scrapbook, household accounts, and maxims, and as a critique of Plutarch; Lisa T. Sarasohn reads the Philosophical Letters as a critique of Descartes, Hobbes, and other contemporary scientists; and Sarah Hutton goes so far as to read the Description of a New World Called the Blazing World as a wholesale 'satire on contemporary science' (p. 161) modelled on Lucian of Samosata. This collection of eleven 'international and interdisciplinary' (p. 8) essays, many by established Cavendish scholars, began as a series of conference papers, and attempts to cover the whole range of Cavendish's writing, from scientific and philosophical writings to life-writings, poetry, prose fiction, and plays. It attempts 'to locate her within literary conventions as a "complete author"', an enterprise 'never before attempted ' (p. 10). It is more coherent than many essay collections, but at the price of some repetition. Moreover, Cavendish sometimes seems to inspire in her critics contradictions resembling those attributed to her. Line Cottegnies's essay sees her both as a postmodern subject deconstructing the unitary self and as celebrating the myth of the stable self, and as both critiquing memory and fearing oblivion. While there is much here that will interest academies working on Cavendish, it is not likely to find a wider audience. University of Manchester Jacqueline Pearson The English Radical Imagination: Culture, Religion and Revolution, 1630-1660. By Nicholas McDowell. (Oxford English Monographs) Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. 2003. x + 2i9pp. ?45. ISBN 0-19-926051-6. The rather tired generalities and predictable collocations of the title of this study do not in the least prepare the reader for its challenging and exciting contents. This is no bland general overview of Levellers, Diggers, Quakers, et al. rehearsing the familiar connections between masterless men, mechanic preachers, the gift of free grace, and social insubordination. On the contrary,its business is to 'revise our understanding of radicalism in the English revolution' by challenging the 'starkly adversarial' relation? ship between 'radical belief and elite culture' presented both by seventeenth-century radicals themselves and by their twentieth-century champions (p. 1). Nicholas Mc? Dowell disputes both the socially underprivileged origins of seventeenth-century radicalism and its dependence upon oral and untutored cultural and literary habits of expression. 782 Reviews That a heterodox lower-class culture, ignorant of the intellectual heritage of the Renaissance, found its voice during the 1640s and 1650s was, of course, Christo? pher Hill's recurrent theme, and this view still constitutes the prevailing scholarly orthodoxy. Hill argued that this grass-roots movement did not suddenly appear from nowhere: it had been a feature of English life at least since Wyclif and the Lollards, and probably for longer. What brought it into view was the revolutionary fervour of the 1640s, coupled with the power...

Shakespeare, Molly House Culture, and the Eighteenth-Century Stage

To please some Friends--and draw the Vulgar I. Local Constructions Literary and Cultural Authority In the early months 1716, after word leaked out from the rival play house at Drury Lane that Charles Johnson was at Work on The Cobler Preston, a two-act farcical afterpiece adapted from Shakespeare's Induction in The Taming the Shrew, Christopher Bullock, in an effort to upstage the playwright at Drury Lane, rushed to the stage Lincoln's Inn Fields his own farcical afterpiece, also based on the Induction from The Taming the Shrew, and also titled The Cobler Preston. James Spiller, the actor who portrayed Bullocks Christopher Sly character, may have helped Bullock pull off such a coup. According to George Akerby's pamphlet, Spiller's Jests (1729), Bullock received news Johnson's project through illicit means when Spiller picked the pocket William Pinkethman, an actor at the rival playhouse, thus obtaining a copy the lead role in Johnson's farce. (1) Akerby's account Spiller and the purloined playscript is widely held to be spurious, however, in part at least because other stories about Spiller--such as the claim that he delivered an epilogue while riding an elephant--remain unsubstantiated, but also because Bullocks farce bears little to no resemblance to Johnson's, which is predominantly concerned with the class and political aspirations early-eighteenth-century Jacobites. Bullocks farce makes no reference to the 1715 Jacobite uprising in Preston. Rather, Bullock uses his adaptation Shakespeare to ridicule the notion that men can tame their wives, burlesque companionate marital relations by suggesting that spousal affections can be cheaply bought and sold, and demystify dominant, heteronormative assumptions about sex, gender, and desire by employing a nearly all-male adult cast that replicates the same-sex subculture the early-eighteenth-century molly house. Bullocks Cobler not only burlesques, in typical farce-like fashion, traditional notions about marriage and sexuality, but it also embraces its status as a segment lower-class culture, unabashedly announcing its position in the marketplace when it explicitly states in its prologue that its aim is To please some Friends--and draw the Vulgar in, and suggesting, in its enthusiasm for that status, that lower-class culture is not, as cultural elitists would have us believe, a denigrated culture. (2) Building on Laurence Senelick's claim that, in order to ensure its own respectability, the eighteenth-century English stage gradually leached sexuality from its depiction sodomites, I argue that Bullocks farce equates heteronormative interests with elite culture and attacks them both. At the same time, Bullock explicitly attributes to Shakespeare an ownership interest in the intellectual property his text not in order to try to elevate the literary and cultural status the farce, but to convince the eighteenth-century theatergoing audience that he did not steal from his rival, Charles Johnson. Rather, Bullock claims in his preface, he made use of Shakespeare. (3) Instead relying on Shakespeare's literary and cultural authority to prop itself up, then, The Cobler Preston locates Shakespeare's literary authority in the popular and constructs his cultural authority against the heteronormative politics the elite and in line with the sexual identity and desires the molly house. In this instance, we can say that Shakespeare's literary and cultural authority expanded during the eighteenth century neither because his texts spoke to any sort universal human condition nor because they were necessarily appropriated by dominant nationalist interests, but rather through the local concerns with the politics sex, gender, and desire, as well as the questions about literary and cultural authority that his Shrew was used to address. II. Hussies, Whores, and Saucy Queens Bullocks hero, renamed Toby Guzzle, is a drunkard cobbler who is first seen muttering to himself while stumbling home after a night revelry. …

Alfabetização e fracasso escolar: problematizando alguns pressupostos da concepção construtivista

O objetivo deste artigo é contribuir com elementos para o debate das questões relativas à alfabetização e ao fracasso escolar das crianças de baixa renda. Parte-se de resultados de uma pesquisa que examina algumas teses que, tendo como uma das suas bases conceituais a teoria construtivista de Emília Ferreiro e Ana Teberosky, vêm norteando as políticas públicas de alfabetização em nosso país desde a década de 1980. Levaram-se também em conta dados de pesquisas anteriores que estudaram a presença dos materiais escritos na cultura popular. Os pressupostos construtivistas acerca do desenvolvimento cognitivo das crianças das camadas populares e suas relações com o texto escrito foram analisados a partir de uma linha de pensamento da História Cultural, que vê a leitura e a escrita como práticas culturais, ou seja, como forma de expressão do indivíduo na sociedade. As conclusões a que se chegou são: não há marginalidade cultural no sentido de não participação na cultura escrita, pois numa sociedade letrada as práticas de escrita se impõem de diferentes maneiras nas formas de existência social, definindo relações sociais. As relações das crianças de camadas populares com o texto escrito só podem ser compreendidas em toda sua complexidade dentro do contexto e da diversidade das formas culturais da sua produção.

Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

PREFACE ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS INTRODUCTION TO CRIMINOLOGICAL THEORY What Is Theory? Types of Criminological Theories Theories of Making and Enforcing Criminal Law Theories of Criminal and Deviant Behavior Criteria for Evaluating Theory Logical Consistency, Scope, and Parsimony Testability Empirical Validity Empirical Validity and the Concept of Causality and Determinism Usefulness and Policy Implications Empirical Validity as the Primary Criterion Summary DETERRENCE AND RATIONAL CHOICE THEORIES Classical Criminology and the Deterrence Doctrine Deterrence: Certainty, Severity, and Celerity of Punishment Modern Deterrence Theory Studies of Deterrence Do Criminal Sanctions Deter? Deterrence and the Experiential Effect Modifications and Expansions of Deterrence Concepts Rational Choice Theory Deterrence and Expected Utility Research on Rational Choice Theory Routine Activities Theory Felson and Cohen: Offenders, Targets, and Guardians Empirical Validity of Routine Activities Theory Summary Notes BIOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES Introduction Lombroso and Early Biological Theories Lombroso's Theory of the Born Criminal The Criminal as Biologically Inferior Recognizing the Inadequacies of Early Biological Theories Modern Biological Theories of Crime and Delinquency IQ, Mental Functioning, and Delinquency Testosterone and Criminal Aggressiveness Mednick's Theory of Inherited Criminal Tendencies Empirical Validity of Biological Theories of Criminal Behavior Psychoanalytic Theory Personality Theory Summary Notes SOCIAL LEARNING THEORY Introduction Sutherland's Differential Association Theory Akers' Social Learning Theory Development of the Theory The Central Concepts and Propositions of Social Learning Theory The Social Learning Process: Sequence and Feedback Effects Social Structure and Social Learning Empirical Validity of Social Learning Theory Critiques and Research on Social Learning Variables Akers' Research on Social Learning Theory Summary Notes SOCIAL BONDING AND CONTROL THEORIES Introduction Early Control Theories Reiss' and Nye's Theories of Internal and External Controls Reckless' Containment Theory Sykes and Matza: Techniques of Neutralization and Drift Hirschi's Social Bonding Theory The Central Concepts and Propositions of Social Bonding Theory Empirical Validity of Social Bonding Theory Gottfredson and Hirschi: Self-Control Theory Low Self-Control as the Cause of Criminal Behavior What Is the Relationship Between Self-Control Theory and Social Bonding Theory? Testability of Self-Control Theory Research Indirectly and Directly Testing Self-Control Theory Summary Notes LABELING THEORY Introduction Labeling as a Process of Symbolic Social Interaction The Label as an Independent Variable in Crime and Deviance Empirical Evidence on Labeling Theory Developments and Modifications in Labeling Theory The Past and Future of Labeling Theory Summary Notes SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION,ANOMIE, AND STRAIN THEORIES Introduction Social Disorganization and the Urban Ecology of Crime and Delinquency Research on Social Disorganization Anomic/Strain Theory Merton's Anomie Theory Cohen: Status Deprivation and the Delinquent Subculture Cloward and Ohlin: Differential Opportunity and Delinquent Subcultures Miller: Focal Concerns of Lower-Class Culture Research on Anomie/Strain Theory Is Crime and Delinquency Concentrated in the Lower Class and Minority Groups? Other Social Structural Correlates of Crime Gangs and Delinquent Subcultures School Dropout and Delinquency Perceived Discrepancy Between Aspirations and Expectations Agnew's General Strain Theory of Crime and Delinquency Summary Notes CONFLICT THEORY Introduction Law is a Type of Social Control Consensus and Functionalist Theories of Law Conflict Theory of Law and Criminal Justice Empirical Validity of Consensus and Conflict Theories of Law and Criminal Justice Research on Legislation and Public Opinion on Crimes Research on Legal and Extra-legal Variables in the Criminal Justice System Conflict Theory of Criminal Behavior Empirical Validity of Conflict Theory of Criminal Behavior Summary Notes MARXIST AND CRITICAL THEORIES Marxist Theory Marxist Theory of Law and Criminal Justice Instrumentalist and Structuralist Marxism Empirical Adequacy of Marxist Theory of Law and Justice Marxist Theory of Crime Bonger: Early Marxist Theory of Crime Quinney: Class, State, and Crime Modifications of Marxist Theory Is Crime the Result of a Capitalist Economy? Critical Criminology Critical/Constitutive Criminology Left Realism Peacemaking Criminology Summary Notes FEMINIST THEORIES Introduction Feminist Theory of Criminal Justice Empirical Validity of Feminist Theory of Criminal Justice Feminist Theories of Crime Women's Liberation and Female Crime Power-Control Theory of Gender and Delinquency Patriarchal Society and Crime Empirical Validity of Feminist Theory Summary Notes INTEGRATING CRIMINOLOGICAL THEORIES Theory Competition Versus Theory Integration Varieties of Theoretical Integration in Criminology Conceptual Integration Akers: Integration by Conceptual Absorption Pearson and Weiner: Conceptual Integrative Framework Propositional Integration Elliott's Integrative Model of Strain, Bonding, and Learning Krohn's Network Analysis Thornberry's Interactional Theory Kaplan's Self-Derogation Theory Bernard's Unified Conflict Theory of Criminal Behavior and Criminal Law Tittle's Control Balance Theory How Successful Has Theoretical Integration Been in Criminology? Summary Notes REFERENCES AUTHOR INDEX SUBJECT INDEX

Outlaw motorcyclists: An outgrowth of lower class cultural concerns

The article compares the value system and lifestyle of three groups of deviant motorcyclists in the Tennessee‐Kentucky area to the focal concerns of lower class culture described by Walter Miller in his classic study of adolescent gang delinquency. Some striking parallels between the values of the two groups are noted. Some differences in the focal concern are noted, but the differences seem to be due primarily to the age differential between the two groups. Although both groups subscribe to lower class values and share most of the focal concerns described by Miller, the outlaw motorcyclists appear at least partially the products of downward mobility, which may be a result of subscribing to lower class values and concerns.

The Problem of Lower Class Culture

Journal of Social IssuesVolume 26, Issue 2 p. 133-148 The Problem of Lower Class Culture Lee Rainwater, Lee Rainwater Harvard UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Lee Rainwater, Lee Rainwater Harvard UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: Spring 1970 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1970.tb01719.xCitations: 23AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume26, Issue2Spring 1970Pages 133-148 RelatedInformation

Socialization in Correctional Communities: A Replication

Klein, M. W. and L. Y. Crawford. 1967 Groups, gangs, and cohesiveness. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 4 (January):63-75. Kobrin, S. 1951 conflict of values in delinquency areas. American Sociological Review 16 (October) :653-661. Kobrin, S., J. Puntil and E. Peluso. 1967 Criteria of status among street corner groups. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 4 (January):98-118. Lohman, J. D. 1957 Juvenile Delinquency. Cook County: Office of the Sheriff. Miller, W. B. 1958 Lower-class culture as a generating milieu of gang delinquency. Journal of Issues XIV (Summer):5-19. Matza, David. 1964 Delinquency and Drift. New York: Wiley. Reis;, A. J., Jr. and A. L. Rhodes. 1961 distribution of juvenile delinquency in the social class structure. American Sociological Review 26 (October):720-732. Scott, P. 1956 Gangs and delinquent groups in London. British Journal of Delinquency VII (July) :4-26. Shaw, Clifford R. 1931 The Jack Roller: A Delinquent Boy's Own Story. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Shaw, C. R. and H. D. McKay. 1931 Social factors in juvenile delinquency. Report on the Causes of Crime. Washington: National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement. Short, J. F., Jr. 1960 sociocultural context of delinquency. Crime and Delinquency (October) :365375. 1963 Introduction to Frederic M. Thrasher, The Gang. Chicago University Press. Short, James F., Jr. and Fred L. Strodtbeck. 1965 Group Process and Gang Delinquency. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Smith, M. 1943 empirical scale of prestige of occupations. American Sociological Review 8 (April): 185-192. Spergel, Irving. 1964 Racketville, Slumtown, Haulburg: An Exploratory Study of Delinquent Subcultures. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Thrasher, Frederic M. 1936 The Gang. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Torgerson, Warren S. 1958 Theory and Methods of Scaling. New York: Wiley.

Poor Youth Do Want To Be Middle Class But It's Not Easy

This paper explores certain goals and values held by poor youth, and identifies some of the factors that appear to aid or block the goal attainment process. From a sample of 1,327 male adolescents (Caucasian and Negro) between the ages of 16 and 18 who were enrolled in the Job Corps, data were obtained that suggest that these youth aspire to a style of life that resembles that of the middle class. Perceptions and comments of these youth do not tend to support the proposition that the lower class culture has a built‐in set of values that discourage social mobility. Rather it would appear that lower class parents, while having the desire to have their children succeed, lack the abilities important to facilitate movement into more advantageous social positions.

Social Mobility in a Mexican-American Community

An analysis of social mobility of Mexican-Americans in Southern California indicated that the second generation is the most upwardly mobile and measures highest on several indices of socioeconomic status and acculturation compared with immigrants and descendants of Spanish colonial settlers. Upward mobile Mexican-Americans do not shed their ethnic identification significantly, and Catholicism rather than Protestantism is found to be most associated with upward mobility. It is the shedding of lower-class culture rather than ethnicity which is most related with upward mobility.

Delinquency and Middle Class Goals

The author is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology and Acting Head of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Washburn University of Topeka, Kansas. He is also a Research Associate at the Menninger Foundation and was formerly a Fellow at the Judge Baker Guidance Center, Boston. In this article, Dr. Spiller tests the common assumption that much delinquency can be accounted for by the rejection of or inability to attain middle class goals. In a study of two urban lower class gangs, little evidence was found to support this hypothesis. Instead, greater support was given to behavior supporting lower class culture, but there were striking differences between gangs, and even within segments of a gang, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Prestige in terms of middle class values was unimportant. However, evidence was found for a continuum among gangs and for bases of prestige to vary with that continuum. Violence and violative behavior, as avenues of prestige, were most important in the lowest class gang, while culturally neutral adolescent behavior was more predominant in the less delinquent gang.--Editor.

Perceptions Regarding Value Orientation and Legitimate Opportunity: Delinquents and Non-Delinquents

Using the delinquency subculture theories of Cohen and Cloward and Ohlin as a basis, a study was conducted of the attitudes and socialization patterns of adolescent boys and girls. Attitude scales measuring value orientation, awareness of limited opportunity, and delinquency proneness were administered to a sample of 1,030 sixth and ninth grade Negro and white public school children and 515 institutionalized delinquents. The findings show significant variation for age, sex, race, and social class subgroups. Secondly, the findings indicate that rejection of middle class values and feelings of limited opportunity are related to a higher level of delinquency proneness and delinquency involvement. M any sociologists and criminologists are turning their attention to the group or ..j gang delinquency that is characteristic of our larger urban centers. As Bordua and others have pointed out, the explanations or causal theories offered for this type of delinquent behavior are many and varied.1 Theories have examined the general characteristics of a social structure based on competition and acquisition of wealth and material goods, have hypotlhesized the presence of a universal crosscultural adolescent revolt, or have assigned significance to the peculiar characteristics of a particular social class.2 Scientific tests of these *The total project of which this paper is a part was supported by a stipend from the Ford Foundation, and by the Ohio State University Delinquency Research Proj ect directed by Walter C. Reckless. 1 David J. Bordua, Delinquent Subcultures: Sociological Interpretations of Gang Delinquency, The Anttnals of the Amcericac Academty of Political ani-d Social Science, 338 (November 1961), pp. 120136. 2 See for example, Walter B. Miller, Lower Class Culture as a Generatinig Milieu of Ganig DeThis content downloaded from 157.55.39.96 on Sun, 02 Oct 2016 06:15:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Social Work and the Control of Delinquency: Theory and Strategy

Strategy for the control of a social prob- sponsibility of youth, poorly guided leisure lem or for its prevention assumes some time, violence and sadism on television, clarity as to the nature of the problem. In failure of the schools to teach citizenship, the instance of delinquency conceptual am- compulsory education laws that keep poorly biguities and confusion dominate the field, motivated youth in school too long, racial The facts of delinquency appear simple and ethnic tensions, delinquency and crime at first: 1.5-2 million children reported to as a normal way of life for those living the police each year, about 600,000 juvenile in the lower-class culture, and basic per court cases annually (traffic matters ex- sonality disturbances of an identifiable eluded) involving about 518,000 children, type. a nationwide court referral rate of over And so it goes. One is tempted to phrase 2 per 100 children. Nor are explanations a new law of delinquency interpretations for its existence difficult to come by. While to the effect that the simplicity and degree there are styles and fads in theory for this, of confidence in a theory advanced on the as in all other human arenas, a reasonable public platform is proportionate to the sampling of sermons, lectures, magazine ar- square of the distance from the phenome ticles, and television panel shows yields non being described! many of the following causes, often as part of one presentation and not in any sense ranked or interrelated: the home, a