Loud Voice Research Articles

The Body Politic, 1982

Feminist Studies 42, no. 2. © 2016 by Stephanie Han 469 Stephanie Han The Body Politic, 1982 I am not your Oriental sex object! “We will not accept our position in an imperialistic construct!” I yelled through a megaphone. “Capitalism equals colonialism plus sexism!” For seventeen years in Watertown, Wisconsin, my existence as a Korean, American, Korean-American (hyphen; no hyphen), Asian, Asian American (hyphen; no hyphen), and even Oriental, had been a source of unremarkable familiarity, but after entering university in New York, my ethnicity became my raison d’être. My parents greeted this political and intellectual awakening with confusion: what else could you be? They tolerated my identity politics in the hope that socializing with other Asian students would ensure the performance of filial piety’s sacred rites, modernly defined as pursuing a lucrative career in medicine (second choice, law) and marrying a Korean man from a good family. I was a member of ASA (Asian Sisters for Action), but participated in the new tri-college offshoot AFCAC (Asian Feminists for Central American Change) rally on the suggestion of Donna Chong, ASA’s president. She had told me I demonstrated potential as a political leader: “You have a loud voice. It’s great for rallies.” Weekend pamphleteering, volunteering, and organizing offered the potential of meeting a cool boyfriend—anyone “political or artistic ”—and the marching and sign waving burned calories. I built my biceps and lost five pounds in the first month of joining ASA, which I privately thought was a decent payoff. The more activism took over my life, the further I drifted from my deli-owning parents’ dreams of medical school, but then again, what did they understand about the Movement? 470 Stephanie Han I pledged mind and body to the Revolution, and joined every Asian student organization on campus, with a few exceptions: CBS (Chinese Bible Study) and KCH (Korean Christians for Hope). The former was Taiwanese only, specifically four students who knew each other from high school in Taiwan, and KCH, known for their excellent post-Sunday service lunch (I attended twice under the premise of joining in order to satisfy a craving for oxtail soup and kimchi) were adamant that members be fire-and-brimstone-screaming, Hallelujah-jumping Christians. Despite their proclivity to tolerate deviants in the name of good works, my self-described status as an agnostic-socialist-Taoist at that particular juncture made even the most Hopeful Korean Christian wince. I was a card-carrying member of KSA (Korean Students Association), MRGS (Mao’s Red Guard Squadron), and AMW (Asian Media Watch), which led boycotts against any item that carried an “Oriental” label. AWG (Asian Women’s Group), an organization dominated by overseas F.O.B. (fresh-off-the-boat) students from mainland China and Korea and a few Tokyo-pop Hello Kitty babes (the latter armed with melon flavored gum to ward off bad breath), was apolitical, and its primary focus was food. AWG was the only group I mentioned to my parents. I chaired the poster committee for AWG bake sales. “Maybe you’ll finally learn to cook,” said my mother approvingly. “Do you need me to send you another box of ramen?” Donna’s rousing battle calls to unchain ourselves from the sexist shackles of the beauty and fashion industries prompted a wardrobe overhaul and a medicine cabinet purge. I donned my nondescript black turtleneck and blue jeans with defiance and clarity. My single concession to capitalistic vanity was Dark n’ Foxy brand black eyeliner No. 2 Cleopatra Kohl. Would anyone notice a trace of eyeliner? I publicly applauded Donna’s talks on the hegemony of white beauty standards, but balked when she advocated that all ASA members cut their hair. She got a crew cut; it looked terrible. “Hollywood images have led the people to associate long-haired Asian women with bargirls. Long hair is a racial stereotype,” said Donna solemnly gazing at my waist-length hair. I’m not cutting it. Donna can fuck off. Rebelling from Rebellion? I had neither the desire, nor the will, to break away from Asian Sisters for Action. I’d had waist-length hair since I was eight years old, and...

Creatures, Rifle, Red

Creatures, Rifle, Red Cate Hennessey (bio) I There’s been a red-tailed hawk stalking the hens all week. It arrived over this January weekend, when the hens were out of their run and scratching under the pines. Then the dog noticed and barked, and the hawk, startled, veered away from its prey. Every day since, that creature (or perhaps another of its kind) has haunted the locust tree near the henhouse; it watches for hours the fat, fluffy biddies as they cluck and scratch in their locked enclosure. When I came home from work the other day, the hawk flew down from the locust branch and settled near the creek, where it was nearly invisible in the gray-brown leaves. I doubted for a moment I’d even seen the hawk, the camouflage was so complete. But then I walked toward the creek, and the hawk spread its wings and rose into the air. It didn’t go far. Later on, my daughter took the dog for a walk around the pond, and there on a pine branch in front of her sat the hawk. Startled, she ran back to the house. It was huge, she said, and unafraid. Disinterested in leaving its perch. Then she asked if the hawk might attack her. I said, No, it’s winter, it has no young to protect. [End Page 103] Emboldened, she and the dog trotted back to the woods where they hollered and barked and stomped around like mad creatures. But by the time they reached the pine, the hawk had gone. I know what my daughter means about the hawk, her wondering if it might swoop down into her face and hair. Sometimes a raptor fixes its stare on you, and you feel like the prey. That gaze is intense. Singular. The beak hooked and powerful. The talons curled around a branch, and the feathers a pattern that is and isn’t a pattern. The hawk belongs to any place it settles, and I have always felt unsettled when one looks at me, as if I have somehow made a mistake without knowing ahead of time the possibility for error. II Other things unsettle. Guns. The bodies of dead things. People who drink too much. My dog’s mistrust of strangers. Men who write gratuitous rape scenes. The color pink. Making a quick decision. The goddamn lime green of my car. That I talk to my brothers rarely despite a large and almost painful love for them. How I pretend sometimes to listen. Poems that use the word bone. A loose horse ambling along the road—saddle empty, reins snapped. That should something terrible happen to my husband, financial ruin would drive me and the children god knows where. That should something terrible happen to me, the same uncertain future would surround the girls and him. Yesterday the swamp was frozen through, and everywhere, the angled marks of beaver teeth on saplings. What unsettles a beaver? I do, I’m sure. My big feet and loud voice. Who and what else, other than a beaver, is unsettled by me? My students in their chairs? (I hope not.) A cashier at the grocery store? My colleagues? Someone once said I come across as serious and unforgiving. Demanding. Self-confident and independent. Ach, it’s not the person I feel I am. I am always second-guessing myself. It’s unsettling when others can’t see what we see. All of this looking. Perception. Misperception. Eyes. And color. My brother’s brown eye, [End Page 104] the one I nearly shot out with a BB gun. I must have pulled the trigger, but I don’t remember doing so. Our father had been teaching us to shoot when we were children, and while I waited I held the gun like he’d told me, its muzzle straight in the air, so I wouldn’t put an eye out. When the gun cracked, I startled—what was that noise? What made it happen? My father snapped his head to where the gun pointed, and it was pointed at my brother’s eye. The gun was unloaded, so no physical damage done. But...

An Incautious Tale of Biomedical Ethics, Abortion Politics and Political Expediency

An Incautious Tale of Biomedical Ethics, Abortion Politics and Political Expediency Mary Faith Marshall On November 6, 1998, Medical University of South Carolina President James B. Edwards, DMD, wrote a letter to “MUSC Family and Friends” announcing his forthcoming retirement after 17 years at the helm. In his letter he quoted Warren Bennis (author of Leaders on Leadership): In the postbeaurocratic world, the laurel will go the leader who encourages healthy dissent, and values those followers brave enough to say “no.” The successful leader will have not the loudest voice, but the readiest ear. And his or her real genius may well be, not in personal achievement, but in unleashing other people’s talent. Edwards closed: “While sometimes missing the mark, I and my administrative team have attempted to follow the above philosophy.” Grammatical infelicities aside, this was absolute bushwa. During my first month at MUSC (September, 1993) I learned about the Interagency Policy on Management of Substance Abuse During Pregnancy in a plenary session of a colleague’s ethic class. The presentation was made by the university’s general counsel, who stated, “we’ve written these women off . . . we want to save the babies.” There was laughter, but no dissent from the students or faculty filling the auditorium. The policy had, by then, resulted in the arrest of 39 MUSC obstetrics patients—“these women”—who used illegal drugs while pregnant and who had somehow “failed” treatment for substance abuse. The policy conditioned freedom from arrest on compliance with mandatory prenatal and substance abuse treatment. Of the patients arrested, all but one were African–American. The program was a joint venture between the obstetrics department of MUSC, the local prosecutor, and the Charleston police department. In October, 1993, Ferguson et al vs the City of Charleston et al was filed in federal district court on behalf of 11 women arrested under the Interagency Policy. It was, unfortunately, often referred to by the defendants and the media as “the Cocaine Baby trial.” The case ultimately made its way to the U.S. Supreme Court. An early sign of things to come: Edwards had asked me my position on abortion during an initial meet and greet shortly after I arrived at MUSC. Abortion politics were, after all, what the case of Ferguson et al v the City of Charleston et al was all about . . . making the fetus a person under auspices of the state’s child protection statute. South Carolina was the first state to do so. It was basically a fuck you—Edwards’ refusal in 1998 to put my promotion before the Board of Trustees because, as he stated in a letter to me, of my “testimony in the ‘Cocaine Baby’ trial.” He knew it couldn’t hold, so did the university’s general counsel—I’d been subpoenaed to testify in federal district court. My promotion had made its way through the university to the penultimate step. I’d received a congratulatory letter from Ian Taylor, my department chairman. But it took over a year, $19K [End Page 28] out of my pocket, $5K out of the AAUP’s (thanks to Jordan Kurland, AAUP Associate General Secretary, and former UVA President Robert M. O’Neill, then Chair of the AAUP Committee on Academic Freedom and Tenure), and a threatened lawsuit to make it right. After I was promoted the school of medicine “riffed” the bioethics program for reasons of “financial exigency.” I’ve only written about this once, (in a Festschrift for John Fletcher), because it feels self–serving. Having your promotion withheld and your program eliminated seem meaningless compared with spending ten or more years in jail, losing your newborn and other children to the vagaries of the foster care system, and public vilification as a derelict and wanton anti–mother for committing the “crime” of substance use disorder while pregnant. “I’m afraid you should have stayed at home today . . .” an observation made, (as we were filing out of Federal District Court, 12/9/96) by Melvin Berlinsky, the MUSC Trustee monitoring the Ferguson proceedings. I had testified that day under subpoena. The attorneys for the plaintiffs (the patients) and the defendants (MUSC, the Charleston city police department...

A Note on the Silent Canon in the Missal of Paul VI and Cardinal Ratzinger

A Note on the Silent Canon in the Missal of Paul VI and Cardinal Ratzinger Matthew S. C. Olver (bio) The use of the vernacular is usually considered the most obvious and noticeable of the liturgical reforms to appear after the Second Vatican Council in the implementation of the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium. But just as significant and noticeable was the permission to say the Eucharistic prayer in a clear and audible voice, a permission that was soon followed by the explicit expectation that the canon be said in a voice that is audible to the faithful.1 Strangely, in spite of this clarity, the sacramentaries and missals approved for use in the United States of America contained a rubric for over forty years that appears to give official sanction to the recitation of the canon in the so-called [End Page 40] “mystic voice” that is inaudible to the faithful.2 This brief note traces this story and attempts to provide a bit of context to this extraordinary anomaly. The history of post-conciliar liturgical reforms is well known and easily accessible.3 And debate continues to rage on the propriety of the nature of the reform in the Latin rite.4 No less than the Benedict XVI, when he was still Cardinal Ratzinger, wrote regarding the Missal of Paul VI: “I regret certain deficiencies and do not consider each of the decisions made the best possible” ones. Nonetheless, he holds to the liturgical norms “with an inner conviction.”5 The debate over the content and forms of the current Missal issued under Pope Paul VI was further complexified [End Page 41] when Pope Benedict XVI issued Summorum Pontificum, the Motu Proprio that lifted any restrictions that had been in place regarding the use of the 1962 Missal.6 Before he was elevated to the papacy, Cardinal Ratzinger published his only book-length treatment on the liturgy, The Spirit of the Liturgy.7 The title consciously recalls the work of a nearly identical title in 1918 by Roman Guardini,8 a fact that Ratzinger highlights in the introduction to his volume.9 The eminent French liturgist Pierre-Marie Gy, however, argues that Ratzinger’s approach may actually be in tension with Guardini, (rather ironically) St. Pius X, and even Vatican II itself.10 Both Guardini and Pope Pius X advocated (in Gy’s words) a “spirituality integrated with liturgical life.”11 Gy goes on to suggest that one of the differences between them and Ratzinger is that the latter’s work demonstrates “an attempt to separate anew spirituality and celebration,” a serious charge indeed. Specifically, [End Page 42] Gy argues that Ratzinger’s approach to spirituality and piety is that “of his Christian childhood and of his priestly ordination” (which includes “an attachment to the priestly prayers said in a low voice” and a Mass with a silent canon). This, Gy maintains, is in tension with both “the liturgical rules currently in place” and also “the liturgical values affirmed by the Council.”12 Sacrosanctum Concilium says nothing specifically about how the canon is to be said. But in the revised rites that followed its promulgation there are at least three points that make it clear that intention is for the canon to be said in an audible voice. Most obviously, the rubrics that directly precede the Te igitur at the beginning of the canon in the missals that stem from the reforms of Trent all state clearly that the priest “dicit secreto” the text of the prayer.13 The adverb “secreto” disappears in the revised missals. Then, there are two paragraphs in both the 1970 and 2002 editions of the General Instructions that speak directly to how the canon is to be said. And when they are considered together, they appear to preclude the possibility of both the canon said inaudibly and the playing of any music during the canon. First: “Among the parts assigned to the priest, the eucharistic prayer has precedence; it is the high point of the celebration.” And second: “The presidential prayers should be spoken in a loud and clear voice so that everyone present can hear and pay attention. While the...

Case Study of Major Depression

This document pertains to the case study of Major Depression. The subject of the disorder was Mrs. RJ (Initial instead of real name), 43 years old housewife and mother of four children. She visited my clinic along with her husband who informed that she feels burden on shoulder and at the back of her head most of time, feel weakness, facing lack of concentration on her daily work, disturbance with loud voices of anyone specially loud voice of males, shivering of body without any reason. He also informed about her weak memory, negative dreaming which disturb her sleep, fidgety and restless most of the time, aggressive behaviour and sometime weeping and shouting without any reason. Before visiting my clinic she visited some psychiatrists for treatment because she had become very aggressive and started to throw things and whatever was in her physical approach. One of those psychiatrists recommended ECT for treatment but ECT only affected her memory badly. Assessment made after taking semi-structured interviews from Mrs. RJ and her husband. In light of assessment and DSM-IV, Mrs. RJ was diagnosed by Major Depression Disorder.

Using the Medical Group as a Research Facilitating Tool in an Economics College

The learning group in regional economics works in a similar way to the Balint medical group. During a session, a ‘problem’ is presented by a group member, in the context of a rotation or ‘turn taking’. The other members do not try to ‘solve the problem’ by adding technical information or giving ‘advice’ to the presenter. Instead, they explore its meaning by treating the issue as if it were their own problem, revealing in a loud voice their free associations with the topic initially presented. This kind of reflection helps the presenter because it forces him or her to ‘think further’ about the issue, overriding the trend to solve the problem in an automatic, pseudo-intuitive way.

Assessing gender roles in a changing landscape: diversified agro-pastoralism in drylands of West Pokot, Kenya

Previous studies in drylands have shown that while gender roles are becoming more flexible, privatization and formalization of land tenure tends to marginalize women in drylands while environmental degradation leads to differential changes in gender workload. Chepareria, a ward in West Pokot County, has undergone the above-mentioned tenure and environmental changes and is nowadays dominated by private enclosures as a land management approach. This study reviewed in which ways these rangeland enclosures have influenced gender roles in the dryland systems of Chepareria in West Pokot, with specific regard to division of labour, financial responsibilities and decision-making processes on the household level, and also tries to identify the underlying driving forces that have contributed to the observed changes. Our results indicate that the workload of women has increased under new land fragmentation processes in rangelands due to increased responsibilities in cattle herding and income generation, but also that due to this, women have gained higher influence in household decisions concerning the family economy. It was found that women to a larger extent than before are engaged in small-scale business such as the selling of farm products and poultry keeping, hence getting financial resources under their own control. In this way, women are involved in decision-making processes and income generation to a higher extent than before, though they are still excluded from certain traditionally male-dominated spheres both within and beyond the household, such as the sale of cattle and the handling of larger amounts of financial resources. Under the new land fragmentation processes in Chepareria, women are increasingly seen as crucial income earners and they are enjoying a higher degree of financial independence, more decision-making power and a louder voice than before in household and public matters.

Reflecting on Ea

Reflecting on Ea Bryan Kamaoli Kuwada (bio) I was parked at the Kapi‘olani Community College farmer’s market, of all places, and my mind kept flashing back to the words I had heard two weeks before, from a speech given in 1871. I sat in my minivan, looking up toward the mountains. A warm June wind blew through my window. Manuokū danced around the tops of the trees. To my right, the dark blue of the ocean moved imperceptibly below the lighter blue of the sky. I knew that I was seeing ea all around me. For Hawaiians, ea means a number of different things: rising, life, breath, sovereignty. In the speech, reprinted in the August 12, 1871, issue of Ka Nupepa Kuokoa, a man named David Kahalemaile talks about the importance of ea, describing it as something vital that we cannot live without. Ke ea o ka i‘a, he wai. The ea of fish is water. Ke ea o ke kanaka, he makani. The ea of the person is wind. Ke ea o ka honua, he kanaka. The ea of the earth is the person. Ke ea o ka moku, he hoeuli. The ea of the ship is the steering paddle. ‘O ke ea o ko Hawai‘i Pae ‘Ā ina, And the ea of the Hawaiian Islands is our ‘o ia nō ka noho aupuni ‘ana. independent governance. With those words in mind, relayed by my friend Noelani Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua to a group of us who had come together to learn about the Hawaiian Kingdom holiday Lā Ho‘iho‘i Ea, I was moved to write this poem. I had never written a poem before, but I had been assisting another friend, Lyz Soto, and the team of four women (three high schoolers and one college freshman) she was coaching for the Brave New Voices International Youth Poetry Slam Festival, and being around these smart, generous, courageous, and hilarious women had kindled a strong desire in me to write. But like most creative impulses I have had, I mostly put it out of my mind. The more I was around inspiring people in the community, however, the more I realized I was drawing ea from them, getting breath to speak. It had taken years for me to realize this, but this loud voice of mine had been given to me as a tool of reciprocity. It wasn’t just for [End Page 577] me to speak my own desires. My voice was for me to pass on what I had been taught and give back to people who had inspired me. A few days before I was sitting in that parking lot, I had attended the first Department of Interior hearing about proposed rulemaking for federal recognition. It was perhaps one of the first times in recent memory that the federal government thought to get the Hawaiian community’s feedback on moving toward a so-called government-to-government relationship between the federal government and Hawaiians along the lines of recognized Native American tribes, a relationship that, needless to say, has had a long history fraught with controversy. I was moved by how many Hawaiians had shown up at that meeting and the subsequent meetings to call for justice for what had been done by the United States to our people, and these calls very often included independence for Hawaiians. Almost as much as Kahalemaile’s words stuck with me, so too did the impassioned, articulate, and often elegant two-minute testimonies of our community. Yet in the media coverage and even the response from some of the Hawaiian civic clubs, all we heard about was the “embarrassment” caused by these ignorant, loud and angry Hawaiians. Normally I would just let my own anger at the way we view our own people fester inside me, helped sometimes by the healing balm of talking with friends, but this time, the expressions of ea that were around me, coming from the people around me, coming from the land around me, coming even from the sea around me, were giving me breath to say something. That anger, and at times despair, that we have so often as Hawaiians is...

The Editor’s Note

The author assesses some of the data from the most recent PDK/Gallup poll and asks if policy makers are listening to the quiet messages that may be bubbling up from these important sectors of the American public? Or are they just listening to the loudest voices in the room today?

Interdisciplinary Program in Sweden Related to Transgender Voice

Gender incongruence occurs when there is a discrepancy between gender identity and a person's sex assigned at birth and their bodily appearance. Sweden was the first country in the world to pass a law regulating a person's legal right to change gender. There are six psychiatric gender teams in Sweden responsible for diagnostic assessments and coordination of gender confirming medical interventions. Extended gender teams include endocrinologists, speech-language pathologists, phoniatricians, gynecologists, dermatologists, and surgeons. All male-to-female (MtF) and female-to-male (FtM) transgender individuals are referred for voice assessment when a gender dysphoria diagnosis has been confirmed. Voice assessment includes questionnaires and voice recordings in habitual and loud voice and voice range profiles. Voice and communication therapy is provided for both MtF and FtM individuals. Pitch-raising surgery can be considered and pre- and post-operative voice therapy is required for optimal results. The Swedish Association for Transsexual Health was launched 2004. The national guidelines were recently updated to make those more congruent with WPATH's Standards of Care version 7. A national quality registry for Gender Dysphoria has been accepted for financial support. The registry will in the future be a unique source to provide data concerning patient satisfaction, safety, and life quality.

Crafting Board and Committee Agendas: What’s on Your Agenda?

Effective board and board committee meetings start with a well-built agenda. The agenda outlines the intended flow of the meeting or call. While there is great diversity in how they are crafted and by whom, every agenda should advance the board of director’s effort in meeting their strategic and oversight responsibilities. Ideally, it is the outside directors who have the loudest voice regarding the board’s oversight responsibilities. Outside directors must position themselves to make well-informed decisions to fulfill their fiduciary duties without assuming the role of management.

Índice de desvantagem para o canto moderno em cantores evangélicos de igrejas tradicionais e pentecostais

OBJETIVO:verificar queixas, sintomas vocais e laringofaríngeos e desvantagem vocal de cantores evangélicos, comparando cantores de igrejas tradicionais com cantores de igrejas pentecostais.MÉTODOS:foram analisados 100 cantores evangélicos, de ambos os sexos, divididos em grupos tradicional e pentecostal. Aplicou-se um questionário sobre profissão, autoimagem vocal, queixa, sintomas vocais/laríngeos e o protocolo Índice de Desvantagem Vocal para o Canto Moderno. Os dados obtidos foram analisados estatisticamente por meio do cálculo da média, porcentagem e comparação entre os grupos (Teste de Mann-Whitney com nível de significância 5%).RESULTADOS:a maioria dos cantores evangélicos não utiliza a voz profissionalmente, e 2% têm conhecimentos sobre técnicas e preparação vocal. O tempo em atividades de canto/ensaio varia de 6 a 8 horas semanais e mais da metade do grupo analisado referiu possuir boa voz. Não houve diferenças significantes quanto às queixas vocais e laringofaríngeas, na comparação entre os grupos. Cantores evangélicos tradicionais apresentaram maior frequência do sintoma vocal "voz forte" quando comparados aos cantores pentecostais, considerando o gênero masculino (p=0,002). Cantores pentecostais do gênero feminino referiram pior resultado para incapacidade (p=0,008), desvantagem (p>0,000) e defeito (p=0,004), quando comparados aos cantores tradicionais do gênero feminino.CONCLUSÃO:com exceção do sintoma "voz forte" mais relatado pelos cantores masculinos do Grupo Tradicional, não houve diferenças significantes em relação à queixa vocal e sintomas vocais entre os grupos estudados. Mulheres do grupo Pentecostal apresentaram pior resultado nas três subescalas, revelando maior desvantagem vocal do que mulheres do grupo Tradicional.

How would you secure a louder voice for your unit in enrollment discussions?

Your campus administration encourages innovative strategies to boost enrollment, retention and graduation rates. A number of interesting proposals are under discussion. You would like to have a bigger voice in the conversation, both because you believe your office can be helpful and because the proposals will impact your work. What would you do?

The illusion of nonmediation in telecommunication: Voice intensity biases distance judgments to a communication partner

The illusion of nonmediation is an experience in mediated communication where individuals respond as if the medium is not there. It is frequently associated with advanced media technology, such as virtual environments and teleconference systems. In this paper, we investigate whether people experience an illusion of nonmediation during interactions as simple as making a phone call. In three experiments, participants were asked to listen to someone's voice on a mobile phone (Experiment 1) or through VoIP software (Experiment 2 and 3) before guessing the location of the person and indicating this location on a map. Results consistently demonstrated that louder voices were judged to be closer, as if the technical mediation was ignored. Combining the three experiments, a small-scale meta-analysis yielded an effect size estimate of d=0.37 for the ‘louder-as-closer’ effect. Implications of the results and suggestions for future research are discussed.

Research of the Correlation of Spiritual-Moral and Emotional-Expressional Characteristics of Personality

The article deals with the problem of spiritual and moral development of the modern human. This process is understood as interiorization by a human of ideal (external) forms of spiritual and moral culture by means of psychological tools (transmitters), the role of which the emotional and expressional characteristics play within the this research. The goal of this research resides in revealing main directions of study of spiritual and moral development of personality, including involvement of the emotional sphere in the formation and development of spiritual and moral personality, as well as determination of singularities of the correlation (contingence) between spiritual-moral and emotional-expressional characteristics of personality based on the materials of students. Theoretical analysis showed that spiritual and moral development of personality is implemented through human’s assimilation of ideal forms of spiritual and moral culture by means of psychological tools (transmitters). Based on the analysis of main regulatory functions of psychological tools, it was determined that emotional and expressional characteristics can play important role in assimilation of the spiritual and moral culture, being both the form of its expression and the psychological tools of mastering this culture at the same time. Comparative analysis of the results of the diagnostics of spiritual-moral and emotional-expressional characteristics revealed statistically valid differences. For example, in the female group, the following differences in values were revealed: the anger emotion, excessive motions, peacemaking, general expressivity, loud voice, expression of anger and fear. The male group differed by the following values: egoism, spiritual strength, spiritual beauty, righteousness, soul purity, expression of anger. Comparison of the obtained correlative pleiads describing the spiritual-moral and emotional-expressional level between all groups allowed identifying the following trend: the increase of the general level of humanism and other spiritual and moral indicators of the responders is accompanied by the growth of importance and contingency of the correlation with the emotional and expressional indicators.

Who Neglects Neglected Tropical Diseases? - Korean Perspective.

Neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) are a group of tropical infectious diseases of poorest people. Of 17 NTDs managed by WHO, two, guinea worm disease (by 2015) and yaws (by 2020) are targeted for eradication, and four (blinding trachoma, human African trypanosomiasis, leprosy, and lymphatic filariasis) for elimination by 2020. The goals look promising but 11 others are still highly prevalent. Soil-transmitted helminths (STHs) are one NTD which prevail over the world including temperate zones. They had been highly prevalent in Korea but are mostly disappearing at present through systematic and sustainable control activity. The successful experience of STH control enables Korean experts to develop many programs of NTD control in developing countries. Several programs of both official development aid and non-governmental organizations are now targeting NTDs. Most NTDs are low in health priority compared to their health threats because they are chronic, insidious, and of low mortality. No one, including the victims, raised priority of NTD control with a loud voice in the endemic field of the diseases. After the millennium development goals declared disease control over the world, NTDs are becoming less neglected globally. Even with limited resources, beginning a sustainable national program is the key for the control and elimination of NTDs. No more neglect, especially no more self-neglect, can eliminate diseases and upgrade quality of life of the neglected people.

My Native State

> I'm a nascent polypeptide chain > > Just emerging from the ribosome. > > Through the cavernous endoplasmic reticulum, > > In search of friends I was asked to roam. > I have been given prior instructions > > That I should assume my natural shape. > > In size, structure, design and architecture > > I'm to become a blueprint, a replica, a remake. > “Don't I have the freedom?” I cried > > “To align the amino acids within me. > > In a manner that I feel convenient, > > After all, I have just now been set free.” > “No!” said some loud voices in unison > > “All of us should obey and fall in line. > > If you want to function in this world, > > Do as we all did and you'll be fine.” > “A globular protein you shall become” > > The master of ceremonies solemnly declared; > > “With an abundance of alpha helices, > > Of beta sheets you'll be spared.” > “Your chaperones are there to guide you > > With them you shall become intimate. > > They'll help you bend, twist and coil, > > Steering you …

Urban Bodies: Communal Health in Late Medieval English Towns and Cities by Carole Rawcliffe (review)

Reviewed by: Urban Bodies: Communal Health in Late Medieval English Towns and Cities by Carole Rawcliffe Meg Bernstein Carole Rawcliffe, Urban Bodies: Communal Health in Late Medieval English Towns and Cities (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2013) 445 pp. Rawcliffe has long been one of the clearest and loudest voices on the topic of medieval health, healing, and hospitals; among her myriad publications in that field are Leprosy in the Middle Ages (2006) and Medicine for the Soul: the Life, Death, and Resurrection of an English Medieval Hospital (1999). In Urban Bodies, Rawcliffe departs from her previous works that focused primarily on case studies in Norwich, where she is based at the University of East Anglia. In this book, she looks broadly at English health in terms of the urban population; she also makes frequent mention of useful comparanda on the continent. The result is a study that is both usefully broad while also remaining extremely attentive to specific documentary sources. Urban Bodies is composed of an introduction, six chapters thoughtfully organized into thematic subsections, and a conclusion. Additionally, Rawcliffe provides an appendix titled “National and Urban Epidemics, 1257–1530,” which remediates the problem of cataloguing some of the smaller and lesser-known outbreaks. Paragraph long descriptions provide references to documentary evidence for each case, which is illuminating to the reader, and reflective of an impressive facility with a tremendous number of sources. The first chapter, “Less Mud-Slinging and More Facts,” sets the historiographical stage for Rawcliffe’s project. Here, she carefully combats the Victorian idea that England in the Middle Ages was foul, polluted, and populated by people uninterested in improving poor conditions. Instead, she establishes a more nuanced picture of the period, writing about vernacular texts [End Page 292] on health-related topics, including manuals on disease prevention, and the laws created by and censures delivered to public officials on the topics of sanitation and disease prevention (46–49). In the second chapter, “Urban Bodies and Urban Souls,” Rawcliffe addresses the civic concerns of public health in later medieval England; this chapter picks up on the pun of the title which addresses both physical bodies and corporate identity. She acknowledges the commonly held belief that plague was punishment for sins by God, and discusses the institution by both prelates and kings of acts of public contrition to seek forgiveness for sin (94–95). Here she considers the notion of cleanliness and health as civic virtues, as well as the material effects of plague. She addresses the impact of depopulation due to disease on the urban landscape, showing that developed areas reverted, parish churches were closed, and building projects were halted due to pestilence (70). The remaining four chapters, “Environmental Health,” “Water,” “Food and Drink,” and “Sickness and Debility,” deal with specific thematic issues. Each of these is divided into between six and ten subsections, which address such diverse themes as “Vicious dogs and marauding pigs,” “Cooks and pie-bakers,” and “Care for the sick poor.” In “Environmental Health,” Rawcliffe discusses waste management, smells, and fire prevention. She examines London’s comparatively early waste pick-up system (137), showing that all classes, not just the elite, sought waste management. The chaos of the urban environment is evidenced by reports of stray animals wandering the streets and sometimes engaging in scuffles, but laws and bans enacted against these practices shows the widespread desire for containment (154–155). “Water” deals with the expulsion of waste and the challenge of sourcing clean water. The chapter opens with Rawcliffe gesturing to the crucial role of the friars in initiating these systems, and argues against the idea that ruling elites were “disinclined either to promote schemes for the amelioration of public water supplies, or even to shoulder the burden of maintaining whatever rudimentary facilities were already in place” (179–180). This chapter also addresses the medical beliefs about water, including the importance of Arabic texts such as Ibn-Sina’s Canon of Medicine, which discussed the health risks of consuming infected water (189). Rawcliffe showed that some of the trades were the worst offenders in terms of water purity, but that “the considerable sums of money expended on aqueducts, conduits, dike, wells and gutters...

Modified Delphi-AHP Method Based on Minimum-Cost Consensus Model and Vague Set Theory for Road Junction Control Method Evaluation Criteria Selection

Group decision making is an important symbol of a democratic society. It helps to explore problems from wider angles and the results generated will usually be widely accepted by the public. Yet, there are drawbacks of group decision making. It usually takes more time and resources than individual decision making and also sometimes the one with a louder voice will dominate the discussion. In this paper, a group decision making framework derived that are based on the modified Delphi-AHP method based on minimum-cost consensus model (MCCM) and vague set theory is proposed to gather different experts' opinions on the evaluation criteria and their relative importance for choosing a suitable road junction control method in a multi- objectives environment. It is believed that the proposed framework can help to strengthen the advantages and to solve the above drawbacks of group decision making. A numerical case study is proposed to demonstrate the use of this framework. 

A Bronze Hellenistic Dwarf in the Metropolitan Museum

A Bronze Hellenistic Dwarf in the Metropolitan Museum