Local Parliament Research Articles

Closeness to citizens as a source for political trust? A comparison of opinions on local parliaments and the European Parliament in 12 European regions

In everyday political life, closeness or proximity to citizens is often cited as a key factor in generating political trust. Closeness to citizens is regularly taken for granted, especially at the local level in the European Union (EU). Our paper compares two main indicators of closeness to citizens, namely personal interactions (facework commitment) and the role of perceived expertise (faceless commitment). It then asks if a transfer (or spillover) of trust from the local level to the European level can be observed. Our analysis is based on data from a novel survey in six EU member states and 12 regions ( N = 8700), which aimed to determine citizens’ proximity to and trust in parliaments in the multi-level system of the EU. The results of the paper highlight the importance of generating ‘faceless commitment’ (perceived expertise) as an indicator for closeness to citizens, which can be an important driver for increasing political trust. We found no spillover effects of trust from the subnational level to higher levels in the EU, which raises doubts about the potential of the subnational level to serve as a source and a promoter for trust in European institutions. Points for practitioners Personal contact is not always key for generating trust. Citizens expect politicians to rest their decision-making upon perceived living conditions and opinions of their constituencies instead. Large institutions like the European Parliament can benefit from these results since they can hardly seek direct contact with all citizens. Social sciences data and research can be one source of information to gather such expertise about living conditions. Trust cannot be simply transferred from one level (subnational) to another level (national, European).

Implementation of Community Development and Empowerment Programs in Samarinda City: An Analysis of Online News Articles

This paper seeks to explore how online news media frame the achievement of the implementation of the community development and empowerment program (Pro Bebaya) in Samarinda City. This research investigates the success factors, obstacles, and challenges in implementing Pro Bebaya. This research aims to evaluate the implementation of the Pro Bebaya policy and assist the government, local parliament (DPRD), and the community in planning future policy programs. This research uses an inductive methodology to conduct content and qualitative narrative analysis of news stories published between January 2022 and February 2023. The dataset consists of articles from eleven leading online news sites in Indonesia. Qualitative content analysis shows that the news media Antaranews, Infosatu, Kaltimminutes, and Timeskaltim do much reporting on the achievement of the implementation of Pro Bebaya. Other success factors' findings include involvement and coordination with stakeholders, a control system, socialization by the government to the community, information sharing, tangible changes in infrastructure, and increasingly developed apparatus knowledge. Then, these factors led to the smooth implementation of program activities. Further but insignificant are the barriers and challenges, such as the lack of community involvement and knowledge in program implementation and budget constraints. Our findings support the argument that implementing government decisions or policies is based on actual action practices.

Autocratic Genderwashing: Gender‐Equality Reforms in Serbia

While gender equality is usually linked with democracy, autocratic regimes frequently take the lead in such reforms. Focusing on the case of Serbia, this article demonstrates how gender equality reforms can be used as instruments of autocratic regimes. As electoral autocracies nowadays depend on international legitimation and support, they need to present a democratic image to the international audience. Very often they achieve this by introducing gender-sensitive policies and increasing the public visibility of women. This study shows that the democratic backsliding evidenced in Serbia since 2016 has been followed by increased attention to gender equality. In recent years, the Serbian parliament has increased the gender quota for national and local parliaments to 40% and passed several important pieces of legislation, including the Law on Prevention of Domestic Violence (2016) and the Gender Equality Law (2021). Additionally, the regime has appointed a record number of women to executive government positions. Since 2017, Serbia has had a lesbian woman serving as a prime minister and the government formed in 2020 was labelled a “women’s government,” with 40% of ministerial positions held by women. This article argues that the regime tends to adopt these democratic reforms while, at the same time, manipulating their meaning to advance a conservative agenda and bolster anti-gender mobilizations. These different—often contradictory—strategies help the regime address a variety of audiences—both international and domestic—and gain their recognition.

Max Weber’s typology of medieval cities and the origins of modern representation

ABSTRACT From the very outset of his work, Max Weber shows an intense interest for medieval cities and their role of transition to the modern era. His analysis focuses at first on economic aspects, but it progressively entails a sociological inquiry which provides an articulated typology of different kinds of cities in the Middle Ages, and a political analysis highlighting the origin of representative institutions at that time. In general, life in the city guaranteed individual freedom and instated a process of democratization, which simultaneously required new offices and institutions. In this context, Weber takes into account Italian local parliaments as well as the process of formation of the English Parliament. He also stresses the function exerted by the guilds in order to ensure forms of political organization and a purposeful representation of interests.

The Effect of Budget, Audit and Government Performance: Empirical Evidence from Indonesian Regional Governments

The development of public sector accounting was now propelled by stakeholder demands on bureaucratic performance, accountability and transparency, to pay close attention to tax revenues and expenditures with due regard to financial governance through positive auditing results. The Indonesian government enacted a new rule of Government Accounting Standard No. 71 of 2010 which fundamentally changed the form of government accounting books. The impact of these changes on budgeting, auditing and government performance in the early days of their implementation is crucial as a basis for reference for later reforms. This study aims to examine empirically the effect of audit opinion on the performance of Indonesian local governments by considering the mediating effect of revenue and expenditure realisation based on legitimacy and public choice theories. Data from 32 provinces in Indonesia during the 2010-2014 period with a total number of 150 observations (province-years) was analysed by least square regression. The research found that, in line with legitimacy theory, the previous year’s audit opinion had a significant and positive effect both directly and indirectly through the realisation of regional expenditure as a mediating variable on the performance of local governments. However, regarding public choice theory, the results must be carefully interpreted as the mediating effect of the realisation of expenditure on how audit opinions affect the performance of the provincial government depending on the measurements used. The result may be used by the government, provincial government, local parliament and the Audit Board of Indonesia in policy setting, supervision and inspection in improving the performance of the provincial government. Audit opinion, in relation to the realisation of government expenditure and its function, indirectly boosts the performance of local government in developing countries.

Lokalni izbori u Republici Srbiji 2016. i 2020. godine - političke posledice smanjenja izbornog praga

The paper examines the political consequences of the change in electoral legislation through a comparative analysis of election results at the local level in 2016 and 2020. In addition to the analysis of the election results themselves, and bearing in mind the boycott of the majority of the opposition in the 2020 elections, the paper will also show a simulation of the election results of 2016 with a reduced electoral threshold of 3% in order to better understand the effect of lowering the electoral threshold, considering that at that time all relevant political parties participated in local elections. The electoral results from cities that are the seat of administrative districts (24) in the Republic of Serbia, excluding the city of Belgrade and Kosovo and Metohija, are used as a sample for the analysis. The main findings of the research show that the lowering of the electoral threshold did not increase representativeness. More precisely, the number of lists represented in local parliaments did not increase, neither in absolute nor in effective numbers. However, the impact of the boycott of the opposition parties in the 2020 election process should be taken into account. On the other hand, the analysis shows that a larger number of lists would have crossed the electoral threshold if the three-percent electoral threshold had been applied in 2016. In addition, in 2020, a smaller number of so-called "wasted votes" was observed. Lastly, lowering the electoral threshold did not help the citizens groups to achieve better election results in 2020.

The Political Changes of Ulama In The Aceh Government System

The ulama institution in Aceh's politico-legal position (rechtspositie) is examined in this paper. Therefore, it can be argued that two roles—the role in public law and the role in private law—are played. To draw this distinction between public and private law, despite the fact that it is a conventional one in the legal profession, and there are still some differences of opinion regarding nomocracy. Roles and positions of ulama in law are commonly discussed together since you must constantly evaluate your position in law before talking about roles. The administrative institution is specifically required by the Aceh government to hold an equal position to the Governor, Regent, Mayor, and members of the local parliament (DPRA/DPRK). Therefore, this study is to examine how to manage the role that this ulama institution plays in the political system as well as other cases that pose significant issues for Aceh as a whole, such as the case of Islamic banking, arts, environmental issues, educational system of dayah, local party and the humanrights issues. Due to the conversion of Islamic banks, which are not inclusive and only frequently motivated by the spirit of implementing an anti-usury economic system whose significancy is unclear, many international tourists are unable to withdraw cash from ATMs in Aceh. The ulama's influence in Aceh is to blame for the widespread economic, environmental, and humanitarian catastrophe. This study brought up questions regarding how ulama (HUDA, MUNA, and MPU) in Aceh view politics, how politics are involved in Aceh, how strategy and ideology are used in politics, and what influences the variances in opinions regarding ulama involvement in politics in Aceh in the midst of conservative turn in Aceh. The purpose of this study is to identify the techniques and ideas utilized by ulama in Aceh politics, as well as the areas in which they participate and the causes of any disagreements among them over their participation.

Why Do Farmers Seek Office? Regulatory Capture in Russian Agricultural Subsidization

ABSTRACT This study examines whether Russian farmers who enter regional politics can skew local policies in their favor. We hypothesize that Russian regions with more local members of parliament (MPs) owning agricultural businesses and farmer-ministers are more likely to allocate higher agricultural subsidies. To test these hypotheses, we use a unique 2008–2015 panel dataset on agricultural subsidies in combination with qualitative data. We find that the pervasiveness of agricultural interest in local parliaments affects the size of agricultural subsidies. Regional agriculture ministers who own farms may play the role of “gatekeepers” to the subsidies.

Determinants of Mandatory Disclosure for Local Government Financial Statements

This study sought to objectively investigate the impact of local government financial disclosure levels on the amount of income in the municipality, general allocation fund, number of local parliaments, and human development index (LKPD). All financial accounts from local governments in Indonesia make up the study's population. 455 district/city administrations across the island of Sumatra were used as the purposive selection sample for this study from 2017 to 2019. In this work, multiple linear regression analysis with STATA version 16 is used for hypothesis testing. The level of disclosure of LKPD is unaffected by the income level of the municipality or general allocation funds, according to the examination of the data. While having an impact on the level of disclosure of local government financial statements (LKPD) are the number of local parliaments and the human development index. This study offers data on variables that will impact the amount of disclosure in financial statements for local governments. A higher level of disclosure will signify that local governments are managing their finances with a high degree of accountability and openness.

Strategi Pemanfaatan Modal Non Ekonomi Dalam Pemenangan Kandidat Pada Pilkada Tahun 2020 Di Kabupaten Pohuwato

This research was motivated by the political phenomenon of the 2020 Regional Elections in Pohuwato Regency, which was conquered by figures with inadequate economic and financial capital. The purpose of this study is to understand and describe the strategy of maximizing the use of non-economic capital as part of the political strategy carried out to win in the regional election arena. The data collection method was conducted through documentation studies and in-depth interviews. Data analysis techniques consist of three steps: data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing / verification. The results showed that the strategy of maximizing the capital was carried out by the winning figure with the strategy of understanding the habitude found among the Pohuwato people. So, from the results of the reading, it was concluded that the Pohuwato society is a plural society that upholds the prevailing customary values. The efforts are to build emotional closeness with traditional stakeholders and always keep every action from violating applicable customary values. The second strategy is the utilization of social capital by building trust, friendship, and loyalty, as well as owned social networks. The principle of leadership for all suggests that the figure of BC will stand above the interests of all factions. This strategy was developed in response to the condition of the plural Pohuwato society. The third strategy, the use of symbolic capital, was carried out by SM with his position as a representative of the local parliament, the support of his siblings as a Regents, the big family name Mbuinga, which is quite large and famous. Besides, the spouse of the deputy regent candidate is a female figure, former chairman of the Pohuwato Regency Parliament, a member of the Gorontalo Provincial Parliament, and she has a big family name in Pohuwato Regency.

Stalemate within Stalemate: The 1923 Changsha Incident

On June 1, 1923, Japanese soldiers in Changsha, Hunan, opened fire on and killed two anti-Japanese protesters seeking to prevent the landing of Japanese goods. Through a comprehensive review of the “Changsha Incident,” this article explores the interplay between local and central diplomatic power during the high tide of provincialism. The incident demonstrates how the autonomous Hunan government, faced with the rise of anti-imperialism in local societies and the central government’s inability to fend off foreign coercion, mediated between the local parliament, the central diplomatic office, and Japanese authorities for a solution to the case. By unpacking the multilayered power dimensions of the time, this article demonstrates that the interactions between local and central diplomatic offices were characterized by both cooperation and distrust. Meanwhile, attempts to reach a negotiated settlement over the incident hinged more on competing domestic agendas than on diplomacy. Conflicts between Hunan provincial authorities, a lack of coordination between diplomatic officials in Hunan and Beijing, civilian elites’ distrust of military officials, and rivalry between regional warlords all combined to hinder progress in negotiations.

Implementasi Kebijakan Surabaya Cross Culture International sebagai Upaya Pengembangan Pariwisata di Kota Surabaya

Every government, regardless of size, must constantly adapt to a changing environment and direct a change in a positive direction in which development is a key to do so. The tourism industry is one of the few development fields that has consistently excelled. The purpose of the Surabaya City Tourism and Culture Office, which bears the nickname "City of Heroes", is to increase tourist attraction through artistic and cultural performances. In 2018, the Ministry of Tourism designated Surabaya as the winner of the “Best City” in Yokatta Wonderful Indonesia Tourism Awards. The city government has made several initiatives to promote tourism. The Surabaya City Government carried out preventive efforts in the form of the 2019 annual Surabaya Cross-Cultural International Themed Folk Art Festival. The focus of this research is to explain the implementation of Surabaya Cross Culture International activities and to describe the collaboration between government actors (government, civil society, and the private sector). This research is a descriptive qualitative research with interviews and literature review as the data collection techniques. The resource persons in the study were the Cultural Affairs Staff of the Surabaya City Culture and Tourism Office, the Head of Surabaya Local Parliament for the 2014–2019 period, and the Ning Representative for the City of Surabaya in 2019. The results of this study showed success eventhought there were several technical constraints in implementing the policy indicators proposed by Van Meter and Van Horn, namely the objectives and standards of the policy, the implementers’ attitude, resources, the implementers’ characteristics and communication between organizations and the economic, social, and political environment. In addition, the collaboration carried out by the government, the private sector, and the community shows synergy to support the successful implementation of Surabaya Cross Culture International.

Citizens’ Initiative to Cope with The Environmental Problem in Samarinda, Indonesia

This paper aims to examine the citizens’ initiative (CI) to save the Karang Mumus River in Samarinda, Indonesia, through a collective movement, namely GMSS SKM (Gerakan Memungut Sehelai Sampah Sungai Karang Mumus). The river has complicated problems that are mostly caused by human behavior, such as pollution and illegal dwelling. Drawing on the CLEAR (Can do, Like to, Enabled to, Ask to, and Responded to) framework, this research explores the effort of the movement to what extent it engages to save the river. Data in this research are collected at least in two ways, such as interviews and field observation. This research finds out that the local government seems powerless to tackle the river’s problems, therefore the voluntary movement emerges and takes some of the roles. The activists or volunteers use their own resources to run their activities (Can do). They set at least four programs to educate people and the impact will save the environment in the city (Like to). The movement is open for all citizens and communities to join in their activities (Enabled to). They mobilize the group members and publish their activities on social media to attract other citizens (Ask to). It works when some citizens and communities are willing to participate in the activities. The local government then supported the voluntary group by creating a small team of Hantu Banyu. However, some local government officials and local parliament members support the voluntary group individually rather than institutionally. On the other hand, institutional support comes from the central government agency in the city. Moreover, some support also comes from individuals, communities, and the private sector (Responded to).

Political Fragmentation and Government Stability: Evidence from Local Governments in Spain

This paper studies how political fragmentation affects government stability. Using a regression discontinuity design, we show that each additional party with representation in the local parliament increases the probability that the incumbent government is unseated by 5 percentage points. The entry of an additional party affects stability by reducing the probability of a single-party majority and increasing the instability of governments when such a majority is not available. We interpret our results in light of a bargaining model of coalition formation featuring government instability. (JEL C78, D72, H70)

Peranan Rekrutmen DPRK terhadap Independensi Komisi Independen Pemilihan Kabupaten Pidie Periode 2018-2023

This study discusses the role of DPRK recruitment on the independence of the Pidie Regency Election Independent Commission for the 2018-2023 period. The problem is focused on the anomaly in the recruitment process for election organizers in Aceh. The theory used is the theory of independence and the theory of political recruitment model Rush and Althof (1997). This study uses a qualitative method. Data sources consist of primary and secondary data. Primary data was obtained from in-depth interviews with a number of informants, while secondary data was obtained from literature review and related documents. Research informants consisted of parties involved in the recruitment of Pidie Regency KIP Members for the 2018-2023 period, both political parties and independent teams as well as the community. The results of the study show that the dynamics of political interests in the selection stages of KIP Pidie occur at the stages of agency, criteria, control, and demands. The formation of an agency, namely an independent team as a selection committee in the recruitment of KIP Pidie members for the 2013-2018 period was formed without considering expertise and coming from people with unclear backgrounds. At the criteria stage, there is no standard standard for the main criteria in determining graduation in the selection of organizers. At the control stage, recruitment is done openly but with minimal public supervision and is under the full control of the Pidie DPRK. The party's strong control over the recruitment process coupled with the lack of control outside the local parliament has put the independence of the organizers into doubt.

Relacje szlachty wielkopolskiej z Żydami w świetle akt sejmiku województw poznańskiego i kaliskiego z lat 1668–1763

The article is an attempt to define the relationship between the nobility of Great Poland and the Jews on the basis of the issued local parliaments records of the Poznań and Kalisz voivodeships in the years 1668–1763.

Стабильность и безопасность Западных Балкан в контексте последствий пандемии

The article analyses influence of the pandemics on economic and political developments as well as on the conflict resolution process in the Western Balkan (WB) region. The unprecedented epidemiological conditions of the years 2020–2021 led to utter deterioration of regional economic rates. Serbia can be named as the only exception with its GDP growth in 2020 (although also negative) higher than the regional and, moreover, European average. Negative political consequences of the two recent years with COVID‑19, observed in the article, range from the rise of “covidocracy”, namely strengthening of executive institutions at the expense of the local parliaments, courts and media freedom, to the landmark changes in political elites of Montenegro and Kosovo as well as deterioration of conflicts in Kosovo and Bosnia. The pandemics has also negatively affected the pace of the European integration process in the region. The slowdown was connected both with turbulences inside the EU given its initial lack of solidarity and with an attempt to address the crisis on the national rather than on the European level, its consequent emphasis on the internal rather than external development. The EU perspective as such has grown more distant from the Western Balkans. Yet, regional cooperation with the introduction of the “Open Balkans” initiative has accelerated, which has been designed to bring the WB countries closer to the European common market. At the same time, the pandemics significantly strengthened Russian and Chinese presence in the region, which provoked the EU into geopolitical race. The author comes to a conclusion, however, that eventually, the European assistance can be characterized as systemic and structural, masterminded within the context of future WB integration in the EU institutions. Nevertheless, European mediation in the situation of stalemate in Belgrade–Pristina negotiations could not prevent serious degradation of the conflict over Kosovo’s status. In Bosnia, former High Representative’s imposition of the Genocide denial ban also sparked off the crisis, which puts the future of a unified Bosnian state into question. These negative developments in conflict management, to some extent triggered by the pandemics, can impair stabilization process and security in the Western Balkans.

Институт сити-менеджмента: причины низкой эффективности в муниципальном управлении Юга России

Introduction. Relevance of the study, substantiated by the implementation of the municipal reform, is determined. The problem is posed, according to which the new procedure for legitimizing the assumption of office of head of a municipal formation did not lead to increase of effectiveness of municipal management. The hypothesis is put forward, according to which absence of the expected results from the reform is explained by mismatch of the conditions for managing municipalities in the United States of America, from where the institution of city management was borrowed, in Russia also. The aim is to identify the reasons for failure of the municipal reform. Methods. The empirical research was carried out using the methods of in-depth interviews, expert survey, mass survey and focus groups. The object is city managers, their assistants, deputies of local parliaments, entrepreneurs as subjects of public-private contracts, consumers of municipal services. Venue – municipalities of the Republic of Crimea, the Republic of Adygea and the Rostov region. Results and its discussion. The analysis showed that the reason of low effectiveness in municipal management is consequence of the unjustified transfer of the American model of city management to Russian social reality. Solution of the problem is seen in creation of an optimal model, consistent with the current social conditions. More specifically, we propose the following: 1) to provide the institute of city management with necessary personnel reserve, for which we should promote the widespread introduction of the master's program "City management" in specialized universities; 2) to select city managers exclusively from among local natives who were born in a particular area and received education in it; 3) to amend the regulations on the election of heads of administrations on the secret ballot procedure in order to exclude pressure on deputies and members of competition committees; 4) to cancel the planned indicators when assessing the effectiveness of city managers as a source that gives rise to emergence of imitation practices; 5) to remove target indicators from the work of law-enforcement agencies.

Deputies of the General Sejmik Ruthenian Voivodeship at the Coronation Sejm of 1669

Studies of Sejmiks or local parliaments and their influence on the political, military and socio-economic life of the early modern Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth are widely represented in modern European historiography. Pre-Sejm sejmiks were convened by the king who sent a writ to each sejmik, outlining the reasons the next Sejm would be held.In August 1669, the General Sejmik of the Ruthenian Voivodeship took place in Vyshnia, at which elect six representatives (traditionally two deputies, each from the Lands of Lwow, Przemysl, and Sanok) to the Coronation Sejm of Michael I. The main idea of the article is to show biographies of the six deputies of the Ruthenian Voivodeship. The paper is based on the source materials of the General Sejmik the second half of the 17th century demonstrates the place of their representation in their public and political activities. Sejmiks gave the opportunity for the career development of local nobility for politician’s beginners and experienced public figures. The role of the deputies was honourable and responsible, as the elected represented the interests of the whole voivodeship. Participation in the work of the Sejm provided an opportunity to join the discussion of important issues of the domestic and foreign policy of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, authority in the local noble society was not the only criterion for election to the embassy, no less important factor was the client-patron relationship. Lot of nobility belonged to family and political groups led by senators and magnates and defended their interests at the Sejmik and Sejm. Among the six ambassadors elected at the General Sejmik, there were representatives of magnate families and experienced parliamentarians who regularly participated in the Sejm.

Weak Local Parliament's Role: A Case Study of the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial People's Representative Assembly, 2009-2014

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.