Local Democracy Research Articles

Raport o stanie gminy i debata nad nim w świetle niemieckiej koncepcji demokracji kooperacyjnej

Under the Act of 11th January 2018 amending certain acts in order to increase the participation of citizens in the process of selecting, functioning and controlling certain public authorities, the legislator has amended the provisions of all three constitutional acts, i.e. on local community self-government, district self-government and voivodeship self-government. The amendments concern, inter alia, the introduction of a mandatory institution, which is the report on the condition of the local community. Although the institution of the report refers to all levels of local self-government, this study concerns the local community, i.e. the self-government which is closest to its inhabitants, and which deals with the greatest number of issues affecting the quality of their life. The report on the condition of the local community is a form of presenting the issues listed in Article 28 aa section 2 of the Act on the Local Community Self-government, i.e. “the report shall include the summary of the activities implemented by the local community administrator in the previous year, in particular the implementationof policies, programmes and strategies, resolutions of the local community council and the citizens’ budget”. In addition to the obligation of presenting the annual report on the condition of the local community, there is a need for a debate with the participation of both councillors and local residents. This debate certainly provides an opportunity for direct communication between executive authorities and society. Moreover, a constructive and meaningful debate boosts the effectiveness of the actions undertaken by the local community administrator, which as a result may contribute to positive changes in how the local community functions, i.e. an increase in the effectiveness of the economy and in citizens’ quality of life. Following the ideas of German solutions in responding to local issues, the study attempts to present the institution of the report as a concept of cooperative democracy. The current proliferation of local democracy and the accompanying mechanisms of the new institutions may lead to broadly understood improvements in the conditions of local self-government residents.
 
 
 

Decentralization of the Ukrainian authorities: concept, introduction, results of its stag (2014–2018)

The purpose of the paper is to highlight the process of decentralizing power in Ukraine, using historical methodology. First of all, dialectics, that is, the fragmentation of the process in the unity of its contradictions, and the principle of historicism, which requires comprehension of the essence of a particular historical period and the discovery of its immanent features.Subject of democratic reforms in Ukraine is extremely important, so this topic is widely studied by experts in the field of public administration, economics, law, sociology. Among the most topical ones is the problem of introducing and implementing a modern decentralization reform in Ukraine. Most publications contain analysis of problems and recommendations for reform. However, unfortunately, we must note that some publications of our colleagues is not so much scientific as information and propaganda. In addition, the problem is still beyond the control of historical science. Including the fact that this reform is not yet completed, only the first stage has passed. It is believed that historians have not yet come the time to analyze current processes and current phenomena. Because we believe that the processes of modern democratic reforms in Ukraine are no less interesting and relevant to historians than for specialists from other humanities. Strength and social health of the state are determined not only by the respective qualities of state administration, but also by the inclusion of the society itself, the strengthening of local self-government, the involvement of the energy of the entire population, the creation of civil society. That is why the most urgent tasks to be solved in the course of the development of the Ukrainian state were the task of developing local self-government and decentralization of power. Unfortunately, the relevant attempts made during 1990-2013 were half-hearted and generally unsuccessful because of the reluctance of the central government to give real rights and powers to local self-government, territorial communities. Starting in 2014, a decentralized government reform is being introduced in Ukraine, the first phase of which was completed in 2018. At this stage, emphasis was placed on the creation of united territorial communities and the provision of certain economic and financial autonomy. The Ukrainian authorities categorically rejected any proposals on federalization and regionalization, that is, the provision of autonomy to regions and the real strengthening of regional authorities. At the same time, she showed extraordinary activity, determination and persistence in creating united territorial communities. At the same time, despite the promised voluntary, central authorities sometimes used various direct and covert coercive methods. Overall, the goal was achieved. However, the strengthening of the independence of the communities of large cities has, in practice, strengthened the local elites, which became more authoritative and influential than the nation-wide politicians, who were mostly characterized by incompetence and abuse of their powers for their own enrichment. As a result, in Ukraine there was a threat of federalization, which the central government fears. Large cities can become the basis for such federalization in the face of a fall in confidence in the central government. Local government democracy could be more obvious in the event of a decentralization reform on all fronts: the constitutional and legal provision of self-government, the creation of executive committees of regional and district councils with the proper authority, governors' election, the establishment of appointed commissioners and prefects with strictly supervisory functions, such as it is accepted in most developed countries of the world. Obviously, such measures can not in any way endanger the unity, unity of the state, if the state is truly authoritative, strong and legal. After all, in the state - as in a separate team: if it is headed by a true leader, every employee is a creative person, and not an obediently gray performer.

Local Government Communication in Indonesia: Observations from Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan

Most studies of democratization in developing countries fail to link their analysis with the implementation of local government communication. As a consequence, the study of government communication is too elitist and central government-oriented. This study contributes to the study of government communication in the context of local governance for countries in a democratic transition. The authors use local government communication in public services in Banjarmasin City, South Kalimantan Province, Indonesia, as a case of observation. Using a qualitative approach to explore the complexity of cultural and structural factors, the authors combine the results of an analysis of various documents, observations and in-depth interviews relating to the practices of local government communication in South Kalimantan from January to June 2018. In conclusion, the results indicated that the quality of local government communication was influenced by various factors both cultural and structural. Although local cultural factors remain important, in the case of the South Kalimantan, structural factors have more influence on regional government communication. While regional government communication performance does not yet involve active participation from below, more elite-oriented than public-oriented. The regional government officers are less responsive and still top-down, so the ideas of professionalization of local government communications are still limited to expectations rather than reality. This study recommends that local government communication can be effective if it adopts a participatory government communication perspective by involving the key stakeholders and local people in participation in the planning and implementation of communication including women's voices and perspectives. Keywords: G overnment communication , local democracy, decentralisation , participation, South Kalimantan .

The Politics of Riau Malay Identity in the Implementation of Local Democracy

This article looks at the existence of the use of the Malay identity used by regional head candidates in the 2013 Riau Province gubernatorial election. The research method used in this research is the literature study method by analyzing various journals that discuss identity politics and the use of identity in the head election. The results show that in the process, regional representative politics is a strategy that has significance for the victory of Annas Maamun and Arsyad Juliandi Rachman. However, this strategy also needs to be supported by ethnic identity politics for the Riau Coastal and Riau Malay ethnic groups. Thus, this confirms that the use of Riau Malay identity in the implementation of local democracy still serves as an additional strategy in winning the regional head elections in Riau Province.

Local Democratic Crises in Sri Lanka: A Study based on Kalmunai Municipal Council

Local democracy is a popular concept that is most applicable at the grassroots level. If the local government has a strong standing in local democracy, it can legitimately claim to play a significant and distinctive role in the central government. Against this backdrop, this study attempts to analyse the function of local democracy in Kalmunai Municipality in Eastern Sri Lanka. This study is based on a descriptive method of inquiry. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources of information. In the collection of primary data, the tools and techniques of qualitative research, such as observation, interviews, structured questionnaire, focus group discussions, and field visits were employed. The qualitative interviews were conducted with representatives, voters, and civil society members. Secondary sources such as published and unpublished records, both from different levels of government and from non-governmental organizations, were perused to collect relevant data. The findings of the study show that Kalmunai Municipal Council is struggling to establish a well-built democracy in its territory through people participation at a broader level. The major reason for the declining standard of democratic governance appears to be a distinct drop in the perceived efficiency and effectiveness of the council, issues that have not been addressed by the council. The grossly inadequate powers and resources available to it have made the council incapable of tackling even the underlying day-to-day problems of the local communities.

Women and participatory mechanisms in Latin America: deepening democracy or more of the same?

Traditional understandings of political participation frequently overlook the forms of local-level participation that women are more likely to engage in. The emergence of local participatory democracy mechanisms in Latin America offers the potential to disrupt this pattern. Authors have noted a strong relationship between women’s participation and local democracy. Proponents of participatory democracy argue that citizen engagement should produce more equitable access to public goods and a greater sense of political efficacy, particularly for members of traditionally marginalized groups. Ideally, participatory democracy should also challenge the divide between the public and private sphere and relocate decision-making to more familiar spaces. Critics charge that participatory mechanisms may reproduce the public/private demarcation that relegates women and their interests to the private sphere and renders them apolitical, particularly in societies where paternalistic practices remain firmly entrenched. Yet while the theory is well-developed, there remains a lack of comparative empirical work focused on the lived experiences of women participants that would reveal under what circumstances participatory mechanisms can allow women to experience the benefits of participation. Based on extensive fieldwork in Latin America, a region which has been at the forefront of participatory initiatives, this paper examines the extent to which local participatory mechanisms provide spaces for women engage in the public sphere and the ways in which participatory mechanisms can be designed to better support women and to challenge the public-private distinction that silences women’s voices.

Health and wellbeing boards as theatres of accountability: a dramaturgical analysis

ABSTRACT Health and wellbeing Boards (HWBs) were established in England in 2013, bringing together partners from local government, health services and consumer champions, to ensure strategic planning based on local needs. Similar partnership-working arrangements have achieved limited success, particularly in terms of engaging members of the public in decision-making. Drawing on data collected in five heterogeneous case study sites, we examined the role of HWBs in enhancing local democracy and accountability. Interviews, focus groups and observations were used to explore relationships and interactions between HWB members and the public or their representatives. A dramaturgical perspective was then applied in analysing the data. HWBs were generally not perceived to have achieved their well-intentioned aims; instead, meetings represented carefully staged and scripted performances that tended to inhibit rather than enhance democratic accountability. Our dramaturgical analysis highlights key deficits in the governance of HWBs, which are explored in the paper.

Comparative Analysis of Local Government in Zambia Between 1991-2010 And 2011-2020

In this article the author undertakes a comparative analysis of local government in Zambia between the periods 1991-2010 and 2011-2020. The author examines the motivations and objectives of the decentralisation reform measures undertaken during the two periods. After examining the motivations and objectives of the reforms the author proceeds to undertake a comparative analysis of the performance of decentralisation policies and reforms during the two periods using the parameters he develops in the conceptual and theoretical section of the paper. For most of the period under discussion (since 2002), devolution has been the preferred focus of the decentralisation reforms.Apart from the launch of the DecentralizationImplementation Plan (DIP)in December 2009, there was no progress with regard to the devolution of functions to the local level during the period 1991-2010. By and large, the districts in Zambia during the period 1991-2010 remainedunaccountable and unresponsive to the needs of the local populations.Local government during this period continued facing the same problems that limited its capacity in the pre-1991 period to deliver local services and play any meaningful role in fostering local democracy and local development.The period 2011-2020 has witnessed more progress than the previous period with regard to preparatory work for devolution. For instance, several devolution plans have been prepared. However there has been little progress with regard to implementation except for one devolution plan that has been implemented. With regard to performance, Local government during the period 2011-2020 has continued to face the same problems that limited its capacity in the previous periods.Theauthor cautions against neglecting the issue of Homogeneity and Heterogeneity when designing decentralisation reforms. He argues that previous decentralisation reforms in Zambia have failed because the reforms have treated local authorities as a homogeneous group and prescribed one-size fits all solutions. He emphasises that Local Authorities are not homogeneous but heterogeneous. They differ in, inter alia, economic/resource base, population, geographical base, local responsibilities and institutional capacity. Thus Local Authorities should be graded according to their capacity and devolution be undertaken in a phased approach and follow readiness of Local Authorities using the capacity criteria.In conclusion the author points out thatthere is need to address the issue of capacity assessment of Local Authorities as an essential component of the process of devolution. He also points out that there is need to address the shortcomings that have been identified in the approved Devolution Plans. The author observes that the shortcomings,challenges and factors that have accounted for Zambia’s unsuccessful attempts at decentralisation since independence and dismal performance of local government with regard to fostering development are well known and have been well documented. He advises that these shortcomings, challenges and factors will have to be addressed and resolved in an honest and objective manner in order for decentralisation reforms to have any realistic chance of succeeding to achieve the intended objectives

Strengthening Local Democracy (Orientation Study of Political Culture of Coastal Communities in Dulupi District, Boalemo Regency)

The political culture of the local community, especially the coastal communities in Dulupi District, Boalemo Regency, is the main instrument in strengthening democracy at the local level of Gorontalo. The composition of voters according to 2019 election data shows 38.4% or 4,418 voters in Dulupi District are in coastal areas including 2,926 people in Dulupi village and 1,492 people in Tabongo village. The figure of 38.4% shows that political participation for coastal communities will determine the direction of development and strengthening democracy at the local level, especially in Boalemo Regency. In fact, the strengthening of local democracy is strengthened through the participant's political culture, but the paternalistic coastal social system tends to direct the political culture of the local community to the parochial aspects and subjects or what is known as kaula politics. Therefore, the tendency of coastal communities to determine their political rights is more on the consideration of parochials and subjects than the participant's cultural aspects. This writing would like to analyze and map the orientation of the political culture of coastal communities in Dulupi District as an agenda for strengthening local democracy in Boalemo District which encompasses: 1) How is the cultural orientation of coastal communities in Dulupi District in strengthening Boalemo local democracy and 2) What factors affect the political cultural orientation of coastal communities in Dulupi District in strengthening Boalemo local democracy.

Modelling Municipal Social Responsibility: A Pilot Study in the Region of Extremadura (Spain)

Social Responsibility in the Public Administration is an emerging phenomenon responding to the challenges and opportunities for public institutions faced by the rapidly evolving world. The general and ambitious global goal of sustainability is at risk because inequality is increasing among countries, but also within countries at the regional and local levels. Facing this problem, the aim of this paper is to approach how the social responsibility of local governments is impacting citizens’ participation as a way of managing the required transformation to sustainable development. In order to contribute to seed light in the field, a pilot study was carried out, employing partial least squares as an exploratory method, with an ad hoc structural equation model, and with a sample of 256 inhabitants in three municipalities in Extremadura (Spain). The findings are promising for place marketing, local public management and democracy reinforcement because it is empirically demonstrated that the municipality’s orientation towards responsibility impacts citizen´s connection, attraction, and identification with the municipality, increasing citizen participation.

SUBJECT COMPOSITION OF THE MUNICIPAL LEGAL POLICY OF UKRAINE

The article examines the essence of municipal legal policy as a system of strategic management of self-governing activities. It is determined that the activity of voluntary associations of local self-government bodies as subjects of state municipal policy is one of the manifestations and forms of organizational independence of local self-government bodies in the implementation of the paradigm of regional interest. This independence is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine, the European Charter of Local Self- Government, the laws of Ukraine "On Local Self-Government in Ukraine" and "On Associations of Local Self-Government Bodies". The essence and peculiarities of local self- government subjects, their separate categories, regularities and tendencies of development are investigated. It is emphasized that territorial communities directly or indirectly, their authorities, non-governmental organizations exercise their legal personality both within the state and abroad. It is determined that territorial communities are endowed with: the right to form relevant bodies through elections, general meetings of citizens at the place of residence; the right to hold local referendums, local initiatives, public hearings, individual and collective appeals, public examinations and discussions, other forms of local democracy not prohibited by the constitution; the right to manage local budgets, movable and immovable property of communal property; the right to conclude international agreements of profile orientation, etc. It is noted that the transition to the formation of municipal legal policy requires a radical overhaul of the entire ideology of local government, management technologies, decision-making practices and resource allocation. Prospects for the functioning and improvement of the status of local self- government entities have been identified.

A Rural-Urban Divide? Reassessing Voting in Chinese Villagers’ Committee and Residents’ Committee Elections

While Chinese scholars, media, and writers have long reported a noteworthy rural-urban difference in political participation, the meaning of this divergence to China’s local democracy remains underexplored. This paper explores the different patterns of electoral participation between rural and urban residents. I argue that the rural zeal in elections is due to VC governments’ strong capacity to mobilize loyalists to vote in state-controlled elections, while voter apathy in urban elections is resulted from the RC governments’ lack of the equivalent power to cultivate loyalist voters. Using Chinese General Social Survey 2013 to test the argument, I find evidence that shows that in VC elections rural people are more likely to vote in state-controlled elections than are urban residents. In addition, villagers’ electoral participation has nothing to do with their democratic consciousness but is significantly associated with Party membership. In contrast, urban turnout is highly correlated with democratic consciousness but not Party membership.

Planning in no one’s backyard: municipal planners’ discourses of participation in brownfield projects in Helsinki, Amsterdam and Copenhagen

ABSTRACT Citizen participation in urban planning has been contested in recent research for stemming from the need to ease conflicts instead of broadening local democracy. Definitions given to participation by planners have remained elusive and do not seem to result in agreed upon practical procedures in the framework of communicative urban planning. This article examines municipal urban planners’ discourses of participation in urban brownfield projects in Helsinki, Amsterdam and Copenhagen through the lens of communicative planning theory (CPT). The contribution of this empirical research case is in its focus on public planners’ views and affordances of participation. The article demonstrates how planners’ work is largely influenced by exogenous political and economic factors and argues that publicly led citizen participation in large-scale brownfield projects is primarily motivated from a comprehensive-rational viewpoint as a way to inform citizens of the construction project and to maintain speedy development. Participatory work is restricted by a complex environment where CPT’s ideals clash with fast paced building, global economy and institutional ambiguity.

A Community Decides Who Belongs: Local Democracy and Incorporating the Undocumented in Boyle Heights, 1970s–1990s

A Community Decides Who Belongs: Local Democracy and Incorporating the Undocumented in Boyle Heights, 1970s–1990s

From Public to Private Accountability in Norwegian Local Government

This article discusses the consequences of changing views on accountability in democratic decision-making. Trends in Norway indicate that Norwegians are evaluating local democracy increasingly in terms of service performance and output, rather than in terms of political input from citizens. While traditional process evaluation is associated with governmental hierarchies and how voters can make elected representatives accountable for their policies, performance evaluation has connections with the logic of the market. It represents a shift from collective political control to individual consumer satisfaction, and consequently, from public to private accountability. Some highly prized democratic values, such as vertical political accountability, informed discussions of the totality of interests, and traditional democratic will-formation, could be lost on the way.

Evaluation of Administrative Participation in Local Service Presentation in terms of Local Democracy: The Case of Balıkesir

Türkiye’de 2000’li yıllarla birlikte geleneksel kamu yönetimi anlayışı ve uygulamalarına yönelik başlatılan yönetsel içerikli ve çok yönlü yeniden yapılanma çalışmaları, “yönetişim” başlığı altında etkinlik, şeffaflık, hesap verebilirlik, katılım gibi kavramları yönetim sisteminin hâkim ilkeleri haline getirmiştir. Yönetim anlayışında yaşanan değişim ve dönüşüm, katılım olgusunun özellikle yönetsel ayağının daha etkin bir şekilde kullanılması gerekliliğine vurgu yaparak, bu amaca hizmet edecek çeşitli katılım mekanizmalarının uygulamaya geçirilmesi ihtiyacını ortaya koymuştur. Hemşehrileri merkeze alan yeni yönetsel katılım mekanizmaları geliştirilmiş, halka en yakın birimler olarak yerel yönetimler ise bu mekanizmaların uygulamaya geçirildiği ilk basamağı oluşturmuştur. Zira yerel yönetimler, vatandaşa en yakın birimler olmalarından dolayı bir yandan demokrasi düşüncesinin hayata geçirilmesi için oynadıkları roller, diğer yandan kamu hizmetlerinin sunulmasında ve erişiminde üstlendikleri fonksiyonlar sebebiyle yerel halkın yönetime katılmasında ilk aşamayı oluşturmaktadır. Hemşehrilerin yaşam alanlarını ilgilendiren kararların alınmasında ve faaliyetlerin planlanmasında söz sahibi olabilmesi, yani politika yapımında aktör konumunda yer alabilmesi demokratik ve katılımcı bir yerel yönetim anlayışının temel taşını oluşturmaktadır. Bu kapsamda çalışmanın amacı, 2000’li yıllarla yoğunlaşan yönetsel reform çalışmalarının ve bu kapsamda hayata geçirilen hukuki düzenlemelerin katılıma yönelik mekanizmalara ne derece yansıdığı ve bu durumun hemşehriler tarafından hangi düzeyde benimsenip bir “kültür” haline getirildiğinin tespitidir. Ayrıca hemşehrilerin sosyo-demografik özelliklerine göre katılıma göstermiş oldukları eğilimin ölçülmesi diğer bir amaçtır. Bu doğrultuda hemşehrilerin öncelikle yönetsel katılım olgusuna ve belediyeye, sonrasında ise katılıma yönelik fırsat ve yöntemlere bakış açıları hakkında değerlendirmeler yapılmış, katılıma yönelik ilgi, talep ve beklenti düzeyleri ortaya konulmuştur. Çalışmada yöntem olarak metin analizi ve alan araştırması yöntemleri kullanılmıştır. Alan araştırması için Balıkesir ili tercih edilmiş, il merkezinde ikamet eden 400 hemşehri üzerinde 5 demografik soru ve 20 önermeden oluşan bir anket çalışması uygulanmıştır. Araştırma sonuçları ışığında hemşehrilerin belediye kurumuna daha olumlu bir yargı ile yaklaşmalarını sağlayacak öneriler sunulmuş, hemşehrilere yönelik katılım fırsatlarının geliştirilmesine, yerel yönetim birimlerinde demokratik bir yapı ve işleyişin sağlanmasına ve etkin ve verimli bir hizmet anlayışının yerleşmesine katkı sağlayacak hususların altı çizilmiştir.

Stan polskiej demokracji lokalnej w świetle standardów Rady Europy i mechanizmu kontroli przestrzegania Europejskiej Konwencji Samorządu Terytorialnego – aspekty polityczne

The Condition of Local Democracy in Poland in Light of the Council of Europe’s Standards and the European Charter of Local Self-Government Compliance Monitoring Mechanism. A Political Dimension
 In the article, I will discuss a model and a mechanism of the Council of Europe member states’ compliance with the European Charter of Local Self- Government, which was developed by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe (CLRA). A case study analysis will be based upon investigation of three monitoring procedures launched on Poland so far. The main aim of my analysis is to examine a changing condition of local democracy in Poland as evidenced in periodical assessments carried out by CLRA’s Monitoring Committee. The conclusions resulting from both audit reports and recommendations of relevant Council of Europe bodies addressed to subsequent governments of the Republic of Poland will be assessed.

Breaking the Mould of Centralization? Path Dependence and Local Government Reform in Ireland: 1898–2014

ABSTRACT The landmark Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, with its extension of local democracy, presented Irish nationalists with an opportunity to advance the cause of national independence by curbing British influence at the local level. Post-independence local government reforms stressed the consolidation of central government institutions because of the need for regime security and stability. The introduction of the ‘County-Manager’ reforms, centred on the notions of bureaucratic professionalism, efficiency, and coordination of local services, further entrenched centralism. Using historical institutionalism as a framework for analysis, this article argues that in the period under review local government reforms in Ireland exemplify a perpetuation of the legacy of centralization. This legacy has two sources: the exogenous 1898 Act, and the perceived need to subvert its provisions to the greater goal of national independence, and the continuity in post-independence reforms, which left undisturbed the institutional processes of the inherited political order. This article concludes that notwithstanding reform efforts, the impetus for change was neutralized by constitutive features of Irish political culture, conventional practices, and established elite interests. While critical of existing arrangements, politicians found it impossible to accomplish change.

Endangered Municipalities ? Case Study of Three Small and Critically Indebted Czech Municipalities

AbstractThis paper addresses the issue of Czech small critically indebted municipalities, which has been neglected in the European discourse after successful European consolidation reforms. The Czech Republic is one of the Central European countries where there is no relevant debate on the mandatory amalgamation of small municipalities that are often faced with a combination of multiple risk factors.This paper aims to analyze a sample of the Czech municipalities that are threatened by a combination of their small size and critical indebtedness. A research of the sample focuses on a) the identification of the reasons for critical indebtedness, b) the impact of critical indebtedness on the delivery of services and local democracy and c) the options and strategies to overcome the issues related to critical indebtedness.Methodologically, the paper is a multiple-case study of three small critically indebted municipalities of the Karlovy Vary region, which was considered the worst region in 2012 in terms of the share of critically indebted municipalities, with several long-term critically indebted municipalities on its territory. Based on the media monitoring and economic criteria, the municipalities of Prameny, Bublava and Nebanice have been chosen.The main finding of our research is the identification of so-called endangered chains: 1) small municipalities with low revenues resulting in 2) limited administrative and expert capacity that contributes to 3) a mistake in a large investment project resulting in 4) the economic collapse of the municipality that endangers the provision of services, and in the case of 5) insufficient social capital this can lead to agony of local self-government and the collapse of the municipality. According to the findings, the examined municipalities of Nebanice and Bublava correspond to the chain link 4, and in the case of Prameny it is possible to speak about the chain link 5.

Return of the Local Democracy to the Territory of the Military Training Areas (Case Study the Czech Republic)

The return of the local democracy to the military training areas raises a number of complex challenges even under the conditions of a democratic state. In the municipalities that were established in the Czech Republic on 1 January 2016 by a separation from the territory of the military training areas, a nondemocratic paternalist system has dominated for many decades at the local level, which in some cases was deepened by a presence of the foreign Soviet army. While other municipalities in the post-communist period after 1989 have undergone a complex development and have gradually responded to new challenges (e.g., the use of subsidy titles, intermunicipal cooperation), and, in the case of the settlements in the territory of the military training area districts, nondemocratic local paternalism was preserved until the end of 2015. In the first phase of their term, the elected representatives of the local government primarily focused on securing the basic functions of the municipality (issues of housing and basic amenities of the village—school facilities, shops), saving local sights as remnants of historical memory, and developing cooperation within different networks of actors on a general level (e.g., issues of tourism development, environmental protection).