Lieutenant Governor Research Articles

Legitimacy of Community Justice. A Look From the Aymara Communities of Peru

Objective: The objective is to identify the designation of communal authorities in the form of election, its organizational structure, its attributions, roles, functions and legitimacy in the community. Finally, to explain the prevailing norms, forms of conflict resolution within the framework of the administration of communal justice, considering as a source the cultural patterns as a mechanism of access to justice. Results: The study is carried out in the district of Chucuito, Puno, Peru, where the ancestral social political organization persists and the administration of justice is based on its cultural practice, especially rooted in the ancestral historical legacy. In the article, an analysis is made regarding the scope and limitations of the administration of community justice. Method: The method used is ethnographic-qualitative. In the procedural aspect, it was carried out through the analysis of the Communal Minutes Book, where the cases dealt with in the communal assemblies are recorded. Observation guides and in-depth interviews were used as research instruments. The field work was carried out following a program of visits coordinated with the communal authorities for a period of one year. Conclusions: The ancestral practices of justice administration are in force in the Aymara communities practiced by the families of the community and authorities, mainly Lieutenant Governors, based on custom, ancestral traditions and the legitimacy attributed to them by the community population, and they seek to lay the foundations for the understanding and incorporation to the official state justice spheres.

Did court dismiss professor's free speech claim?

A San Antonio College English professor was disciplined for email communications she sent to colleagues and administrators. In the first email, she contacted administrators about financial aid for a student who was forced to drop her class involuntarily because it wasn’t part of his degree plan. She criticized the college for “disenfranchis[ing] and depriv[ing] students of necessary skills and knowledge to complete all college‐level courses.” Additionally, she noted she had contacted the “Lieutenant Governor, the House Higher Education Committee, and the Senate Education Committee.” The professor admonished the administration to take care of the student and stop passing the buck.

Lieutenant Governor's Challenge:: Motivating and Honoring Delawareans to Improve Their Health and Well-Being.

The Lieutenant Governor's Challenge 2.0, Wellness Award Initiative, is an opportunity for everyone to drive change and to elevate the well-being, productivity, and prosperity among communities in Delaware. The 2.0 reference is rooted in the mission of former Lieutenant Governor, and now Governor, John Carney to address physical activity and fitness levels of youth and adults. The Lieutenant Governor's Challenge 2.0 presents the opportunity to unite the entire state in an ongoing effort to create an overall healthier population. Mobilizing communities to get healthier, promote better health outcomes, and lower health care costs are the goals of this statewide initiative.

How Much Is a Trump Endorsement Worth?

AbstractFormer president Trump made hundreds of candidate endorsements in the 2022 Republican primaries. The state of Georgia garnered outsized attention because it was ground zero for Trump’s false accusations of a stolen 2020 presidential election. Trump endorsed several candidates in Georgia’s May 2022 GOP primary contests, including candidates challenging Governor Brian Kemp and Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, incumbents drawing Trump’s ire for upholding the 2020 outcome favoring Joe Biden. In a survey of likely Georgia GOP primary voters randomizing whether they are told which candidate Trump endorsed in five statewide races (governor, US Senate, lieutenant governor, secretary of state, and insurance commissioner), our analysis shows substantial variability in the influence of Trump’s endorsement. With scant prior information in low-profile contests (e.g., insurance commissioner), the Trump endorsement has a substantial impact, whereas it is rendered ineffectual in the most high-profile race for governor. Thus, the findings demonstrate the remarkable variability of a Trump endorsement, which is primarily contingent upon the salience of a specific race.

NJAMHAA mourns the death of Lt. Gov. Sheila Oliver

NJAMHAA mourns the death of Lt. Gov. Sheila Oliver

The Individual is Not the Institution: The Flawed Logic of the New Brunswick Court of Queen’s Bench Decision in Acadian Society of New Brunswick v Right Honourable Prime Minister of Canada

In 2021, the Acadian Society of New Brunswick brought an application to the New Brunswick Court of Queen’s Bench seeking a declaration that the appointment of a unilingual anglophone as the Lieutenant Governor of New Brunswick was unconstitutional. Specifically, the Acadian Society claimed that the appointment of Brenda Murphy as New Brunswick’s lieutenant governor in 2019 violated the guarantees in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of the equal status of English and French in New Brunswick. On April 14, 2022, the Chief Justice of the Court of Queen’s Bench, Tracey deWare, decided that the appointment of Ms Murphy as New Brunswick’s lieutenant governor was, indeed, in violation of the Charter. Yet, despite this conclusion, the Chief Justice also decided that it was appropriate to leave the question of what the implications of this determination should be to the executive branch of the Government of Canada.

Samara vice-governors of the second half of the XIX century: powers, socio-cultural characteristics

The article is devoted to the study of the place and role of the post of vice-governor in the system of provincial administration and the reconstruction of the socio-cultural portrait of Samara vice-governors of the second half of the XIX century. The relevance of the topic under study is determined by the special significance of the analysis of personnel composition of the provincial administrative apparatus as the most important component of the entire system of imperial statehood. Governors and vice-governors were the main conductors and executors of the imperial course and representatives of the power of the monarch, which was of great importance due to the vastness and heterogeneity of the imperial space. This article discusses the duties, functions and powers of vice-governors, the schemes for their appointment, the main activities. Based on the analysis of archival documents and published sources, the biographies and main stages of service career of eleven Samara vice-governors of the second half of the XIX century were studied: M.P. Zhdanov, G.S. Aksakov, A.I. Kotlyarevsky, S.P. Ushakov, A.A. Panchulidzev, V.D. Levshin, V.V. Lukoshkov, A.G. von-Brinkman, A.S. Bryanchaninov, A.P. Rogovich, K.A. Balyasnov. The study of biographical information made it possible to compile a social portrait of the vice-governors, which includes the following parameters: the average age of taking office as a lieutenant governor, the level of education, the rank upon taking office, the term of office, and further career continuation. When analyzing digital data, comparisons were made with similar works in all European provinces and the provinces of the Ural region. Thus, the conducted research showed that most of the Samara vice-governors were educated officials with the necessary experience in administrative activities and became worthy governors in other regions of the Russian Empire.

Contributors

Other| April 01 2023 Contributors Utah Historical Quarterly (2023) 91 (2): 167. https://doi.org/10.5406/26428652.91.2.07 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Contributors. Utah Historical Quarterly 1 April 2023; 91 (2): 167. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/26428652.91.2.07 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressUtah Historical Quarterly Search Advanced Search ELSIE GROW is a freshman at the University of Utah. She wrote “The Fight for Women's Suffrage at Utah's Constitutional Convention” as a junior at Jordan High School as part of Utah's National History Day® competition.DEIDRE M. HENDERSON became Utah's ninth lieutenant governor in January 2021. Eleven months later, she completed her bachelor's degree in History at Brigham Young University, an accomplishment twenty-eight years in the making. Henderson has dedicated her time in office to removing barriers to success for all Utahns, ensuring that elections are well run, and bolstering the state's relationship with Native American tribes. Prior to her election as lieutenant governor, she served for eight years in the Utah State Senate, representing the people of south Utah County. Henderson and her husband, Gabe, live in Spanish Fork. They love spending time with their four daughters, one son, three sons-in-law, and two grandbabies.HOVAN LAWTON graduated from... You do not currently have access to this content.

Should We "Forget the Alamo"?: Myths, Slavery, and the Texas Revolution

Should We "Forget the Alamo"?:Myths, Slavery, and the Texas Revolution John Willingham (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution The Alamo. Photo by Jean Beaufort. From https://www.publicdomainpictures.net/en/view-image.php?image=160416&picture=the-alamo [Accessed Nov. 29, 2022]. [End Page 466] For at least six decades, Texas has been notorious for its battles over history. One particularly notable year was 1962, when Mel and Norma Gabler from the East Texas city of Longview launched their crusade to reject history textbooks that did not reflect their conservative Christian values.1 Although no individuals are likely to match the forty-year mission of the Gablers, the history wars in the state have only intensified. In 2021, the legislature reaffirmed its commitment to what is called "Texas exceptionalism" by passing bills that champion traditional Texas history, which often ignores, obscures, or justifies the uglier parts of the state's past.2 For almost four years, social conservatives in Texas and across the nation have targeted Critical Race Theory (CRT) and the 1619 Project, initially a series in the New York Times Magazine in 2019 and more recently expanded to a 624-page book, The 1619 Project: A New Origin Story (2021).3 Many of these critics oppose not only an inclusive history curriculum but also publications on gender subjects, including books used in schools and [End Page 467] public libraries.4 In September 2022, the Texas State Board of Education retreated in the face of extremist activism, with the conservative majority voting to delay implementation of moderate revisions to the social studies curriculum.5 Reflecting the influence of postmodern scholarship and CRT, the 1619 Project and the associated book center the institution of slavery in American history, controversially stating that slavery was one of the primary causes of the American Revolution.6 The writings collected under the 1619 Project convincingly show that de jure segregation and continuing racism have deprived Black Americans of asset accumulation for more than a century and argue that legislative and judicial efforts have failed to ameliorate other past injustices. In their overriding commitment to issues of social justice, the authors forthrightly acknowledge that their cause is the lens through which they interpret history.7 Their approach has generated criticism from some professional historians who counter that the arguments are overly tailored to that commitment, resulting in some factual errors and questionable conclusions, especially regarding the American Revolution.8 Whatever the long-term appraisal of the 1619 Project and CRT may be, they have become the bugbear of choice for those who attack even moderate, reasonable changes to social studies curricula in Texas and the nation.9 Similarly, but not claiming any postmodern influence, the 2021 book Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth by Bryan Burrough, [End Page 468] Chris Tomlinson, and Jason Stanford argues that a desire to protect the institution of slavery was the true cause of the Texas Revolution, stressing the ties of Texian (i.e, Anglo Texan) rebel leaders and the best-known Alamo defenders to the Peculiar Institution.10 The authors believe we should forget the mythical Alamo and its undeserving heroes and see the battle and revolution almost exclusively as a fight for the preservation of Black enslavement.11 In contrast, the traditional view of the Texas Revolution and, especially of the Alamo, is that the bravery and sacrifices of Texian heroes eventually prevailed against the cruel and despotic Santa Anna, resulting in a dramatic victory for the cause of liberty. Mostly unchallenged until the first revisionist studies of the mid-to-late 1980s, this version of history reinforced the mythical status of both the heroes and the cause, and associated both with the long dominant Anglo culture. Texas lieutenant governor Dan Patrick was so incensed at the idea of "forgetting" the Alamo in 2021 that he engineered the cancellation of an event at the Bullock Texas State History Museum in Austin, where the authors of Forget the Alamo were scheduled to discuss their book. Given these conflicts, the Dear Reader of the day might well ask: Who am I to believe? What follows is a comparative analysis of...

The Utah Women's History Initiative

There's a popular phrase on bumper stickers, t-shirts, and coffee mugs: “well-behaved women seldom make history.” Harvard University professor Laurel Thatcher Ulrich coined it in the 1970s, and it has taken on a life of its own since then.1 While some see this phrase as a battle cry and a call to action, Ulrich's words remind us that history too often ignores or obscures women's experiences. Ordinary women don't make history because curriculum, books, and exhibits frequently treat women as silent bystanders in the past rather than as active participants in shaping their world.Women have always made history in this land called Utah, but the stories we tell sometimes don't reflect that. When we restore their voices and perspectives to the historical narrative, we recognize women as agents whose choices and words mattered. This helps all of us see women as leaders who contribute to our society in a variety of ways. And that in turn helps us support women and girls in business, politics, and every other arena.In a survey commissioned in 2019 by the nonprofit women's history organization Better Days 2020, over three-quarters of respondents said they were interested in learning more about Utah's history, and 94 percent agreed that “Utah women's history should be better known.”2 The Utah Women's History Initiative aims to make that happen by providing resources, sharing stories, and supporting research and programming that incorporate women into the historical narrative.Whether in the classroom or in historical scholarship, it's easiest to talk about women's history when the topic has something to do with “women's issues”: suffrage, the Equal Rights Amendment, motherhood, or reproductive health care. But women have participated in every major event and era in the past, whether that's war, government, business, or community leadership. Although a growing body of scholarship exists about Utah women in the suffrage movement, in nineteenth-century Latter-day Saint Relief Societies, and in similar endeavors, we need to know so much more! We need more research on Utah women in science and technology and in disciplines outside of education and the arts that have traditionally been seen as women's fields. We need to know about the inventors, the volunteers, and the visionaries who have made Utah their home and have made it a better place for all. We need to know more about the “well-behaved women” of all sorts who plodded ahead to keep their families afloat and to improve the world around them—whether that work seemed significant to their contemporaries or not.In order to galvanize scholarship about the many kinds of women who have lived in Utah, the Utah Women's History Initiative will serve as a connector and resource hub, both supporting and producing research that helps to move Utah women's history forward. We'll also work to bring new collections to the Utah State Historical Society that shed light on women's lived experience and perspectives. By helping to widen the lens, we aim to engage more people in the work of gathering, preserving, and sharing Utah's rich history. You'll see some of this work in the Utah Historical Quarterly, in the forthcoming Museum of Utah, in the Peoples of Utah Revisited initiative, and on our website, and we hope you'll also see it at museums, libraries, and historic sites across the state.The Utah Women's History Initiative landing page at history.utah.gov/uwh/ shares primary sources, podcasts and videos, upcoming events, and news about ongoing women's history projects in Utah. You'll find resources to help you dive into timely topics, explore virtual exhibits and primary sources, and learn a lot about Utah's past.We welcome your suggestions of sources and stories to feature and look forward to sharing discoveries with you!Deidre M. Henderson, who became Utah's ninth lieutenant governor in January 2021, has been a proponent for the study of women's history and the creation of the Women's History Initiative within the Utah Division of State History. Henderson served as a member of the Utah State Senate, representing the seventh district, from 2013 to 2021. After raising her family and becoming involved in public service, she resumed her university education and earned a degree in history from Brigham Young University in 2021. We sat down with Henderson to talk about the value of learning about the past, especially the history of women and girls.

Containing Contagion in a Garrison State

Containing Contagion in a Garrison State

An Interview with David Roediger

An Interview with David Roediger Jon K. Lauck JL: Where were you born? DR: The hospital in which I was born was in East St. Louis, Illinois. I have long been tempted to claim I'm "from" there, given how central that city has been to African American creative genius and to the tragedy of race in the Midwest. But in truth the life and livelihood of both my parents was in Columbia, Illinois, a dozen miles south. It was a village of two to three thousand, deeply German American, all-white, and built around grain milling and limestone quarrying. JL: How did your parents and grandparents come to be in this part of the country? DR: My family on both sides came to southern Illinois before the generation of my grandparents, overwhelmingly from what's now Germany but with one branch from Ireland. JL: A fairly large group of Germans immigrated to St. Louis in the early nineteenth century. Would you say your ancestors were part of that urban migration stream or were they more oriented toward farming and rural/small town living in southern Illinois? DR: My family connected to St. Louis much later, with some moving from Cairo, Illinois, and Columbia to the city for work in my parents' generation. The most lastingly German part of the family, my father's side, described itself as coming for religious reasons and to avoid conflicts during German unification. I think they sought rural life, but not a farm. Their religious bent, Missouri Synod Lutheranism, became the main arena for continued identification with one way of being German American. My paternal grandmother was a German speaker, though mostly without anyone to speak to. My mother's family was more [End Page 239] German than Irish in "blood" but just the opposite in identity. They lived near and centered life around an Irish American Catholic church in Cairo. JL: What was your parents' line of work? DR: My mother and her twin brothers became orphans before she was five, her mom dying as a result of childbirth and her dad in a railway work accident. She lived her first seventeen years in Cairo. Her aunts and grandmother sacrificed greatly to send her to two years of normal school for teacher training at Southern Illinois Normal College, now Southern Illinois University in Carbondale. She taught in Columbia for forty-nine years, mostly fourth grade. My dad followed his dad into work at the limestone quarry just outside Columbia. While his father worked as a mechanic, my father, back from the Navy and World War II, moved into the office as a bookkeeper. JL: What was your mother's maiden name and what did her family do for an occupation in Cairo? DR: She was born Mary Ann Lind. As noted, her dad was a railroad worker. Her mom was a housewife until dying very young. The aunts who worked to support the household in which she grew up had white-collar, or pink-collar, jobs. One kept books for a coal company and the other was a union phone operator, a job that required considerable skill and an absence of much accent. Opening those jobs to Black women was a demand of the Black United Front in Cairo, one that eventually succeeded but just before the positions were largely mechanized out of existence. When he served as lieutenant governor in the late 60s, Paul Simon sent Dick Durbin to fact find in Cairo. Durbin, now a U.S. senator from Illinois, was an aspiring Democratic politician then. The man taking him to his Cairo hotel room—we know this story because Durbin told it later to Barack Obama who made it public—warned that any use of the phone in the hotel would lead to phone operators relaying what was said to local white supremacists.1 JL: How did your parents meet and where and what year were you born? DR: My mother moved to Columbia to accept the first teaching job she was offered, just as the world war began. My father courted her as he was busily eating bananas in an attempt, ultimately successful, to meet the [End Page 240...

Measuring and Explaining the Power of State Senate Leadership

AbstractTheories that explain the power of legislative leaders have been developed for the U.S. Congress and lower chambers of state legislatures, but they have not been tested for state senates, even though senate leaders can be quite influential. Following Mooney (2013a), I develop a new numerical index score measuring the formal power of the top chamber-elected leader of each state senate from 1995 through 2010. I then use the data to test various hypotheses explaining variation in the power of legislative leaders. The results uncover partial evidence for conditional party government theory, but only for senates that elect their own president. When the lieutenant governor serves as senate president, senators do not perceive their top chamber-elected leader as an officer able to best carry out their ideological, electoral, or policy objectives. This underscores crucial differences between senate chambers that elect their own presidents and those that do not.

The Weathersfield Affair

The Weathersfield Affair

Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth by Bryan Burrough et al

Reviewed by: Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth by Bryan Burrough et al Katherine Kuehler Walters Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth. By Bryan Burrough, Chris Tomlinson, and Jason Stanford. (New York: Penguin Press, 2021. Pp. xxx, 386. Paper, $19.00, ISBN 978-1-9848-8011-6; cloth, $32.00, ISBN 978-1-9848-8009-3.) Most famous for the thirteen-day battle in 1836, the Alamo has been central to far longer political battles during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. As another fight rages, journalists Bryan Burrough, Chris Tomlinson, and Jason Stanford enter the fray with Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth to do what historians have been trying to do for decades—dismantle the Anglo-centric mythology, called here the "Heroic Anglo Narrative," of the Alamo and the Texas Revolution (p. xxv). This narrative, born in the nineteenth century, stripped the Texas Revolution of its roots in slavery and essentialized the war into a simplistic binary of liberty-loving Anglos backed by manifest destiny versus racially inferior Latinos led by a bloodthirsty tyrant. After traveling hand in hand with the Lost Cause mythology into Texas textbooks, onto monuments and the silver screen, and through the public discourse of heritage organizations and politicians, this mythology seems more resistant to change than its Confederate companion. To convince a general audience to forget the Alamo myths and recognize that, as the book jacket copy contends, "celebrating the Alamo has long had an echo of celebrating whiteness," Burrough, Tomlinson, and Stanford first lead readers through the current, dominant interpretation of events that led to and occurred during the Texas Revolution. The first eleven chapters start in 1803 and emphasize slavery's central importance to Anglo-American migration, Tejanos' and Anglos' economic interests, and concerns over the dissolution of the constitution of 1824. Tejanos' contributions to the Texas cause and the postwar racist backlash they faced are also covered. The book's second half chronologically weaves together the creation and evolution of the Alamo's Heroic Anglo Narrative in American culture and the development of the Alamo as a physical space from a crumbling fort to the present-day inclusive but divisive plan to reimagine the Alamo site around the questionable artifact collection of British rock star Phil Collins. This method effectively elucidates the historic site's role in disseminating myths, perhaps best exemplified by William B. Travis's so-called line in the sand, considered fictitious as early as the 1880s but memorialized at the Alamo with a brass line installed in 1988 by the Daughters of the Republic of Texas. The Alamo's elevation to a national symbol during the Cold War and the participation in myth-building of professional historians, politicians, and popular films add to the last few chapters' discussion of recent pressures to retrench the narrative into the school curriculum and at the historic site. [End Page 598] The authors readily admit that much of the information is not new, and they credit in the text, bibliography, and sparse citations a long list of historians on whose work they relied. However, some nuance and complexity is lost, including the intricacies of slavery in Mexico. The book mischaracterizes a nearby Woolworth's lunch counter as "one of the first San Antonio restaurants to begin serving Black patrons" (its March 1960 integration was likely the first for this national chain in a major southern city). But the issue is also discussed as a "myth," which undermines local African Americans' efforts for historical preservation on the Alamo Plaza (p. 303). Still, Forget the Alamo will hold some surprises for southern historians with its coverage of efforts to restore Tejanos to the narrative by LULAC and Adina De Zavala; its mention of Elena Zamora O'Shea's novella El Mesquite (1935); its discussion of the racist impact of school field trips on Latino children; and its description of the current political battles tied to memorialization and the 1836 Project. Forget the Alamo's bold, straightforward language backed by forty years of academic research has hit the right nerve. The Texas lieutenant governor blocked a book event...

Monumental: Oscar Dunn and His Radical Fight in Reconstruction Louisiana by Brian K. Mitchell, Barrington S. Edwards and Nick Weldon

Reviewed by: Monumental: Oscar Dunn and His Radical Fight in Reconstruction Louisiana by Brian K. Mitchell, Barrington S. Edwards and Nick Weldon Joshua Brown (bio) Monumental: Oscar Dunn and His Radical Fight in Reconstruction Louisiana. By Brian K. Mitchell, Barrington S. Edwards, and Nick Weldon. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2021. Pp. 256. Paper, $19.95.) On March 18, 1873, the Louisiana state legislature passed Act 57, the goal of which was the erection of a monument in memory of Oscar J. Dunn, who had died suddenly—and mysteriously—two years earlier. That public commemoration of the first African American lieutenant government, and briefly acting governor, was never realized. And, in the wake of Democratic Redemption, Jim Crow, and the historiographical and popular desecration of Reconstruction, Dunn joined so many other Black southern lawmakers in the “cleansing” of the era’s past. Indeed, the unveiling twenty years later of an overtly white supremacist monument to the White League’s unsuccessful 1874 insurrection to overthrow the Republican state government could be interpreted as a final obliteration of the memory of Black Louisianans’ stalwartly “unselfish, incorruptible leader.”1 As we have recently seen, building monuments does not guarantee perpetual commemoration; the White League obelisk was removed in 2017. [End Page 294] While made of less durable stuff, the graphic biography Monumental: Oscar Dunn and His Radical Fight in Reconstruction Louisiana may serve as a more enduring tribute. It certainly is a significant act of documentary recovery, as well as a valuable scholarly study of a man, a place, and an era that, unusually, bridges the gap between popular history and rigorous academic research. Based on historian Brian K. Mitchell’s dissertation and written by Mitchell, visualized by artist Barrington S. Edwards, and edited by Historic New Orleans Collection’s associate editor Nick Weldon, Monumental is an often revelatory and, at times, evocative effort to restore Dunn’s place in New Orleans’s and Louisiana’s past. Rather than taking the tried-and-true path of a published monograph, Mitchell gathered his research and opted to collaborate on the labor-intensive project of a graphic history, seeking to use the accessibility and attraction of the form to extend his scholarship into the public arena. And for Mitchell, a descendant of Dunn’s, the project also consummated a personal quest that dated back to a second-grade class in New Orleans, when he learned that, contrary to his family’s proud memory, his ancestor’s achievements had been forgotten. Monumental carries out its mission with impressive intellectual rigor and admirable narrative vigor that rely on Mitchell’s extensive research into an often elliptical and elusive historical record. That research led to discoveries that revealed new aspects of Dunn’s life, such as his birth under enslavement and his emancipation. In addition, Mitchell corrected errors that have been repeated in historical accounts, such as the belief that Dunn fought in the Union army and, most persistent, the assertion that P. B. S. Pinchback, Dunn’s successor as lieutenant governor, was the state’s first Black acting governor. In eight chapters, most of which focus on 1866 to 1871, Monumental chronicles Oscar Dunn’s rise within the ranks of the New Orleans and Louisiana postwar Republican Party and his crucial role, especially as lieutenant governor, in promulgating and legislating equality and integration in the face of Democratic opposition, Republican divisions, corruption, and murderous racist violence. In the course of this chronicle, Mitchell dexterously charts Dunn’s efforts to bridge the long-standing tensions between New Orleans’s Anglo-African and Afro-Creole communities, as well as navigates the intricacies of Louisiana’s Republican Party factions, particularly the deceitful maneuvering of Dunn’s nemesis, Governor Henry Clay Warmoth. He also depicts Dunn’s personal confrontations with white supremacy (most powerfully captured in a section delineating the insults and obstacles he encountered on a spring 1869 trip from New Orleans to Washington, D.C., to meet with President Grant). In the [End Page 295] process, Monumental successfully links the city and state’s story to the larger history of Reconstruction. Monumental thus works as a lucid and engaging introduction to Reconstruction, assisted by the inclusion of supplementary resources...

U.S. SPORTS BETTORS WRAP UP RECORD 2021 ON POSITIVE NOTE

U.S. SPORTS BETTORS WRAP UP RECORD 2021 ON POSITIVE NOTE

Legacy, gifts and desires: Sir William MacGregor’s Personal collection

As part of his government responsibilities as Administrator and Lieutenant Governor in British New Guinea (1888–1898), Sir William MacGregor amassed a substantial group of ethnographic objects currently known as the ‘Official’ collection and housed mainly at the Papua New Guinea National Museum and Art Gallery and the Queensland Museum. Alongside this activity, MacGregor also set aside some material for his own private use, referred to here as the ‘Personal’ collection. The majority of the Personal collection was later donated to the University of Aberdeen to encourage fellow Scots to broaden their knowledge of the wider world. A smaller component that had been gifted to friends and colleagues is now housed at the Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology and several other museums. Many of the objects MacGregor reserved for himself probably had special significance as memories of people who became his friends and of occasions when he achieved success in his goal to bring what he considered as ‘civilisation’ to the peoples in the colony. Other highly decorated items that would have been attractive to nineteenth-century collectors were gifted by MacGregor to friends or high-status individuals to cement personal relationships or gain prestige. A comparison of the items reserved for MacGregor’s private use with the British New Guinea Official collection highlights key differences between nineteenth-century ethnographic collections intended as comprehensive ‘scientific’ data versus those, like MacGregor’s Personal collection, whose contents were designed chiefly for the education and enjoyment of its owners.

Focus IBBY

Focus IBBY Liz Page (bio) International Children’s Book Day 2022 The 2022 International Children’s Book Day (ICBD) is sponsored by IBBY Canada. The theme is Stories are wings that help you soar every day. Julie Flett and Richard Van Camp have designed the poster to provide the message to the children of the world. Julie Flett is a Cree-Métis author, illustrator, and artist who has been honored with the Governor General’s Award, the TD Canadian Children’s Literature Award, the Lieutenant Governor’s Award for Literary Excellence, and the American Indian Library Association Award. Richard Van Camp is a Dogrib a Tłıc ̨hǫ writer from Fort Smith, Northwest Territories, and the award-winning author of twenty-six books. Stories are wings that help you soar every day.Reading is Freedom. Reading is Breath.Reading lets you see our world in a new way and it invitesyou into worlds you never want to leave.Reading allows your spirit to dreamThey say books are friends for life and I agree.The perfect universe of you only grows when you read.Stories are wings that help you soar every day so find thebooks that speak to your spirit, to your heart, to your mind.Stories are medicine. They heal. They comfort. They inspire.They teach.Bless the storytellers and the readers and the listeners. Bless books.They are the medicine for a better, brighter world.Mahsi cho. Thank you very much. Richard Van Camp Click for larger view View full resolution More information about ICBD 2022 and how to order copies of the poster can be found at www.ibby-canda.org. Reflections from the 37th IBBY Congress Moscow, Russia, September 10–12, 2021 The decision to hold the 37th IBBY World Congress in Moscow was made by the IBBY Executive Committee in Bologna in 2015. From the start, it was not plain sailing due to the worries about border conflicts and then later by the government’s stance on LGBTQ+ rights in Russia. Nevertheless, the IBBY Executive Committee kept a close eye on the situation while supporting our IBBY Russia colleagues in their preparations. No one knew at that time what lay ahead! Russian literature has had a strong influence on children’s literature in the world, and IBBY wanted to emphasize the positive aspects of the country as well as follow our goal of promoting peace through children’s [End Page 110] books. IBBY Russia/Raising Readers Association also wanted to share their very rich heritage as well as showcase the latest trends in children’s literature in Russia. When the COVID-19 pandemic emerged in early 2020, travel became restricted, borders were closed, and in-person meetings were held online. It was with a heavy heart that the IBBY Executive Committee made the decision in April 2020 to postpone the 37th Congress to 2021. Our colleagues in Moscow had reached the same conclusion, and thus the Congress moved to September 2021. There was still a lot to accomplish, and a hybrid event was planned with in-person attendance as well as online participation. It was a huge challenge and we have learned much in the process. The program was developed and speakers were approached. Several of the original keynote speakers agreed to the new plan and many oral sessions were organized. The Scientific Committee worked hard to prepare an inclusive, interesting, and wide-reaching program. The Congress organizers worked with an IT company to build an online platform that could be universally used around the world in the many different time zones and languages. After all this hard work, the Congress opened in Moscow on Friday, September 10, at the State Museum of Alexander Pushkin. Finally, representatives from thirty countries could attend the Congress in person. The opening began with a very talented young pianist playing, followed by a short welcome by Vladimir Tolstoy, the cultural advisor to the president of the Russian Federation. IBBY President Mingzhou Zhang also welcomed the participants via a prerecorded message. He referred to the work being done by IBBY members across the world: As IBBY members, we work towards bringing children and books together. Even...

Fulfilling Governor Albert Brewer’s vision: the public affairs research council of Alabama (PARCA)

This article examines the professional career of Governor Albert P. Brewer and the development of his vision for a public affairs research group, that exists to give objective facts about state and local governments. The research question of this article is if Albert Brewer’s goal was fulfilled. The careful planning and the quality reputation of the published research of Public Affairs Research Council of Alabama (PARCA) has fulfilled the goal that Brewer had in mind. A methodology in arriving at this conclusion can be found in investigating the published output and broad, favorable reception of that output. This article examines the major events in the career of Governor Albert Brewer. He was a state legislator, speaker of the house, lieutenant governor and governor of Alabama. Brewer had many accomplishments, including the creation of the Alabama Development Office (ADO), the Alabama Commission of Higher Education (ACHE), substantial increased funding for public schools, and an effort to produce a new state constitution. A goal of Brewer was to create the PARCA, as a source of objective data and other facts that all people could use. PARCA is a non-profit and non-partisan group. The goals of Brewer for PARCA have been met and the organization continues to flourish. Brewer is one of the most decent professionals to ever occupy the Alabama governor’s office. Brewer was governor and decided to pursue another term with the 1970 election. In his political campaigns he projected the goal of being inclusive as opposed to the strong desire of George Wallace to cause division between African American citizens and some other citizens. That is, Wallace pursued a campaign tactic of creating a racist environment, to get votes. That election is considered by historians to be one of the most racially charged elections. The result was that Brewer and Wallace were in a run-off, and Wallace won by less than 34,000 votes. Later, in 1972 Wallace survived an assassination attempt. Some people think that event changed him, as he did stop pursuing a racist ideology for the rest of his political career. In contrast, Brewer consistently pursued a more inclusive message in appealing to citizens to work together for progress. PARCA, a group championed by Brewer furthers that goal. To help policy makers, PARCA provides objective data, which people of all political views can refer to. Brewer’s goals of an organization that provides accurate information has been achieved.