Libyan Arab Research Articles

Universal Jurisdiction, Jus Cogens, and Suppression Conventions in the Aftermath of Lockerbie

Universal jurisdiction is a principle of international law that maintains the right to try an accused for serious crimes that are globally recognised. The offences are defined in international customary law and include the breach of the jus cogens norms. The liability for breach of the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation (‘Montreal Convention’) was invoked in the case of suspects from Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in the Lockerbie air disaster. The United Kingdom and the United States made a separate request to the UN Security Council to take certain provisional measures against Libya, calculated to coerce or compel it to surrender the accused individuals to any jurisdiction outside Libya. The judgment led to a miscarriage of justice as the accused were tried under Scottish law and the issue is whether a ‘third alternative’ could be added to the traditional aut dedere aut judicare principle – aut transferere. The argument here is that in order for the principle to be sustained there should be recognition of the principle of universal jurisdiction and the ambit of the Suppression Conventions should be extended so that a trial can be conducted in the domestic courts of a foreign defendant.

Significance of the Fezzan Region in French Policy in Libya and the Sahel

For a hundred years, since the French colonization of Chad and Niger, the Libyan region of Fezzan has played a significant role in the French strategy in Africa. The determining factor in the importance of the region for the policy of Paris was played by the transnational processes of the Fezzan border. The ethnic proximity of Fezzan and the northern regions of the Sahelian countries catalyzed the Franco-Libyan clashes in Chad in the 1900s, when the colonialists faced the resistance of the Senussi order, which was suppressed only with the beginning of the Italian conquest of Libya. The desire of Paris to establish control over the region to ensure the security of its possessions in the Sahel and their connection with the Algerian departments formed the basis of its policy in the middle of the 20th century. The significant influence of the region on the Sahel after decolonization prevailed, most clearly manifested in the 1970s and 1980s, when the Libyan Arab Republic tried to use ethnic contradictions in Chad to establish its hegemony in the north of the country, which, in turn, led to a conflict with Paris, in which the Fifth Republic, thanks to skillful work with the tribes of the Libyan-Chadian borderlands. After the outbreak of the civil war in Libya in 2011, Fezzan regained its importance for French politics due to the emergence in the region of terrorist structures associated with transnational Sahelian crime, the Chadian opposition and the forces of other great powers. The article examines the patterns of the French strategy towards Fezzan, in particular the French security policy in the Fezzan borderlands. The study of the historical retrospective of French politics allows us to more thoroughly determine the motives and intentions of the strategy of the Fifth Republic in southwestern Libya at the present stage.

Abstract #1325659: Challenges in the Diagnosis and Management of Rare Metabolic Conditions in Developing Regions Illustrated by Gaucher’s Disease in a Young Adult Libyan Arab Female

Gaucher’s disease is a rare lysosomal storage disease that can present with a wide range of clinical symptoms according to type and severity, ranging from mild general well-being, organomegaly, pancytopenia, neurological symptoms, lung involvement, and even death, making the diagnosis and work-up challenging to reach a diagnosis. A case of a Libyan Arab female presented with bruises after minor trauma, bone aches, and fatigue is reported, and challenges of diagnosis and management are discussed.

IR, imperialism, and the Global South: From Libya to Venezuela

This article brings together two cases to contribute to the growing body of literature rethinking the study of international relations (IR) and the Global South: The Libyan Arab al-Jamāhīrīyah and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Drawing on media representations and secondary literature from IR and international political economy (IPE), it critically examines three main conceptual theses (authoritarian, rentier, and rogue) used to describe the historical socio-political formations of these states up to this date. Mixing oil abundance with authoritarian revolutionary fervour and foreign policy adventurism, Libya and Venezuela have been progressively reduced to the figure of one man, while presenting their current crises as localized processes delinked from the imperialist inter-state system. The article argues that these analyses, if left unquestioned, perpetuate a US-led imperial ordering of the world, while foreclosing and discrediting alternatives to capitalist development emerging from and grounded in a Global South context. In doing so, the article contributes to the growing and controversial debate on the meanings and needs for decolonizing the study of IR.

Social Cleavages and Armed Group Consolidation: The Case of Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan Arab Armed Forces

In Libya’s fragmented military landscape, Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan Arab Armed Forces stands out as the only armed group that concentrated power over entire regions. The interplay of relative power and social cleavages conditioned Haftar’s choices of consolidation strategies. As Haftar grew stronger, he progressively moved from cooperative and competitive approaches toward coercion. Social cleavages wrought by conflict – as opposed to seemingly objective group boundaries – contributed to shaping Haftar’s choices between coercive and cooperative strategies. The significance of these cleavages depended on how violence had shaped local social cohesion and armed groups’ links with communities.

Challenges in the diagnosis and management of gaucher's disease in a young adult libyan arab female

Gaucher's disease is a rare lysosomal storage disease that can present with a wide range of clinical symptoms according to type and severity, ranging from mild general wellbeing, organomegaly, pancytopenia, neurological symptoms, lung involvement, and even death, making the diagnosis and work up challenging to reach a diagnosis. We report a Libyan Arab female presented with bruises after minor trauma, bone aches, and fatigue. A 35-year-old female from Libyan–Arab ethnicity attended the hematology clinic complaining of bruises after minor trauma, bone aches, and undue fatigability. She mentioned and evident from her medical record that she has been suffering from these complaints for 5 years and does not have any definite diagnosis. Mild splenomegaly was the only finding on clinical examination this time. There was no fever and no lymphadenopathy. Thrombocytopenia with a platelet count 90 × 10 and quot; 3/ml, and splenomegaly of 16 cm was found on investigations. She was diagnosed with cryptogenic thrombocytopenia, and she was advised for a follow-up visit. Our patient attended a follow-up visit twice in the next 18 months with similar complaints of manageable bruising, bone pain, and fatigability. Hematology reports showed thrombocytopenia in each visit. An ultrasonogram of the abdomen revealed a gallbladder stone and spleen have a size of 17 cm. Bone marrow biopsy was done, and a blood test confirmed glucocerebrosidase enzyme deficiency. Considering the diagnosis of Gaucher's disease, treatment with imiglucerase infusion was started. Unfortunately, she failed to continue the treatment due to a shortage of supply of the medication. A few months later, she got pregnant and developed threatened abortion, which ended with a miscarriage. This case illustrates the need to consider this disease in the differential diagnoses when dealing with unexplained thrombocytopenia, anemia, hepatomegaly, and splenomegaly. There are several challenges in the diagnosis and treatment of Gaucher's disease, particularly in resource-limited settings.

Realisation of the Speech Act of Request, Suggestion and Apology by Libyan EFL Learners

This study investigates the three speech act strategies of request, suggestion and apology in Libyan Arab EFL undergraduate students (AREFLUS) and Amazigh EFL undergraduate students (AMEFLUS). It also examines their linguistic and pragmatic competence in these strategies. Two Libyan universities (Sebha and Zwara) are selected for the study, which includes 50 AREFLUS and 37 AMEFLUS participants. To investigate the students’ socio-pragmatic and pragma linguistic competence, two instruments are used: a questionnaire in the form of a Discourse Completion Test (DCT) and a rating scale. The results reveal numerous similarities between the Libyan Arab and Amazigh participants in performing all the speech act strategies of request, suggest and apology. However, some significant differences regarding gender are found among Libyan EFL students. Overall, both groups appear to be more competent in functioning than in structuring the three mentioned speech act strategies.

Migration and attitudes towards domestic violence against women: a case study of Libyan migrants in the UK

ABSTRACTThis article analyses attitudes to domestic violence against women (DVAW) among Libyan migrants in the north of England; this is the first such study of Libyan migrants. One hundred seventy-five (175) respondents were interviewed in a questionnaire survey and 20 in semi-structured interviews. Migrant status has been identified as an important marker or precarity; gendered and racialised experiences deepen structural forms of insecurity. The research explored the impact of migration on participants’ attitudes to DVAW. The concepts of gender regime and gender order, additionally, help to provide a framework for understanding of the multifaceted nature of unequal gender relations within Libyan Arab communities. The study found that gender and educational level were the most important variables associated with views about DVAW within the sample, whereas length of stay in the UK was not statistically associated with attitudes towards domestic violence. The article explores reasons for relative continuity in beliefs about DVAW in the context of the insecurities of migration. Despite continuities, shifts and changes are taking place within many women’s lives.

Chaotic Libyan Arab Spring: A comparison with Egypt

Libyan spring occurred due to many reasons which were quite similar in nature with that of the spring struck neighboring countries. Qaddafis family and tribe wealth increased many folds. Human rights abuses were normal patterns. However, Libyan spring didnt end as it did in the neighboring countries. Due to Qaddafis deposition, the power vacuum resulted. This was because of the abhorring of Institutions by Qaddafi himself. The tribal division also resulted in achaotic situation. Large reserves of oil in Libya are also one of the reasons for the never-ending civil strife. Due to high revenue, every group wants to establish hold over the reserves. Libyas rivalry with Israel is also accredited as one of the rationales behind Libyas anarchic situation. Neighboring countries are also playing a big role in the civil war. Libyan revolution resulted in chaos, while the neighboring countries got on the track of somewhat stability and peace.

The Issues of Legitimacy of the International Criminal Court in Its Relations with African Countries in the Sphere of Counteracting International Crimes

The authors study the legitimacy of the establishment and work of the International Criminal Court (ICC) from the perspective of African countries. They point out that African countries initially supported the idea of creating the ICC and actively participated in its establishment and development. However, after the Court initiated investigations regarding the current President of Sudan Omar Al-Bashir and other African leaders (current President of Kenia Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta, its Vice-President William Samoei Ruto, former Head of the Great Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Muammar Gaddafi, the ex-President of Cote d’Ivoire Laurent Gbagbo, and others), the ICC began to lose its legitimacy in the eyes of most African leaders, who started to perceive it as a political instrument of Western countries. As a result, the African Union in its Resolutions (13 (XIII), 987 (XXIX), 952 (XXVIII) and others) called on African countries to stop cooperating with the ICC concerning warrants for the arrest of current officials and, finally, to totally withdraw from the Rome Statute of the ICC of 1998 because it believed that the Court is selective in its persecution of Africans only. Following this, three African countries (Burundi, the South African Republic and Gambia) announced in 2016 that they intend to withdraw from the Rome Statute. However, the South African Republic and Gambia did not do this due to internal political situation and pressure from the Western countries, and only Burundi withdrew from the 1998 Rome Statute on October 27, 2017. Besides, the African Union initiated the establishment of the International Criminal Chamber within its regional court — the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (Malabo Protocol of 2014); the authors believe it to be the reaction of the African countries to the activities of the ICC. Based on their research, the authors suggest reforming the International Criminal Court to ensure its independence and impartiality in fighting international crimes and impunity, as well as developing regional criminal justice in Africa.

Morality as a Catalyst for Violence: Responsibility to Protect and Regime Change in Libya

ABSTRACTHow did the global Responsibility to Protect become a legitimising vehicle for regime change in Libya? Many analyses have concentrated on implementation mistakes and failures, but the militarisation of morality and its transformation into an element legitimising warfare has not been systematically studied. Following Jabri’s work on discursive hegemony, this article analyses the politics of justification provided by France, the United Kingdom and the United States for intervening in Libya. Three rhetorical mechanisms have been crucial in legitimising the assault on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya: first, regime change was defined as a universal interest through the Manichean representation of Gaddafi opposed by a unified Libya (universalisation); second, contradictions in the resort to violence have been marginalised and alternatives to militarisation have been ignored, such in the case of the African Union’s roadmap (simplification); third, the media and scholars have perpetuated dominant narratives portraying Gaddafi as a ‘mad dog’ of the Middle East (reiteration). The article reveals that regime change did not emerge just from operative (mis)calculations, but rather from political and strategic goals pursued since the beginning of the crisis. The interveners used indeed hegemonic liberal discourses to forge the permissibility of regime change.

‘King of Kings of Africa’

Abstract During the 2011 uprisings, artists and cultural agents unleashed biting pictorial forms of ridicule in Libya’s public domain. Their chief target was Muʿammar Qaddafi, the ‘Brother Leader’ of the Libyan Arab Republic and the so-called ‘King of Kings of Africa’. After failing to win support from Arab governments, Qaddafi campaigned for African unity, fashioning himself as a traditional sub-Saharan chief during the decade leading up to the ‘Arab Spring’. His bombastic African title, his Afro-like (shafshufa) hairstyle and his eye-catching robes made him an easy target for visual satire, which turned visibly more racist when he and his son, Sayf al-Islam, resorted to using mercenaries from the Sudan, Chad, Niger and Mali to violently suppress street demonstrations. Throughout the uprisings, anti-government actors sought to degrade Qaddafi through the use of ethnic stereotypes, revealing that, in the particular case of Libya, satirical contentions during the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ were not just transgressive and factional, but instrumentally racist as well.

Assessing the Prevalence and Incidence of Asthma and Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease in the Eastern Mediterranean Region.

This study conducted in 2016 aimed to assess the prevalence and incidence of asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) in the Eastern Mediterranean Region (EMR). A meta-analysis to evaluate the published research relating to asthma and COPD was conducted using data from 23 EMR Office (EMRO) countries and searching using the web of science, PubMed, SciVerse Scopus, Google scholar, and MEDLINE databases. The keywords entered were all EMRO countries (Afghanistan, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Islamic republic Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Morocco, Oman, Pakistan, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arab, Somalia, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, Yemen republic, and Cyprus) and asthma OR chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) OR (chronic bronchitis). Our definition of asthma and COPD was according to the World Health Organization (WHO). A total of 92 published articles were identified. The pooled prevalence of asthma and COPD was 9.38 (confidence interval [CI]: 9.20-9.55) and 5.39 (CI: 5.17-5.62), respectively. There were no articles about COPD and asthma in Bahrain and Djibouti; no articles about asthma in Jordan and Libyan Arab Jamahiriya; and no articles about COPD in Afghanistan, Iraq, Oman, Palestine, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen republic. The highest prevalence of asthma was observed in Kuwait, and the highest prevalence of COPD was observed in Pakistan. The EMRO countries have inadequate research and data in the areas of asthma and COPD. More efforts and relevant studies must be conducted to understand the countrywide prevalence and real burden of these diseases.

Young child and maternal sleep in the Middle East

BackgroundThis study aimed to characterize sleep patterns and sleep problems in a large sample of infants and toddlers (from birth to three years) and their mothers in Arabic-speaking families in the Middle East and compare the results to those living in predominantly Asian and predominantly Caucasian countries/regions. MethodsMothers of 669 young children (from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Algeria, United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Morocco, Iraq, Kuwai, Oman, Palestinian territories, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Bahrain, Israel, and other Arab countries) completed an Internet-based expanded version of the Brief Infant Sleep Questionnaire, Daily Infant Mood Scale, and the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index. ResultsOverall, children and their mothers in the Middle East slept on a shifted schedule, with late bedtimes and waketimes compared to those from predominantly Asian and predominantly Caucasian countries/regions. Almost all families room-shared with their children, although less than half bed-shared. A significant percentage of parents perceived that their child had a sleep problem (37%), with a high prevalence of poor sleep in mothers (72%). Parent-reported child mood was modestly associated with sleep patterns but more so with parent-perceived sleep problems. Parent-perceived sleep problems in their young child were predicted by bedtimes, prevalence of a bedtime routine, and night wakings. ConclusionsOverall, both young children and their mothers in the Middle East have a delayed sleep schedule, going to bed late in the evening and waking up late in the morning. Sleep was associated with mood outcomes, with bedtimes, bedtime routines, and falling asleep independently predicting sleep outcomes. The high prevalence of sleep problems in both the infants and toddlers and their mothers supports the need for sleep to be addressed by pediatric and adult healthcare practitioners.

The Current and the Potential Future Relevance of the Responsibility to Protect in the Light of Libya

The United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) on the situation in Libyan Arab Jamahiriya activating the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle was a significant shift in the Council’s action vis-a-vis mass atrocities. Some observers have considered these as landmark resolutions, signaling the readiness of the council to take action when outrageous conduct shocks the conscience of mankind. For others, however, the challenges that have resulted from the actions authorized by the Security Council, particularly in Libya are likely to constrain future council action in this important area.

Libyan Arab Spring… the Fall of the Dictatorship or the Fall into the Abyss, A CDA Study from CNN's Ideological Perspective

The current study examines the Arab spring uprising consequences in Libya as reflected by CNN within its online news report. The primary goal is to unearth CNN's embedded ideological view concerning the internal conflict in Libya investigating and showing the discoursal positive ''Self'' and negative ''Other'' representations. CNN'S macro and micro structures were analyzed. At the macro level, the semantic macrostructure of CNN's article was summarized to establish its global meaning. At the micro level, the syntactic, lexical and rhetorical structures of CNN's online news article were analyzed to establish its local meaning. Within the ideological analysis, the CNN's online news article was discussed to establish CNN's ideological positive ''Self'' (in-group) and negative ''Other'' (out-group) presentations. In general, the study is an attempt to explain how a single reality-Libyan internal conflict- is viewed and dealt with by CNN. This can be achieved within the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA). To conduct this qualitative study, the researchers adopted van Dijk's theory of Macrostructures (1980), van Dijk's theory of ideological square (1998) and Wodak's approach of Discourse- historical (2001, 2009). Furthermore, Fairclough's model for media discourse analysis was utilized to organize the analytical process. The study approved that CNN succeeded to reflect its ideological view. It expressed its support to the Libyan government (and its army) presented as the positive "Self" (in-group) and antagonism against Ansar al-Sharia militia (the Islamists) presented as the negative "Other" (out-group).

The Correlation Between External and Internal Factors of the Libyan Crisis

Abstract: Nowadays, the region of Middle East and North Africa has become a "testing ground" where the competition between the great powers takes place . The importance of this region is determined by its geopolitical position, concentration of large natural resources, as well as the fact that it represents the greatest threat to the international security - the bases of terrorist organizations, the strengthening role of the group "Islamic State", drug trafficking and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya was one of the most developed and richest countries on the African continent: the crisis events of 2011, which resulted in the overthrow of the government, the murder of Muammar Gaddafi and the crisis in the country. From the viewpoint of the neoclassical realism the Libyan crisis is explored in the article. The causes of the crisis (both internal and external) as as well as the interests of the great powers - the United States of America, France and Britain are analyzed.

Judge Bork's Remarkable Adherence to Unremarkable Principles of National Security Law

The late Judge Robert H. Bork is usually remembered as an eminent jurist and scholar in the fields of antitrust law and constitutional law. His judicial opinions and his writings, especially The Antitrust Paradox and The Tempting of America, are certainly standards in these areas. Judge Bork, however, also deserves acclaim for his contributions to other fields of law. One extremely important subject, in which Judge Bork’s judicial work has received little attention, is the law pertaining to national security and U.S. foreign relations. This essay discusses Judge Bork’s opinions in four important D.C. Circuit cases: Demjanjuk v. Meese, Persinger v. Islamic Republic of Iran, Finzer v. Barry, and Tel-Oren v. Libyan Arab Republic. In these cases, Judge Bork identified and followed nine very traditional principles of law concerning national security and foreign relations. These principles were so clear and well-established that at the time they seemed unremarkable. Indeed, while scrutinizing nearly every other aspect of Judge Bork’s records, proponents and opponents of his nomination to the Supreme Court said very little about his opinions in these cases. How Judge Bork addressed the law in the area of national security and U.S. foreign relations is a subject that deserves a fresh look in light of important Supreme Court litigation arising out of the War on Terror. In a series of cases, often decided by the narrowest of margins, Justices of the Supreme Court have effectively rejected each of the nine traditional principles that Judge Bork applied in his D.C. Circuit opinions. Contrasting the Supreme Court’s controversial decisions in these cases to Judge Bork’s very different and more restrained approach reveals another aspect of what was lost when the Senate failed to confirm Judge Bork’s nomination to the Supreme Court in 1987.

Male Infertility in Libyan Arab Jamahiriya

Male infertility is also an important social problem. 160 male subjects were examined in Libya. 90.00% subjects were between the age of 20-30 years. Out of 160 male, 60 (37.50%) were normospermic, 60 (37.53%) oligospermic, 28 (17.50%) azoospermic and 12 (7.5%) were necrospermic. So, 63.50% subjects had fertility problem.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329.bjms.v1i3.17910

R2P after Libya and Syria: Engaging Emerging Powers

The use of force� /no matter how benevolent, enlightened, or impartial in intent� /has dramatic consequences. It shapes the struggle for power and helps to determine the outcome of political contests, which is why it is inherently controversial. It is why international debates about Libya� /the first road test of the Responsibility to Protect’s (R2P) coercive element (also known as Pillar Three)� /were understandably contentious. Pillar Three is defined as ‘‘the responsibility of Member States to respond collectively in a timely and decisive manner when a State is manifestly failing to provide ... / protection.’’ 1 While peaceful means of response are primarily preferred, should that prove inadequate to ensure protection, the international community should use more robust action: ‘‘no strategy for fulfilling the responsibility to protect would be complete without the possibility of collective enforcement measures, including through sanctions or coercive military action in extreme cases.’’ 2