Today, governments readily recognize international tourism as a salient economic and political factor. They routinely restrict or facilitate travel in accordance with the state of foreign relations and few would dispute that tourist impressions, those left by citizens abroad as well as those gained by foreign visitors, affect their international reputation. The U.S. State Department even reminds all its passport holders of their duty as “citizen diplomats” when traveling abroad.1 As one study has noted, cross-border tourism is now “inseparable from the field of international relations.”2 However, just when and why leisure travel became a field of foreign policy concern is considerably less clear. To be sure, travel and diplomacy have by their very nature been connected for long.3 Yet, diplomatic historians have only relatively recently begun to explore modern tourism as a serious factor in foreign affairs. Christopher Endy was among the first to probe the foreign policy implications of tourism, illustrating how “private travel shaped the global outlook of hundreds of thousands [of U.S. travelers]” in the late nineteenth century. 4 Scholars have since underlined just how strongly international travel informed national images and imaginations, emphasizing, for instance, its central role in strengthening or contesting imperial mindsets.5 As far as the history of state tourism policies is concerned, much attention has focused on how interwar autocracies such as the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Franco’s Spain began to employ cross-border tourism to gain international sympathy and foreign currency.6 For example, Nazi Germany systematically drew on tourism to project an image of normality at home and abroad, effectively sugarcoating the brutal nature of its rule.7 During the Cold War, too, both sides treated tourism as a political tool and used it to foster the economic and ideological integration of their respective zones of influence.8 Long dismissed as a trivial and inconsequential form of travel, tourism is now recognized to have been a potent foreign policy factor for much of the twentieth century.