Legitimation Of Political Power Research Articles

ПОЛИТИКА ПАМЯТИ В ЛЕГИТИМАЦИИ ВЛАСТИ ПОСТСОВЕТСКИХ ГОСУДАРСТВ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ОСНОВНЫХ НАУЧНЫХ ТЕОРИЙ

The formation of political regimes in the republics of the former USSR is helped by the implementation of an active symbolic policy, which contributes to the legitimation of power in the majority of states formed after 1991. The presented article reflects scientific theories and approaches to the phenomenology of symbolic politics considered in the interaction of the political power of new polities and social strata and population groups of these states. The relevance of the chosen topic of the article lies in the study of the algorithm for the implementation of symbolic politics in new conditions that influence the legitimation and strengthening of political power in new states. Field research: political institutions, processes and technologies. The purpose of the article is to present and justify the author’s definition and phenomenology of the symbolic politics of post-Soviet states in line with scientific theories and approaches to understanding the role of states and public policy. The subject of the study is the essential characteristics of symbolic politics in the processes of legitimation of political regimes in the republics of the former USSR. As a result of the research conducted by the author, on the basis of scientific theories and approaches to public policy, the essence of the symbolic policy pursued in the states of the post-Soviet space is substantiated. Problem statement: the constructed collective historical memory and political mythology in the post-Soviet space, implemented by state institutions and non-state actors, provides a solution to the following problems. In particular, the legitimation of political power, the success of the formation of civil identity and the construction of a political nation. The study of successful examples of symbolic policies of new states has a chance of practical application in the Russian Federation.

Digital legitimization of political power

The rapid development of information and communication technologies creates new opportunities not only for science, technology and society, but also for political power and governance. Global capitalism is being replaced by platform imperialism. Political power and the state apparatus now have ample opportunities to improve their performance, from the use of algorithmic management based on big data and digital control of the population to increasing trust in the decisions they make by creating the possibility of direct communication between citizens and public authorities through digital platforms. This paper will examine the specifics of legitimizing power through communication platforms, both at the level of a single state and in the international arena. The theoretical framework of this paper is the systematic analysis of D. Easton. Easton. F. Sсharpf and W. Schmidt. Also, to understand the peculiarities of platform interaction M. Foucault's concept of governmentality is involved. The work examines not only the peculiarities of the legitimization of power at the national and global level in the era of digitalization, but also analyzes the types of legitimacy of political decisions made through regional and global platforms.

Paradigmi mitico-simbolici del potere per un’ermeneutica dell’ordine politico nel nostro tempo

Power escapes defnitions and categorizations; it must be analyzed, instead, in the specifc forms of relationship and manifestation, from a critical-hermeneutic perspective, in order to understand its symbolic nature and constitutive structure. For this aim, I propose the analysis of some fundamental mythical-symbolic paradigms: the contention between the brothers Cain and Abel, and the Zeus-Prometheus relationship in the myth of the same name. The two cases shed light both on the problem of the legitimization of political power, and on the analysis of the symbolic power/knowledge paradigm, which are the theoretical coordinates of ideology.

A hombros de la Falange: representation, affect and mourning in fascist Spain

ABSTRACT After the Spanish Civil War, mourning was a quasi-political affective practice: an emotional performance that cannot be translated to the language of the state but is inextricable from the political. As a lesser known but paradigmatic example, the exhumation and relocation from Alicante to El Escorial of fascist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera reveals how the public display of emotions was assumed to play an important role in the legitimation of political power. It also demonstrated the deliberate work and attention that went into constructing a national emotional hegemony. Relying on a chronicle of the event by veteran Falange partisans Samuel Ros and Antonio Bouthelier and on insights from Alison Jaggar and Margaret Wetherell, this essay shows how emotions are culturally specific performances, deeply embedded in relations of power. The reburial of José Antonio expressed a social group’s feelings but also their interpretation of the political significance of such feelings. Falangist mourning both secured that group’s political standing and challenged the legitimacy of alternative emotional performances, but it also betrayed anxieties about the (emotional, political, aesthetic) challenges of their performance of mourning. These ranged from the identification of nation, party and landscape to the strict division and regulation of gender performances. Despite its best efforts to present a unified emotional landscape and a spectacle of male homosocial bonding, the chronicle registers unspontaneous choreographies of emotion, the struggle for hegemony within Francoist factions, gendered indiscipline and undesired emotional displays that did not conform to the new state’s authority.

Constructing Solidarity in Belarusian Press during the Soviet Period

The results of a study of the discourse of solidarity in the Soviet Russian-language press of Belarus of the post-war period on the basis of the publications of the newspaper “Sovetskaya Belorussia” is presented in the article. The directions of solidarity in media discourse are determined depending on the inclusion of an object in the group of “friends” or “aliens”. Attention is paid to the construction of solidarity both in publications about the internal life of the country and in articles about the “Western” states and countries of the socialist camp. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the means of solidarity of the media audience in different historical periods, including during crises. The novelty of the research is seen in the fact that the objects for analysis are newspaper texts with a pragmatic goal-setting of constructing solidarity. The key words of the media discourse of solidarity of the Soviet period are revealed: lexemes with the meaning of compatibility; words labeling “friends” according to the class principle; units emphasizing the responsibility of a person for a joint business; vocabulary of the semantic groups “Struggle” and “Labour”. It has been proved that the solidarity constructed by the mass media was aimed at the awareness of the citizens of the country of their involvement in the common cause and common values, at the legitimization of political power and the formation of mutual understanding between members of society.

The Legitimation of Political Power: The Ancient and Contemporary Experience

The Legitimation of Political Power: The Ancient and Contemporary Experience

Legality, legitimacy and legitimation of political power: theoretical analysis

In this article author examines the nature of the legitimacy of power, correlates the concepts of “legitimacy” and “legality”. The author also analyzes the difference between legitimation and legitimacy and reports the factors and causes of the crisis of legitimacy of political power. The term “delegitimization” is considered, the reasons and conditions for its occurrence are specified.

Champassak royal sacred Buddha images, power and political geography

What is the relationship between Buddha images and the legitimization of political power over space? What understandings exist amongst royals concerning regaining spatial power associated with Buddha images? This article considers these questions with a particular focus on the Champassak Royal House, a royal family that was originally spatially constituted through the territorial control it had over present-day southern Laos and some neighbouring areas. To do this, the article draws upon two case studies, one centred on an important Buddha image in the 18th century, the other more contemporary and linked to Buddha images and exiled members of the Champassak Royal House. Buddha images have long played an important role in constituting and defining sacred geographies, and thus political power, in Champassak, as has similarly been the case in other parts of mainland Southeast Asia.

ONDEMOCRATISCHE VERKIEZINGEN?

UNDEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS? Legitimacy, fraud and mistrust in democracy Even if elections are a contested aspect of democracy, the free and fair elections of political representatives play a pivotal role in the legitimation of political power. Election fraud was, and still is, a main threat to this form of democratic legitimacy. But even in countries with low levels of fraud and corruption, electoral democracy is undermined by a growing mistrust of representative institutions and their capacity to serve the interest of the people.

Populist determinants of legitimation of political power in democratic societies

Political reflection is subjected to the phenomenon of populism; populist examines the factors of legitimation of political power in a democratic society; analyzes the phenomenon of populism, its meanings and manifestations of Ukrainian political reality; different aspects of populism in the context of political struggle and political uncertainty, the constancy of economic crisis events; explain the causes and consequences of broad-based commitment and the prevalence of populist ideas in various democracies in the world.

Companion to Empire: A Genealogy of the Written Word in Spain and New Spain, c. 550–1550 (review)

Reviewed by: Companion to Empire: A Genealogy of the Written Word in Spain and New Spain, c. 550–1550 Michael Agnew Keywords Writing, Empire, Law, St. Isidore of Seville, Alfonso X, Antonio Nebrija, Pietro Martire d’anghiera, Nuño de Guzmán, Siete Partidas David Rojinsky. Companion to Empire: A Genealogy of the Written Word in Spain and New Spain, c. 550–1550. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2010. 300 pp. The recent controversy around the publication of the Diccionario biográfico español by the Real Academia de la Historia1 raises questions germane to this [End Page 127] excellent study by David Rojinsky on the subject of empire and writing, principally in juridical and historiographic modes, from the early Middle Ages to the early colonial period in the Iberian Peninsula and Spain’s New World colonies. Regardless of the evident ideological bias and epistemological shortcomings of the Diccionario in laying out history along the coordinates of generaciones y semblanzas (whatever our feelings about totalizing discourses, we can, after all, invariably find something useful in a decent biographical encyclopedia), the polemic around the Academia’s costly, publicly-funded project conjures up the ghosts of imperial illusions and the realities of writing deployed as an instrument of political power that Rojinsky examines with such acumen in his exploration of the concept of imperium and its links to the written word. The most sensational criticism of the Diccionario pertains to the biography of Francisco Franco, entrusted to the historian of the Catholic Monarchs, Luis Suárez Fernández, a well-known defender of the dictator. The grotesque responses from the Academia’s director (including statements whose blatant sexism makes them almost comical) betray the conservatism of an institution that is a holdover from a time when Ancien Régime elites sought to legitimate the political, social and cultural order with the creation of royal academies to regulate language, supervise the historical record, and subordinate the sciences and the arts to the authority of the Crown. The controversy also reflects the uneasy situation in a country where nationalism conjures up the authoritarianism of the recent past and black legends from centuries before, as well as contemporary political and cultural rivalries at the regional level. There is always an inherent defensiveness in projects such as a biographical dictionary drafted according to a notion (“Spain”) that is an anachronism at best when applied to earlier periods of history in the Iberian Peninsula. Seneca in this encyclopedia is implicitly as much a “Spaniard” as Pedro Almodóvar—recalling, in turn, efforts by medieval and early modern ideologues to claim the philosopher from another empire for imperia of their own. Rojinsky’s study scrutinizes this very sort of anachronism in the legitimation of political power at several emblematic moments in the millennium spanning the sixth through the sixteenth centuries (Isidore, Alfonso X, Nebrija, the colonization of the New World). This is no small task. He marshals an impressive and varied array of sources for his arguments, and his book has the distinct virtue of examining texts in Castilian as well as Latin and native Mesoamerican languages. Though increasingly scholars of the early modern period in Europe are directing their gaze across the seas, east-, south- and westward, studies like Rojinsky’s are still rare, not only for his Transatlantic focus but also for his deft examination of related premodern phenomena. The book is not a facile narrative plumbing the Middle Ages for the origins of early modern empire. On the contrary, in a Nietzschean or Foucauldian vein, Rojinsky presents what have been standard way stations in canonical accounts of the development of political institutions and the evolution of Latin to Spanish not as points on a continuous teleological line but rather as unique moments when related concepts, discourses, and technologies are deployed in historically and culturally specific ways. His book militates, in other words, against transhistorical continuities and essences. Rojinsky is of course not blind to the fact that [End Page 128] ideologues and jurists from later periods habitually turned to earlier texts in order to bolster claims to political authority, and he provides numerous examples of this (Jiménez de Rada and Isidore; the Siete Partidas and the...

LINEAGE AND SOCIETY IN PRECOLONIAL UGANDA

ABSTRACTThis article examines the changing nature of patrilineality in east-central Uganda from the sixth century. While traditional anthropological models of lineality have been largely dismissed in recent scholarship, the problem remains that patrilineages and patriclans have played important roles in the lives of the Ganda, Gwere, Soga and their North Nyanza ancestors. By carefully examining changes and continuities in the form and content of patrilineality it becomes possible to understand it as historically contingent. In North Nyanza, patrilineal descent was the norm for inheritance and for household formation, but relationships formed through mothers were also crucial in the creation of new communities and in the legitimation of political power. This was not static: as communities negotiated their changing circumstances, so they adapted the form of their particular patrilineality to serve their needs.

Buenos Aires en Armas. La revolución de 1880

Es reseña de: Buenos Aires en Armas. La revolución de 1880 Hilda Sábato Buenos Aires : Siglo XXI Editores, 2008

The Disarmament of God: Ezekiel 38-39 in Its Mythic Context

The Disarmament of God: Ezekiel 38-39 in Its Mythic Context, by Paul E. Fitzpatrick. CBQMS 37. Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 2004. Pp. xvii + 243. $11.50 (paper). ISBN 0915170361. Fitzpatrick assumes that the final form of Ezekiel is literary work of integrity, although the entire book does not derive from Ezekiel. This last (and late) book should be understood as resulting from efforts to actualize the myths of Israel and the ancient Near East. The first chapter (pp. 1-48) reviews rather thoroughly the critical study of Ezekiel 38-39 within the context of the book of Ezekiel, including first phase (ca. 1830-1900), when most scholars attributed the whole book to Ezekiel himself and thus took it to be unified literary work (e.g., S. R. Driver); second phase (ca. 1900-1950), when most studies underlined the unrelatedness of Ezekiel 38-39 to its context and generally assigned it to later date; and third phase (1950-present; twenty-nine authors), when many take into account successive redactional layers in the book (e.g., Walther Zimmerli), most discern clear evidence of redaction plus more elements (interruption, misplacement, etc.), and others, although sensitive to greater unity in the work, fail to evaluate its mythic elements. That is where Fitzpatrick takes up the task. Chapter 2 (pp. 49-73) deals with the significance of myth. Fitzpatrick makes no reference to the structuralist approach (i.e., Claude Levi-Strauss) but progresses quickly from Lucien Levy-Bruhl to Paul Ricoeur: myths are efforts to respond to experiences of superhuman powers, whether in polytheistic or monotheistic contexts, and consideration of the two concepts of (constant remaking of myth, integrating new data) and mythopoietic (inetaphoric use of mythic images, i.e., in literature). The aim of this chapter is to expound the importance and form of combat narrative or fundamental conflict between chaos and order. From the third millennium until the second century A.D., Chaoskampf dominated cosmogony and the legitimation of political power (monarchy): the victory of the divine warrior and his enthronement followed by the completion of his temple, process of legitimation that linked divine kingship with creation. There remains between the original victory and final ordering of creation an interval where earthly kingship acts and where there is room for Ezekiel 38-39. The major decisive struggle there stands rightly between Ezekiel 1-37 and 40-48. The Ugaritic Baal myth appears most useful in depicting the unfinished quality of cosmogony. The final form of Ezekiel draws new mythopoeic conclusion to the story of the victory of the Creator over chaos, renewed source of eschatological hope for Israel in historical distress. Chapter 3 (pp. 74-81) studies briefly textual links between the Gog pericope and other sections of Ezekiel (vocabulary', formulas, but no comparison of narrative structures). Chapter 4 is the exegetical study of Ezekiel 38-39 itself: a cosmogony completed or a covenant of peace fulfilled. Although the division of the text remains elusive, three heroes make up three main phases: Gog in 38:2-17; YHWH and the forces of nature instrumentalized in 38:18-39:8; and the creation, after the battle, in 39:9-20 and 21-29. The subject matter is ultimate cosmic battle, and its topos is eschatology at the center of the earth (not Jerusalem); at stake is the promised covenant of peace (see Ezekiel 34; 37). The vast burial remains Israel's responsibility. The victory feast that follows (rather oddly) is sequence that asks for investigations into myth. …

Civil society and Islam: a sociological perspective

Recent political developments in Iran, Turkey, Egypt and Algeria, among others, suggest the possible emergence of an indigenous Islamic path of democratic formation. However, the conventional western interpretations, of religion, and in particular of Islam, leave little room for the recognition of the actual, complex development of such Islamic countries. Defining Islam and modernity as two more or less incompatible phenomena fails to recognize the potentialities of developing modern democratic Islamic societies with their cultural elements and particularities. Many Muslim countries themselves fail to see or are unwilling to recognize their own civil societies and their dynamic potentialities and to accept, in Locke's term, ‘the sovereignty of civil society’. Although the notion of a traditional civil society in the Islamic countries is controversial, I contend that neither individualism nor democratic institutions have been or are necessary for a civil society to exist. The basis of a civil society is the existence of influential civil groups and their institutions that can, through established mechanisms counterbalance state power. Analyzing civil society in Muslim countries requires that we recognize Islam not only as a religion, but also as a political theory and the major source of a legitimization of political power.

The Legitimation of Political Power.

The Legitimation of Political Power.

Islamicist Utopia and Democracy

This article addresses democratic construction in Islamic societies throughout the Algerian experience. Its main conclusions can be summarized as follows. First, in all Muslim societies, there exists an Islamicist utopia that stands as an obstacle not only to democracy but also to political modernity. Until now, this utopia has been contained only by repression that finally impedes the democratization. Second, Islam presents itself as a public religion that participates in the legitimization of political power. The democratic ideology, however, is compatible with religion to the extent that it is lived as a private concern. Finally, the Islamicist utopia and the public aspect of Islam aim at maintaining society's communal structures. They refuse to make the singularity of the political arena independent and reject differentiation through politics within a society that claims to be fraternal.

Gudur : Chefferie ou royaume ?

C. Jouatjx — Gudur: A Complex Political System. Given the dimculty of precisely and pertinently qualifying the Gudur political System, it is necessary to start by describing political reality there. The Gudur foundation myth is used to analyze the basis and legitimation of political power in this society. Defining the status of the Gudur chief-priest (Bay) and describing how he exercises power leads to distinguishing " power zones": the Gudur mountain range where this officiai dwells; the "brother" ranges that recognize real bonds of kinship with Gudur; and the ranges in Mofu-Gudur areas. There may even have been a fourth zone covering the neighboring peoples who made pilgrimages to the Gudur area, but the Bay's power there was more symbolic than real. Although his power had a religious essence and was fully displayed in the religious sphere, it intervened concretely in the social, juridical and economie management of dependent communities. Its reality keeps us, when trying to classify the Gudur political institution as either a "reinforced chiefdom" or kingdom, from establishing a parallel with sacred kingships such as the Bemba's where only "ritual actions" ensure unity.

Of Meanings & Masters: Political Symbolism & Symbolic Action

Studies of political symbolism and symbolic action fall into two competing traditions: that of meanings, which emphasizes the positive role symbols play in the integration of society, and that of masters, which stresses the use of political symbols in manipulation. While each of these frameworks contributes an important perspective to the analysis of political symbolism, neither, the author of this article argues, is sufficient unto itself. She proposes a multi-dimensional approach which accommodates these traditions and integrates them into an analysis of interests which yields a fuller appreciation of the role symbols and symbolic action play in the legitimation of political power.