Left-right Position Research Articles

Perceptions of policy responsiveness: the effects of egocentric and sociotropic congruence

While policy responsiveness is a central criterion for successful democratic representation, little is known about citizens’ perceptions of whether governments are responsive to citizens’ preferences. This article asks how citizens’ perceptions of policy responsiveness are affected by egocentric and sociotropic congruence, that is, how distant the government is from their own and the median citizen’s position. Studying this question with cross-national European data, it is found that citizens consistently perceive governments that are close to their own positions as more responsive. In contrast, a significant effect of sociotropic congruence emerges only for the left-right scale but not for specific policy issues. Moreover, citizens react negatively to the government being distant from the median left-right position only when they themselves are also distant from the government. Overall, these findings indicate that citizens’ perceptions of policy responsiveness crucially hinge on whether they are personally well represented by government policy.

Deep Circumflex Iliac Artery-vascularized Iliac Bone Graft for Femoral Head Osteonecrosis: Computed Tomography Anatomical Study.

Deep circumflex iliac artery (DCIA)-vascularized iliac graft transposition is a method for treating femoral head osteonecrosis but with inconsistent efficacy. We aim to improve the method of this surgery by recommending the optimal location of the iliac pedicle to satisfy the vascular length for transposition and the blood supply of the vascularized iliac graft. The DCIA and its surrounding tissues were assessed on computed tomography angiography images for 100 sides (left and right) of 50 patients. The length of the vascular pedicle required for transposition and the length of the pedicle at different iliac spine positions were compared. The diameter and cross-sectional area of the DCIA and the distance between the DCIA and iliac spine were measured at different points to assess blood supply. We also compared differences in sex and left-right position. The diameter and cross-sectional area of the DCIA gradually decreased after crossing the anterior superior iliac spine (ASIS), and it approached the iliac bone. However, when the DCIA was 4 cm behind the ASIS (54 sides, 54%), it coursed posteriorly and superiorly away from the iliac spine. The vascular length of the pedicle was insufficient to transpose the vascularized iliac graft to the desired position when it was within 1 cm of the ASIS. The vascular length requirement was satisfied, and the blood supply was sufficient when the pedicle was positioned at 2 or 3 cm. To obtain a satisfactory pedicle length and sufficient blood supply, the DCIA pedicle of the vascularized iliac graft should be placed 2 to 3 cm behind the ASIS. The dissection of DCIA has slight differences in sex and left-right position due to anatomical differences.

Intra-party heterogeneity and voter perceptions of party positions

Do voters correctly perceive left-right positions of political parties? This question received considerable attention in the literature in the past decades. Previous research has shown that most voters have somewhat ‘correct’ perceptions of where parties are located on a left-right dimension, but that both individual and party level factors influence how much those perceptions deviate from the real positions. This paper adds to this literature, relaxing the unitary actor assumption and introducing heterogeneity to the analysis. Using data from elite surveys to measure intraparty preference heterogeneity on two dimensions, I demonstrate that voters' misperceptions of party positions strongly increase the more heterogeneous the positions of party elites are on the economic dimension, but not on the sociocultural dimension, and that the effect size depends on how salient this dimension is for the party. The findings have implications for future research on mass-elite linkages, representation, as well as voting behavior.

“It's the ideology, stupid!”: Trust in the press, ideological proximity between citizens and journalists and political parallelism. A comparative approach in 17 countries

Matching national surveys with the dataset offered by the Worlds of Journalism Study network (2012–2016), this article presents an analysis of trust in the press covering 16 European countries and the United States. Drawing from the spatial proximity model of voter utility, this article focuses on the ideological proximity between journalists’ and citizens’ left-right positions as a determinant of trust in the press. We expect a positive relationship between these two variables. However, we also hypothesize that the strength of such relationship is mediated by the type of media model (according to Hallin and Mancini's classification) existing in the different countries. In particular, we expect a higher impact within those contexts where the level of political parallelism is higher. The statistical results are as expected. This article highlights that news media trust research should focus more thoroughly on the interaction and interrelation of news media, audience, and politics. The article brings also implications about the concept of political parallelism in journalism and how it is received by readers.

Two is Better than One? Testing a Deductive MARPOR-based Left-Right Index on Western Europe (1999-2019)

Most of the existing indexes measuring parties’ left-right positions through Manifesto Project (MARPOR) data, including the ‘RILE’, share a partially or fully inductive nature and an underlying assumption of left-right unidimensionality. However, as the structure of party competition in contemporary Western Europe has been recently moving away from traditional ‘left-libertarian/right-authoritarian’ patterns, the inductive and unidimensional characteristics of such instruments may hinder the quality of their measurements. In this article, I introduce and develop a new left-right instrument, which is wholly deductive and relies on an explicit linkage with theoretical sources in the conceptualisation of economic and cultural left and right as the basis for the subsequent index operationalisation through the justified selection of MARPOR items. After deriving the individual deductive economic and cultural left-right scores and employing them in the mathematical formalisation of a synthetic left-right measure to be compared with existing unidimensional instruments, I perform a comparison between the new left-right index and the RILE. Both instruments are empirically tested on a dataset made covering the 20-year period between 1999 and 2019 in 16 Western European countries, for a total of 72 elections and 474 party-election combinations. More specifically, the statistical probes take the form of rank correlation analyses between the election-specific left-right rankings of each index and those provided by the external benchmark of the “Chapel Hill Expert Survey” (CHES). Results are mixed and indicate that, whilst more traditional patterns of competition seem to still apply across the board in pre-Great-Recession years, the new left-right index is a more valid measure of parties’ left-right positions both in the ‘turbulent times’ of the 2010s and in the vast majority of the areas across the region. This is especially true in Southern Europe, for which the RILE is known to be particularly problematic. Hence, this work calls for further discussion on the different patterns of Western European party competition across space and time, as well as differentiated and context-specific deductive left-right measurement.

How Does the Horizontal Position of Pictures and Text Affect Product Evaluation? Based on Left and Right Position Effect.

Due to the untouchability of online shopping environment, image and text description, as two main ways of product information display, are important indicators for consumers to evaluate products. However, few studies have discussed the synergistic effects of image and text information on consumers. In the present study, in conjunction with the left-right position effect, we examine the expectation that horizontal placement of visual stimuli in different directions has a strong influence on consumers’ product evaluation preferences. This implicit assumption is based on consumers’ unconscious psychological need for closure when processing information. The authors conducted three studies to investigate the relative effects of image information and text statements at different locations in online shopping pages on consumer product evaluations. The results show that: (1) when the evaluation object is a search product, compared with the display mode of left text-right image, the display mode of left image-right text plays a more significant role in consumer product evaluation. The results of experiential products were just the opposite. The way of presenting the text declaration on the left and image on the right has a stronger impact on consumers’ evaluation preference for experiential products (Study 1 and Study 3). (2) The difference in consumers’ evaluation mode of different presentation sequences based on product attributes is driven by their visual information processing fluency (Study 2). These preferences are robust, and it is worth noting that only the order of graphic presentation has no significant influence on consumer product evaluation preference.

Radiological characteristics and diagnostic impact of duplicated right adrenal veins on adrenal venous sampling in primary aldosteronism.

We aimed to analyze the prevalence and radiological characteristics of duplicated right adrenal veins (DRAVs) and evaluate the diagnostic impact of adrenal venous sampling (AVS) in primary aldosteronism. DRAVs were retrospectively identified among patients who underwent segmental AVS between April 2017 and March 2020. DRAVs were defined as main or accessory according to the drainage area. The diameter, position, hormone levels, and treatment plan based on AVS were compared between main and accessory RAVs, using the Wilcoxon rank-sum test. Fourteen of 432 patients (3.2%) were diagnosed with DRAVs. On venography, the mean diameters of the main and accessory side were 3±0.63 mm and 2.1±0.41 mm, respectively, and were significantly different (p < 0.001). The mean relative position in craniocaudal direction of main and accessory veins from the adrenal caudal edge on computed tomography was 65.5%±16.0%, and 48.1%±16.8%, respectively, which was significantly different (p = 0.007). The left-right positions and hormone levels were not significantly different. Based on conventional AVS, the treatment plan between DRAVs was not changed in six of eight patients, but changed from surgery to medication in two patients with right aldosterone-producing adenoma (APA)/microadenoma based on segmental AVS findings. DRAVs, in which the main RAV was thicker and more cranially located than the accessory RAV were rare. Depending on blood sampled from either of DRAVs, the diagnosis made through conventional AVS might change treatment approach from surgery to medication, especially with right APA. Hence, their identification is important to make an accurate subtyping by AVS.

Are Irish voters moving to the left?

ABSTRACT The Irish party system has been an outlier in comparative politics. Ireland never had a left-right divide in parliament, and for decades, the dominant centrist political parties competed around a centre-right policy agenda. The absence of an explicit left-right divide in party competition suggested that Irish voters, on average, occupy centre-right policy preferences. Combining survey data since 1973 and all Irish election studies between 2002 and 2020, we show that the average Irish voter now leans to the centre-left. We also show that income has recently emerged as a predictor of left-right self-placement, and that left-right positions increasingly structure vote choice. These patterns hold when using policy preferences on taxes, spending, and government interventions to reduce inequality as alternative indicators. We outline potential explanations for this leftward shift, and conclude that these developments might be anchored in economic inequalities and the left populist strategies of Sinn Féin.

Oppositional voting in the Council of the EU between 2010 and 2019: Evidence for differentiated politicisation

This article presents a new and previously unchartered dataset on roll call votes for all 28 member states in the Council of the EU between 2010 and 2019 and studies the effects of politicisation on governments' oppositional voting in the different policy areas. We contribute to the literature with two main findings. First, our study provides strong evidence for bottom-up politicisation, where Euroscepticism and the left-right positions of national political parties strongly affect governments' voting in the Council. Second, we provide new evidence for a form of differentiated politicisation where ideological standpoints of political parties in government and opposition have different effects on oppositional voting in the various policy areas.

Member States and Audible Communication within the EU Council Working Groups

EU Council working groups still represent a topic that is neglected in EU research. If they are analysed, the effect of socialisation is particularly tested while rationally motivated factors such as a Left-Right position, green/alternative/libertarian (GAL) and traditionalism/authority/nationalism (TAN) positions or approaches towards the EU are left aside. This article analyses how such factors shape the member states’ oral communication at the working groups level. Based on a dataset gathered by non-participatory observation of interventions, the analysis suggests that none of the rationally constructed variables plays a significant role in shaping the audible communication of representatives of the EU member states. The article thus confirms the effect of socialisation on oral communication as well as the influence of structural factors such as member states’ power and the character of the document under discussion.

Media frames, partisan identification and the Australian banking scandal

ABSTRACT In 2017 the Australian government appointed a Royal Commission of inquiry into malfeasance in the banking sector. This article reports findings from a 2018 survey on attitudes to financial regulation and a survey experiment testing different media treatments. Attitudes on financial regulation are distinct from left-right positions on redistributive issues; we find no significant relationship between partisan identification and preferences for financial regulation. In the experimental treatment, all three frames catalysed anger and disgust from readers. However, neither of the two strong partisan frames moved policy preferences. The non-partisan frame – which included messages associated with both left and right, and which linked both parties to systemic capture by the banks – was the only article that had any effect on policy preferences, but only with non-partisan identifiers. Our results suggest that persuasive frames focused on the capture of politics by banking interests can move opinions of swing voters on financial regulation.

Distance, dissatisfaction or a Deficit in attention: why do citizens vote for new parties?

ABSTRACT Why do voters vote for new political parties? This article tests the microfoundations of why voters support new parties. We examine three perspectives: that citizens vote for new parties because the established parties stand distant from the citizens’ left-right position; that they vote for new parties because the existing parties ignore the issues that the citizens prioritize; or that they vote for new parties because the citizens are cynical about established parties in general. Based on an analysis of more than three decades of Dutch Parliamentary Election Surveys, we conclude that all three factors matter but that ideological distance is by far the strongest predictor.

Non causa pro causa: o voto de direita e esquerdano Brasil

Resumo A maioria dos estudos sobre o voto no Brasil converge no diagnóstico de que a escala direita-esquerda não está associada à escolha do eleitorado. Todavia, parte da literatura frequentemente ignora ou desafia tal consenso. Para resolver essa questão, este artigo replica e reanalisa dados de opinião pública utilizados por estudos como evidência de que o eleitorado votaria sim com base na escala direita-esquerda (1989-2014). Os resultados indicam que tais estudos incorrem em equívocos metodológicos que invalidam suas conclusões. A associação estatística entre ideologia e voto é baixa de modo geral e apenas alta em um grupo reduzido de pessoas politicamente mais sofisticadas. Por fim, a análise de dados de painel não encontra evidência de que a associação indique uma relação causal mesmo entre os(as) mais sofisticado(as). Em suma, é preciso buscar novos horizontes na explicação do voto no Brasil.

Does party rhetoric affect voter perceptions of party positions?

Do voters listen to parties? Do they pay attention to and understand parties' policy messages? We explore these questions with two studies. First, we assembled the most comprehensive cross-national dataset on media coverage of parties' rhetoric during election campaigns and show that parties’ media messages about their left-right positions significantly affect voter perceptions of these positions. We corroborate the cross-national results with panel data from the UK that allow us to more rigorously identify the party rhetoric effect and to show that it extends beyond the left-right super issue: party messages affect voter perceptions also on specific issues, such as income redistribution and European integration. Taken together, these findings suggest that voters indeed listen to parties and understand their policy messages.

Inferring party positions across issue dimensions

In this article, we argue that voters use party positions on an issue dimension as a heuristic device to locate parties on other dimensions on which they have less information about. We confirm our argument by fielding two survey experiments in a context with two distinct issue dimensions: the left-right and national dimensions in Catalonia. We find that the position of a hypothetical (but plausible) candidate on a national dimension exerts a great deal of influence on where respondents locate him on the left-right dimension, as well as on a more narrowly-defined socioeconomic dimension, but that the left-right position does not affect the perceived placement on the national divide. This asymmetry can be partly explained by the different nature of these issue domains, and specifically by the distinct ability of the national dimension to activate social group cues that give rise to projection biases. These findings have important implications for our understanding of issue misperceptions and of the strategic choices available to parties in multidimensional policy spaces. The nature of the issue dimension could facilitate why some issue dimensions tend to function as cue givers and others as cue receivers. We discuss the implications of our findings in constraining the strategies available to parties in multidimensional contexts.

Voter Perceptions of Parties' Left-Right Positions: The Role of Party Strategies

Voter Perceptions of Parties' Left-Right Positions: The Role of Party Strategies

The changing meaning of left and right: supply- and demand-side effects on the perception of party positions

ABSTRACT Political conflict is often described in terms of “left” and “right” even though societal conflicts stem from various sub-dimensions such as economic and cultural issues. We argue that individuals map parties’ left-right positions based on party positions on such underlying dimensions, though their impact depends on their importance for parties and citizens. To test this, we study the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) whose programmatic appeal has changed fundamentally in the last years, as have citizens’ issue concerns. Using longitudinal data from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we find that citizens’ perceptions of the AfD’s left-right position are more closely related to the party’s position on specific issues (1) when these issues are prominent in the party’s communication and (2) for citizens that care more about these issues. Moreover, how voters perceive left and right in comparison to parties’ issue emphasis also affects vote choice. Our findings have important implications for the meaning of left and right, electoral behaviour, representation, and party competition.

Party Identification, the Policy Space and Business Donations to Political Parties

Political finance scholars have paid little attention to the partisan preferences of business donors. This was because business donors were overwhelmingly concerned with the left-right dimension and enjoyed stable relationships with centre-right parties. These parties are increasingly tempted by economic nationalism. This new ideological flux provides an opportunity to measure the extent to which donors are party identifiers or react to changes in the policy space. Dramatic shifts in party policy on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions and a relatively transparent political finance regime make the United Kingdom a particularly apposite case to study this question. I analyse 19,000 donations to the Conservative Party and show that business donors reacted strongly to recent shifts on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions. Thus, centre-right parties may not be able to rely on party identification and their left-right position to maintain business funding. Economic nationalism is likely to cost centre-right parties money.

If Money Talks, What Does It Say About Brexit?

Political finance scholars have paid little attention to the partisan preferences of business donors. This was because business donors were overwhelmingly concerned with the left-right dimension and enjoyed stable relationships with centre-right parties. These parties are increasingly tempted by nationalist positions on a globalisation dimension. This new ideological flux provides an opportunity to measure the extent to which donors are party identifiers or react to changes in the policy space. Dramatic shifts in party policy on both dimensions and a relatively transparent political finance regime make the UK a particularly apposite case to study this question. I analyse 19,000 donations to the Conservative Party and show that business donors reacted strongly to recent shifts on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions. Thus, centre-right parties cannot rely on party identification and their left-right position to maintain business funding. Economic nationalism costs centre-right parties money.

Perceptions of parties’ left-right positions: The impact of salience strategies

The left-right dimension is widely used by voters and parties as a ‘super-issue’ with flexible, varying meaning. Hence, it is important to know how voters place parties on the left-right dimension. We argue that voters infer left-right party positions from their positions on two key ideological subdimensions: economic and cultural issues. However, a subdimension should influence party placements on the left-right dimension more if the subdimension is important (1) to the party and (2) in the party system as a whole. In aggregate-level models using voter data from the 2014 European Election Study and party data from the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey, we show that perceived left-right position of a party reflects in particular party positions on issue dimensions that are (1) more important to the party and (2) more salient in the party system. This finding provides insight into the sources of voter perceptions and has wider implications for our understanding of party competition, as we show how parties’ salience strategies can have consequences for position-based ideological perceptions and voting decisions.