At national level in recent years the Trades Union Congress (TUC) has passed resolutions and adopted policies towards women workers which are progressive in terms of women's equality within the trade union movement. t These developments are the result of years of struggle on the part of women within the labour movement and as such are an important gain; however, resolutions are not necessarily translated into practice. On the contrary they often represent a token commitment which bestows upon the unions concerned the appearance of supporting women's struggles, while masking the continued existence of practices within the unions which operate very much against the interests of women workers. While not wishing to belittle the importance of such resolutions, it is certain that passing a resolution is infinitely easier than transforming practices within the trade union movement. Thus, while the trade union leadership may pay lip service to the cause of women's liberation the practices of the union at local level often bear little or no relation to policies at national level. For instance, it is national trade union policy that 'the protective legislation concerning women's employment should not be repealed but strengthened and its provisions extended to men' ( Private correspondence ). However, at local level there are women working permanent nights in bakeries, despite national policy and despite the fact that night work is viewed by many trade union officials and shop stewards as something wholly unsuitable for women, particularly married women. On the other hand, it is seen as acceptable for men and is regarded by many trade unions as an unpleasant but unavoidable fact of working life. The distinction made between men and women in this context is supported by the view that if a woman takes up paid employment, it must fit in with her prior domestic commitments; such opinions constitute part of familial ideology. The conflicting and coexisting ideology of sexual equality, which manifests itself most clearly at the level of national policv, is also present but in a much weaker form at local level and has so far failed to take root, either within the practices of the trade unions or within the attitudes and practices of the women themselves. In this article we explore the attitudes and practices of local shop stewards, union representatives and union officials towards their women members together with the views of the women concerned. We argue that familial ideologies remain dominant over egalitarian ideologies at local level primarily because the material conditions of existence within which men and women live, particularly sexual divisions of labour at work and at home, reinforce familial rather than than egalitarian ideologies. Secondly, the strength of this familial ideology indicates that, so far, despite official policy