In Southeast Asian societies, food has always been at center of diverse forms of contestation over access to land and other productive means, food self-sufficiency, and quality as well as food-based identities.Political struggles and socio-economic differentiation in terms of food production, distribution, and consumption have dramatically intensified in region. This has mainly been caused by enduring periods of agrarian reform, rapid global market integration, as well as processes of industrialization and urbanization in countries traditionally characterized as peasant societies.Scott (1976) elaborates on struggles and resistance of peasantry in Southeast Asia in context of emerging world capitalism and colonial hegemony - fighting against food shortages and exploitation of their subsistence means. Following region's independence from colonial exploitation, protests and other forms of contentious and 'everyday politics' of peasants and farmer organizations (Kerkvliet, 2009) have, of course, not withered but have redirected their claims against and adaptations to another 'food hegemon'. In this regard, Friedmann and McMichael (1989) critically analyze establishment of stateled large-scale plantations for cash crop production in Global South and new socio-economic dependencies produced by Green Revolution. Furthermore, authors address emergence of current corporate food regime during neoliberal phase of capitalism. In this regime, hegemonic power emanates from transnational corporations and international finance institutions, controlling whole food commodity chains on a global scale and subordinating food and agriculture to paradigm of profit-maximization.The region's pathway of Green Revolution technology and concurrent regional and international trade liberalization have gradually and comprehensively led to growing social inequalities and agrarian differentiation. The interests and life-worlds of small-scale producers, landless people, fisher folk, and consumers seem to be threatened by corporate food regime which favors large-scale and capital-and knowledge-intensive industrial food production (Manahan, 2011).Critically addressing this structural violence emanating from dominant food regime, a transnational social movement - La Via Campesina - emerged on global stage in 1990s. In sharp contrast to food security discourse, originally promoted by United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and related international aid agencies stressing need of agricultural modernization to combat world hunger, social movement calls for food sovereignty. Food sovereignty stands for attempt to radically transform global food-based inequalities by advocating an alternative path of small-scale agro-ecological and socially just modernity (McMichael, 2009). Aiming towards the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems (Nyeleni, 2007), it goes beyond global policy agendas aiming to 'feed world' through technocratic fixes that have shaped promotion of Green Revolution in Southeast Asia since 1960s/1970s (Ehlert & Vosemer, in this issue).The alternative agenda of food sovereignty, which continues to be critically addressed as romantic rural nostalgia (Collier, 2008), is making its way into national and international policy arenas, gaining recognition in view of old and new inequalities: The latest global food crisis and high prices of rice constituting Southeast Asia's main staple food (Arandez-Tanchuling, 2011) continue to hit poor households in region as competition over basic productive means like land, water, and seeds intensifies (LVC, 2008). Although strongly rooted in Latin American context (Martinez-Torres & Rosset, 2010), discourse of food sovereignty and its political struggle increasingly gains ground in Southeast Asia (Reyes, 2011). …