Labor Committee Research Articles

Utah gets license for masters in addiction counseling

It took two years of work and a 50‐page report, but Richard Nance got Utah to create a new Office of Professional License Review to be the screening arm of the Division of Professional Licensure. Any new license had to go through an application and review process, he told ADAW. “We were the first,” said Nance, former president of the Association of Utah Substance Abuse Professionals (AUSAP). “In 2023, I had my senator run the [Medication Aide Certified] MAC license bill, but the head of the Senate Business and Labor Committee refused to allow it a committee hearing because it ‘hadn't been through the OPLR process.’ There wasn't an OPLR process yet. Once it was created, I spent the summer of 2023 writing the application and working with the OPLR people to fix errors in the process,” Nance said.

Theoretical and legal structure of working control

The article examines the theoretical and legal structure of workers’ control through the prism of institutions such as workers’ meetings and factory committees, trade unions and Councils that used workers’ control as the main tool in the struggle for power. The author proves that conferences of workers’ committees, charters of factory committees, circulars and instructions regulating the functionality of the meeting of workers and factory committees played a significant role in the regulatory provision of work control. Taking into account the declarative nature of the regulations on factory committees (FPC) on the part of the government, the detailing of the relationship of the FPC with the administration of enterprises took place on the basis of precedents, generalization of the practice of the activities of the FPC of large enterprises in the country and the creation of standard forms of charters and instructions for the FPC. The author focuses on the means of implementing working control, such as constant interaction with the use of verbal and documentary means, with the administration of enterprises and their obligation to investigate the violations identified, which was the beginning of systematic working control over administrative and economic activities with a set of specific control functions and tasks. In addition, the process of centralization of the activities of the Federal Labor Committee is shown, which has become the next step in strengthening and developing working control in the state. The author consistently argues the hypothesis that the enterprises actually had dual power and double subordination. In the current situation, there is a natural need for a centralized document regulating the essence and content of working control.

Rescue, Relief, and Resistance: The Jewish Labor Committee’s Anti-Nazi Operations, 1934–1945

Rescue, Relief, and Resistance: The Jewish Labor Committee’s Anti-Nazi Operations, 1934–1945

Editor's Introduction

Editor's Introduction

Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism

Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism

Privileged Precariat: White Workers and South Africa’s Long Transition to Majority Rule by Danelle van Zyl-Hermann

<i>Privileged Precariat: White Workers and South Africa’s Long Transition to Majority Rule</i> by Danelle van Zyl-Hermann

Mickey Goes to Haiti and Leaves: Disney's Transnational Quest for Cheap Labor in the post-Cold War Era

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Disney and other United States-based companies found themselves in the position to create a “new world order.” The National Labor Committee (NLC), Haitian grassroots labor organizers, a multimillion member international labor community, concerned shareholders, members of the U.S. Congress, and activists around the world pressured Disney to lead the way to a new global standard by paying a living wage and investing in local infrastructure wherever it did business. Whatever standards Disney enacted, they argued, the rest would follow. Rather than assume the “corporate mantle of responsibility,” Disney ran from the United States to Haiti, then to China, in search of cheap labor, a bigger profit margin, and the ability to do business without scrutiny. Seeing itself as just one entity in a global garment supply chain, Disney claimed responsibility only for licensing its brand to the contractors (U.S.-based) and subcontractors (in Haiti and later China) who handled the actual production of Disney merchandise.

Refugees, Humanitarian Internationalism, and the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada 1945–1952

This article examines the humanitarian internationalism of the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada (JLC) between 1938 and 1952. Throughout WWII, the JLC sent aid to European resistance movements, and in its aftermath participated in the “garment workers’ schemes,” a series of immigration projects that resettled thousands of displaced persons in Canada. Undertaken independently by the Jewish-Canadian community, with the assistance of trade unions, the projects worked to overcome tight border restrictions and early Cold War realpolitik. In doing so, the JLC united Jewish institutions, trade unionists, social democrats, and anti-fascists across Europe and North America. It also acted in a pivotal moment in the evolution of Canada’s refugee system and domestic attitudes toward racism. As such, the JLC’s history is a microcosm for the shifting nature of relations between Jews, Canada, and the left writ large.&#x0D; &#x0D; Cet article examine l’internationalisme humanitaire du Jewish Labour Committee du Canada (JLC) entre 1938 et 1952. Tout au long de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le JLC a envoyé de l’aide aux mouvements de résistance européens et a participé, après l’armistice, aux « garment workers’ schemes », une série de projets d’immigration qui ont permis de réinstaller des milliers de personnes déplacées au Canada. Entrepris indépendamment par la communauté juive canadienne et avec l’aide de syndicats, ces projets ont permis de surmonter les restrictions frontalières et la realpolitik du début de la guerre froide. Ce faisant, le JLC a réuni des institutions juives, des syndicalistes, des sociaux-démocrates et des antifascistes de toute l’Europe et de l’Amérique du Nord. Il a également agi à un moment charnière de l’évolution du système canadien d’octroi de l’asile et des attitudes de la population à l’égard du racisme. En tant que telle, l’histoire du JLC est un microcosme de la nature changeante des relations entre les Juifs, le Canada et la gauche au sens large.

The Jewish Labor Committee's support of Yiddish culture in early post-Holocaust France (1945–1948)

ABSTRACT As soon as the liberation of Europe began, the New York-based Jewish Labor Committee (JLC) started sending material and cultural aid to Jewish and Socialist victims of Nazism. From 1948 onward, the JLC concentrated its primary efforts on reconstruction in Western Europe, particularly in France, where three quarters of the Jewish population had survived the khurbn and where many Jews from Central and Eastern Europe were settling or passing through on their way to further destinations. The dense correspondence resulting from the JLC's transatlantic work serves as the main source for this research. Through these letters sent on a daily basis, we discover both many of the stakes encountered by Holocaust survivors in their reconstruction process and the practical aspects of transnational relief. This article closely examines the contributions of the JLC to support Yiddish culture. It questions the extent to which the JLC, which was closely aligned with labour, Socialist, and Bundist groups, emphasized the political aspect of Yiddish culture. As such, it focuses on the priorities, possibilities and limits of the JLC in supporting a weakened and displaced Yiddish culture in France in the aftermath of the Holocaust and early Cold War period.

동화된 텍스트 분석을 활용한 국회의원 간 갈등 양상 연구: 제17~20대 국회 환경노동위원회와 보건복지위원회 회의록을 중심으로

국회의원 간 갈등 및 대립에 관한 대다수 연구 및 문헌은 의원 간 갈등을 개별 의원 혹은 소속 정당 간 정치 이념적 양극화의 관점에서 바라보며, 정당 공약이나 본회의 표결 기록 등을 분석 대상으로 설정했다. 그러나 의원 간 갈등은 반드시 정치적 양극화에서만 유래하지는 않는다. 특히 개별 의원들의 발언 행태를 살펴보면 의원 간 대립은 이념적 차이로 인한 언쟁뿐만이 아닌 동료 의원 비난, 의사진행 방해, 정부 관계자 및 참고인에 대한 태도에서도 나타난다. 본 연구는 이러한 다양한 의원 간 갈등의 양상을 분석하기 위해, 제17~20대 국회 환경노동위원회와 보건복지위원회, 두 상임위원회 회의록에 나타난 약 24만 개의 발언을 자동화된 텍스트 분석 기법(automated text analysis)으로 분석하였다. 발언 상에 드러난 의원 간 대립을 이전 발화자의 발언을 중도에 간섭하는“중도방해 발언”과 상대방에 대해 인신공격과 비난을 하는“갈등적 담화 발언”으로 파악할 수 있음을 제안하였다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 의원들의 전체 발언에서 갈등적 담화 발언은 중도방해 발언에 비해 그 비중이 현저히 낮고 대수 및 위원회 별로 차이가 나타나지 않아, 의원 간 갈등 정도를 측정할 수 있는 유의미한 지표가 아님을 알 수 있었다. 둘째, 통계분석 결과 여당 및 야당 소속 여부가 중도방해 발언 비율 차이를 설명하는 유의미한 변수였던 반면 여당과 개별 의원 간의 이념적 격차는 그렇지 않았다. 본 연구는 회의록에 대한 자동화된 텍스트 분석을 통해 상임위원회에서 나타나는 여러 갈등 양상들을 측정하고 여당과 야당 간의 대립 양식이 입법 과정에 지배적인 변수라는 점을 밝혔다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

Social workers support bill to curb violence against workers

Observing that incidents of violence against health care and social service workers are on the rise and have been exacerbated by the COVID‐19 pandemic, Rep. Joe Courtney (D‐Conn.), a senior member of the House Education and Labor Committee, reintroduced legislation to the 117th Congress on Feb. 22 that would curb the rising rates of workplace violence facing nurses, emergency responders, medical assistants, physicians and social workers.

Committee Hearings, Witness Affiliations, and the Passage of the Violence Against Women Act

The author tracks attention to domestic violence at the congressional level and seeks to answer the question of why Congress recognized violence against women as a new category suitable for protection. I adopt a longitudinal approach to examine how hearings, witness affiliations, and policy entrepreneurs played a role in the passage of Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). The study develops and uses indicators of legislative attention and presidential attention to track the evolution of domestic violence policy between 1965 and 2020. This study shows that domestic violence, crime, and health accounted for most of the frames used by witnesses and/or committees when discussing violence against women. The gender politics coalition made up the largest group of witnesses at the committee hearings. I also demonstrate that there is not much variation between the witnesses at the judiciary and labor committee hearings. By tracking the evolution of VAWA through the committee hearings as well as identifying the coalitions, I am able to show the new policy dimensions that emerged to regulate gender violence. The way that political actors constructed domestic violence victims dictated the type of policies that were used in resolving violence against women. This interaction helped to explain the slow response to helping battered women. However, as women began to gain a voice and exercise political power, public officials took notice of this problem.

Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism by Betsy Wood

Reviewed by: Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism by Betsy Wood Kevin A. Murphy (bio) Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism. By Betsy Wood. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2020. Pp. 266. Cloth, $110.00; paper, $28.00.) The U.S. Civil War engendered the abolition of chattel slavery but left unaddressed the status of the youngest members of the republic. In this slim, engaging book, Betsy Wood explores how debates over child labor changed between the 1850s and the 1930s. In so doing, she suggests that the continued fight over the presence of children in the workplace underscores not only the legacies of abolitionism and antislavery activism, but also continued sectional tensions between the North and the South. Previous scholarship on the decline of child labor attributes the decreasing numbers of children forced to toil in unsafe factories to mass industrialization at the end of the nineteenth century and the growing emotional value of children within increasingly smaller family units. Upon the Altar of Work offers a new interpretation by highlighting postbellum reformers' discursive invocations of free and unfree labor, concepts that heretofore have occupied the attention of scholars of slavery, abolition, Reconstruction, and postemancipation society and culture. Rather than conceptualizing the era of antebellum reform and the Progressive Era as two distinct periods separated by secession, war, and reunion, Wood sees a bridge between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries constructed out of clashing interpretations over the need for and value of juvenile work. Readers learn about the fight over child labor from five chapters. Wood first analyzes the placing out movement of the 1850s, during which the Children's Aid Society (CAS) sent primarily male children to live in the developing West. The transportation of children siphoned off the labor surplus from northeastern cities, such as New York and Boston, while simultaneously instilling free labor ideology in the emigrant children. As southern fire-eaters called for the dissolution of the Union, reformers such as Charles Loring Brace, head of the CAS, touted the value of free labor, which contrasted [End Page 571] with both wage working and, more importantly, slavery. In chapter 2, Wood presents case studies of the northern padrone system and child apprenticeship laws in the South in the contexts of the expansion of child labor within northern factories and Reconstruction. While northern reformers labeled the Italian immigrant children who performed street music as a new generation of slaves, freedpeople asserted their right to control their own progeny and to benefit from their labor in the face of planters' underhanded actions to retain control over and profit from young Black bodies. The third chapter focuses on the industrializing South during the 1880s and 1890s. Wood contends that southern manufacturers' reliance on poor, rural white children ended northern reformers' appeals to free labor ideology. In its place, advocates against child labor framed their efforts in racial terms as the United States turned its imperial ambitions abroad. Within the New South Montgomery, Alabama, minister Edgar Gardner Murphy began a campaign to eradicate child labor across the former Confederacy. While northerners pushed for national legislation, Murphy insisted on a parochial approach, one committed to white supremacy. He argued that impoverished white children could not assume their rightful place atop the South's racial hierarchy if work supplanted education. Despite his growing notoriety, including a leadership position within the National Child Labor Committee (NCLC), Murphy never wavered in his insistence that states, not the federal government, should regulate child labor. Although a similar outrage against manufacturers who relied on child labor united Murphy and northerners, a common solution to the problem failed to materialize. Chapter 4 traces southerners' vigorous defense of the use of child labor through appeals to the free market, states' rights, and the danger of outside interference in their affairs, while northern progressives sought the liberation of so-called enslaved child laborers with a religious zeal that befit the Social Gospel movement of the time. Despite southern resistance, the NCLC lobbied for a unitary, national law that prohibited child labor. The organization's leadership was pleased when Congress passed...

Jankiew Pat. „Żydowski brat z ziemi amerykańskiej, który jest też polskim Żydem”

Prezentowany reportaż Jankiewa Pata jest poświęcony działalności Centralnej Żydowskiej Komisji Historycznej, dokumentującej zagładę polskich Żydów – wtedy pod kierownictwem Filipa Friedmana. Autor, przed wojną działacz Centralnej Żydowskiej Organizacji Szkolnej i Bundu, był uzdolnionym literacko dziennikarzem, odbywającym liczne podróże służbowe. W 1938 r. znalazł się w Stanach Zjednoczonych, by zabiegać o pomoc materialną na rzecz szkolnictwa w jidysz w Polsce. Ponieważ nie udało mu się opuścić USA przed wybuchem wojny, związał się z antynazistowskim Żydowskim Komitetem Robotniczym (Jewish Labor Committee). Działał tam także po wojnie. Jako przedstawiciel Komitetu przybył do Polski w 1946 r., by zebrać informacje o stanie żydostwa polskiego oraz udzielić wsparcia finansowego ocalałym i reprezentującym ich instytucjom

교섭단위의 결정법리와 교섭단위의 확대

The bargaining unit is the basis of the single bargaining unit rule which requires multiple trade unions to unify the contact point and henceforth is the unit that determines the bargaining representative trade union. The reason why our Trade Union Act legally stipulates bargaining units by industry or business place with the implementation of the single bargaining unit rule was to restrict the subdivision of bargaining units and to prevent the risk of hindrance of actual equality between the employer and workers. In other words the legislators, upon considering the previous bargaining customs in which labor conditions were determined based on the company, deemed that the smallest unit that could maintain equality between employer and worker was industry and business place and they legally stipulated the same as the appropriate bargaining unit.BR Settle the unit of industry and business place as the minimum bargaining unit is mandatory in that it secures actual equality between the employer and worker. As such having a bargaining unit that is smaller than the minimum bargaining unit upon the agreement between the employer and worker is prohibited as it violates this mandatory provision and can only be possible upon the determination of separation rendered by the Labor Committee. That being said above-company level bargaining units may be deemed as a bargaining unit that is above the minimum bargaining unit stipulated under the Trade Union Act and could be deemed as a field that has secured actual equality. Therefore, we must interpret this to mean that determining a bargaining unit that is above the industry and business place unit may be agreed upon by the employers and workers. Where equality between the employers and workers has been secured the free-will of the employers and works must take priority. As such implementation of the single bargaining unit rule on the determination of above-company level bargaining units and thus deemed to have secured actual equality on the grounds of securing bargaining equality is inappropriate. This is why the minimum bargaining unit is mandatory under Article 29-3 Para 1 of the Trade Union Act. This theory of interpretation is meaningful in that it solves the limits of the prior theory of interpretation of Article 29-3 Para 1 of the Trade Act as a mandatory provision, the problem of uniformly determining bargaining units that should be freely determined by and between the employers and workers, the problems that arise in which industrywide bargaining and above-company level bargaining units is limited as a result of limiting the industry and business place bargaining unit.

The Politics of Unreason: The Frankfurt School and the Origins of Modern Antisemitism

The Politics of Unreason: The Frankfurt School and the Origins of Modern Antisemitism

The Magnitude of Child Labour in Karnataka

In all societies irrespective of caste, race or area children occupied a very important position. A Child is the bud of future citizen of a country. Child labour is necessitated by economic compulsions of the parents and in many cases of the children. Widespread unemployment and underemployment among the adult poor are the main reason which has given rise to child labour. The major reason for hiring children viz., children’s are easier to manage because they are less aware of rights, less complaining, more trust worthy, less troublesome and no problems of unions. Helmer Folkas, the chairman of National Child Labour Committee defined child labour as “any work of children that interferes with full physical development of their opportunity for a desirable minimum of education.

The Toronto Airport Workers’ Council: Renewing Workplace Organizing and Socialist Labor Education

Among the 40,000 workers in Canada’s largest workplace, Lester B. Pearson International Airport in Toronto, a small but significant group of worker-organizers has created the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council (TAWC), a nonunion organization open to all Pearson workers. In this paper, we discuss the capitalist context of Canadian labor relations and the neoliberal restructuring that has attacked working conditions and workers’ solidarity across the airline industry. Then, after examining the insufficient responses by the twelve Pearson unions, we explain how workers formed the TAWC, whose participatory structures, direct action strategy, and broader class focus have achieved considerable successes, despite tensions with union leaders wary of potential “dual unionism.” We also discuss how the TAWC provides a space for socialist-led workplace organizing training and political education by the Toronto Labour Committee. Finally, we explore the possible roles of this council model in labor movement renewal and labor education in socialist movement renewal.

South Korea – Freedom of Association &amp; Workers' Struggle in Public Sector

10 | International Union Rights | 26/1 FOCUS | UNION RIGHTS OF STATE ADMINISTRATION AND ESSENTIAL SERVICES WORKERS On 12 December 2018, I was on my way to the Government Complex in Seoul in the biting wind of sub-zero weather, to participate in a consultation meeting on an introduction of a special law for the reinstatement of dismissed government employees. Some members of the Korean Government Employees’ Union (KGEU) were sitting on the precast pavers nearby the gate. They were wearing vests with the slogan ‘Freedom of Association for the Government’s Employees! Reinstatement of the dismissed union members!’ Many of them, sitting and chanting the slogan were now grey-haired. In front of the Presidential House, the president of the KGEU was on a hunger strike. It was the 17th day. On 6 March 2019, a group of labour lawyers were holding a sit-down protest outside of the office of the Economic Social and Labour Committee, the social dialogue body. Mr. Shin, In-soo, head of the KCTU legal centre was on the 8th day of his hunger strike. A large number of labour lawyers, certified public labour attorneys and legal experts continued hunger strikes and overnight vigils in relays. This is a snapshot of Seoul, Korea in early winter of 2018 and the first week of spring of 2019. In Korea, not all the public officials working in the administration, the legislature, the judicature, local governments and schools can form and join a union. The laws allow a limited range of public officials and teachers to do so. Teachers in the public and private school can establish unions according to the Act on the Establishment, Operation, etc. of Teachers’ Union (AEOTU) enacted in 1999. For public officials, the Act on the Establishment and Operation, etc. of Public Officials Trade Union (AEOPOTU) was enacted in 2005. In 2018, the Constitutional Court found that banning trade union rights for university professors is unconstitutional but a new law is yet to be enacted accordingly. The AEOPOTU( 2005) is a special law which is separated from the Trade Union and Labour Relation Adjustment Act (TULRAA) which is applied for the general workers. Even though the AEOPOTU claims to guarantee the right to organise of the public officials, certain categories of them are not covered by the Act. For example, senior officials (higher than grade 5) across the board are prohibited to join a union. Those who are in extraordinary civil service, in a position of directing and supervision, engaged in personnel management, correction, investigation, and other duties similar thereto are comprehensively prohibited to join the union. The scope of union membership is not to be decided autonomously by the union’s constitution, but is already decided by the State, and stipulated in law. According to the law, 55.4 percent of the whole government employees, 359,000 out of 648,000 are prohibited to join union. The law stipulates that ‘public officials who exercise the right to direct and supervise other public officials or engage in the overall management of the affairs of other public officials’ are excluded from trade union rights. Considering the hierarchical structure of the governmental organisation, all public officials – other than the lowest grade – could fall into this category. Moreover, this provision has been mis-used by the Government as employer to interfere in trade union activity. In 2008 and 2009, under the conservative government, the Ministry of Public Administration and Security initiated the ‘Plan to Eliminate Illegal Practice by Government Employee’s Organisations’ and ordered each administrative office and local governments to take measures for those who are ineligible for trade union rights by law to withdraw union membership, to ban the deduction of check-off membership fees, to discipline those who maintain union members, and to report the development. The AEOPOTU puts a total ban on a political activity in any form by public officials’ union and their members. The political activity, joining a political party, financial contribution for a party, and expression of political opinion are already prohibited by the State Public Officials Act, the Public Official Election Act, and the Political Parties Act. Recently, members of the Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union (KTU...

South Korea – Freedom of Association &amp; Workers' Struggle in Public Sector

10 | International Union Rights | 26/1 FOCUS | UNION RIGHTS OF STATE ADMINISTRATION AND ESSENTIAL SERVICES WORKERS On 12 December 2018, I was on my way to the Government Complex in Seoul in the biting wind of sub-zero weather, to participate in a consultation meeting on an introduction of a special law for the reinstatement of dismissed government employees. Some members of the Korean Government Employees’ Union (KGEU) were sitting on the precast pavers nearby the gate. They were wearing vests with the slogan ‘Freedom of Association for the Government’s Employees! Reinstatement of the dismissed union members!’ Many of them, sitting and chanting the slogan were now grey-haired. In front of the Presidential House, the president of the KGEU was on a hunger strike. It was the 17th day. On 6 March 2019, a group of labour lawyers were holding a sit-down protest outside of the office of the Economic Social and Labour Committee, the social dialogue body. Mr. Shin, In-soo, head of the KCTU legal centre was on the 8th day of his hunger strike. A large number of labour lawyers, certified public labour attorneys and legal experts continued hunger strikes and overnight vigils in relays. This is a snapshot of Seoul, Korea in early winter of 2018 and the first week of spring of 2019. In Korea, not all the public officials working in the administration, the legislature, the judicature, local governments and schools can form and join a union. The laws allow a limited range of public officials and teachers to do so. Teachers in the public and private school can establish unions according to the Act on the Establishment, Operation, etc. of Teachers’ Union (AEOTU) enacted in 1999. For public officials, the Act on the Establishment and Operation, etc. of Public Officials Trade Union (AEOPOTU) was enacted in 2005. In 2018, the Constitutional Court found that banning trade union rights for university professors is unconstitutional but a new law is yet to be enacted accordingly. The AEOPOTU( 2005) is a special law which is separated from the Trade Union and Labour Relation Adjustment Act (TULRAA) which is applied for the general workers. Even though the AEOPOTU claims to guarantee the right to organise of the public officials, certain categories of them are not covered by the Act. For example, senior officials (higher than grade 5) across the board are prohibited to join a union. Those who are in extraordinary civil service, in a position of directing and supervision, engaged in personnel management, correction, investigation, and other duties similar thereto are comprehensively prohibited to join the union. The scope of union membership is not to be decided autonomously by the union’s constitution, but is already decided by the State, and stipulated in law. According to the law, 55.4 percent of the whole government employees, 359,000 out of 648,000 are prohibited to join union. The law stipulates that ‘public officials who exercise the right to direct and supervise other public officials or engage in the overall management of the affairs of other public officials’ are excluded from trade union rights. Considering the hierarchical structure of the governmental organisation, all public officials – other than the lowest grade – could fall into this category. Moreover, this provision has been mis-used by the Government as employer to interfere in trade union activity. In 2008 and 2009, under the conservative government, the Ministry of Public Administration and Security initiated the ‘Plan to Eliminate Illegal Practice by Government Employee’s Organisations’ and ordered each administrative office and local governments to take measures for those who are ineligible for trade union rights by law to withdraw union membership, to ban the deduction of check-off membership fees, to discipline those who maintain union members, and to report the development. The AEOPOTU puts a total ban on a political activity in any form by public officials’ union and their members. The political activity, joining a political party, financial contribution for a party, and expression of political opinion are already prohibited by the State Public Officials Act, the Public Official Election Act, and the Political Parties Act. Recently, members of the Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union (KTU...