Labor Ideology Research Articles

Blacks in colonial Veracruz: race, ethnicity, and regional development

Author: Patrick J. Carroll University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas Price: $21.95 Unlike prevailing Latin American historiography which has examined slave revolts (Jose Reis' Slave Rebellion in Brazil) and the participation of Africans in the wars for independence (Ada Ferrer's Insurgent Cuba), Patrick Carroll's Blacks in Colonial Veracruz: Race, Ethnicity, and Regional Development (1991 and 2001 Second edition) provides a regional approach in ethnic scholarship, emphasizing the demographic and economic contributions of Afro-Mexicans in colonial Mexico. Concentrating on the district of Veracruz, Carroll focuses on Afro-Mexicans residing in the towns of Jalapa and Cordoba, identifying how these individuals played an integral part in the local economy as slaves and, eventually, wage-based laborers. Moreover, he describes how associations with indigenous peoples contributed to the cultural survival of Afro-Mexicans during colonialism. Part of Carroll's thesis centers around demographic changes that, inadvertently, shaped a racial cohesiveness between Indians and Afro-Mexicans from 15501630. For example, communicable diseases temporarily decimated the indigenous population, thereby necessitating the demand for African slaves. In later years, political disruptions in Europe and the indigenous populations' growing immunity to such maladies halted the slave trade, resulting in the acceptance of a wage based labor system. Furthermore, white Veracruzanos realized the efficiencies of free labor in comparison to slavery's high maintenance and capital costs. Still, whites sought to dilute African culture through forced baptisms and limits on the importation of African females, causing an imbalance in the sex ratio of males to females. Realizing the diminution of their racial status, blacks intermarried with Indians as a way to preserve some remnants of their native culture, and broaden their identification with indigenous society. This racial compromising of sorts led to integrated neighborhoods of blacks and Indians (usually located on the outskirts of town so as to not offend peninsulares) and increased socialization among both groups. Similarly, those blacks who accepted Catholicism sometimes acted as godparents (padrinazgos) to the children of their Indian neighbors. Carroll assesses, however, that initially this communal utopia did not have the support of Veracruzs indigenous population. Recognizing that blacks had assisted the Conquistadors in their subjugation of native peoples, and finding their dances, rituals and dialects different from their own, Indians found little commonality with Afro-Mexicans. Subsequent interactions between Indians and blacks often commenced with blacks asserting their claims to areas in the hinterland usually isolated from the Crown's jurisdiction, yet still controlled by Indians. Nevertheless, both groups saw the merit of joining forces as a buffer to the hegemonic control of the Iberians and their Creole stewards. Similarly, Carroll argues that demographic changes strongly influenced a free labor ideology that transformed the region from one dependent upon slave labor into a wage based system. …

Order against chaos: business culture and labor ideology in America, 1880-1915

Preface Introduction Pullman Strike: The Solidarity of Society versus The Solidarity of Labor Modern Management: The Progressive Relation Between Efficiency and Consent National Association of Manufacturers: Capital's Most Efficient Mouthpiece Conclusion Selected Bibliography Index

Home and work: housework, wages, and the ideology of labor in the early republic

Over the course of a two hundred year period, women's domestic labor gradually lost its footing as a recognized aspect of economic life in America. The image of the colonial goodwife, valued for her contribution to household prosperity, had been replaced by the image of a and a non-producer. This book is a history of housework in the United States prior to the Civil War. More particularly, it is a history of women's unpaid domestic labor in the context of the emergence of an industrialized society in the northern United States. Boydston argues that just as a capitalist economic order had first to teach that wages were the measure of a man's worth, it had at the same time, implicitly or explicitly, to teach that those who did not draw wages were dependent and not essential to the real economy. Developing a striking account of the gender and labor systems that characterized industrializing America, Boydston explains how this effected the devaluation of women's unpaid labor.

Manorial Labour and Religious Ideology in the Central Andes: A Working Hypothesis

Within the overall complex of Catholic devotions in the central Andes, cults of the patronal shrines of haciendas display a determinate variability according to the nature of the formation of different estates and their relationships with local centres of administrative and ecclesiastical control. This paper explores this variability within a single locality in southern Peru, situating the manorial cults in both their ethnographic context of local and regional political, economic and ritual relations, and also the historical context of agrarian change in the colonial and republican epochs. Finally, the paper considers the effects on manorial cults of the recent government programme of agrarian reform. The manorial hacienda-its origins, development and modus operandihas for some time been the subject of lively debate among anthropologists and historians concerned with rural society in Spanish America. The discussion has ranged widely over a number of important issues. Was the hacienda a transplant from the decaying feudalism of the Old World, or was it an innovative response to mercantile capitalism in the New? Did the colonial hacienda emerge directly out of the earlier, proto-colonial encomienda, or was there a fundamental structural discontinuity between the two? What factors lead to the transformation of the hacienda into either a capital-intensive plantation or a stagnant latifundium? Is the hacienda really an 'economic' institution at all, or merely a prop for the prestige of a landed gentry? Research on these and other questions has proceeded apace since Morner summarized the debate ten years ago (Morner 1973). One aspect of the phenomenon, however, which might cast light on some of these issues, has received comparatively little attention. The hacienda as an ecclesiastical entity, as a ceremonial centre for Catholic ritual and devotion, is a facet rarely highlighted in the literature, if mentioned at all. Yet as both Macera (1971:7-8) and Morner (1978:57) have pointed out, it was largely through ecclesiastical means that the hacienda established itself as a politically dominant and ideologically coherent institution in colonial society. It is, of course, a commonplace that the imported Christian religion provided an ideological buttress for Spanish domination of the native population, and that to

The "Talisman Power": Davis Tillson, the Freedmen's Bureau, and Free Labor in Reconstruction Georgia, 1865-1866

THE "TALISMAN POWER": DAVIS TILLSON, THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU, AND FREE LABOR IN RECONSTRUCTION GEORGIA, 1865-1866 Paul A. Cimbala Soon after Prestoent Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation, an increasingly vocal segment of theRepublican party argued that some sort of federal agency should take up the task of guiding the slaves of the rebellious states from bondage to freedom. The result of the debate over the necessity and propriety of such an extraordinary institution was an act of Congress passed and signed into law on March 3, 1865, which created the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands. In May, Major General Oliver Otis Howard took charge ofthe agency as its commissioner. With his establishment of a network of assistant commissioners throughout the South, form began to give solid meaning to a vaguely defined congressional charge to care for the freedmen.1 According to Howard, his agency's "first business was to regulate labor," or, in other words, to assure the success of a new free labor system in the South.2 To carry out that task in Georgia, he appointed in September a fellow native of Maine, BrigadierGeneral Davis Tillson, to organize the Bureau in a state where an earlier summertime attempt had met with little success. Tillson's activities, especially thoserelatingto the regulation of labor, earned him a reputation for being—to quote his Bureau commander—"a conservative and harmonizer, leaning possibly The author thanks Raymond Arsenault, Leslie Rowland, and Harold Woodman for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this study. He wishes to extend special appreciation to Dan T. Carter for reading several drafts of this article and to Randall M. Miller and Jerry Thombery for suggesting it in the first place. 1 George R. Bentley, A History of the Freedmen s Bureau (Philadelphia, 1955), chaps. 1-3. 2 Kennebec Journal (Augusta, Maine), 11 Aug. 1865. Eric Foner best explains the importance of free labor ideology during Reconstruction and the Freedmen's Bureau's role as its agent in "Reconstruction and the Crisis of Free Labor," included in his Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), pp. 97-127. Civil War History, Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 Copyright®1982 by The Kent State University Press 0009-8078/82/2802-0003 $01.00/0 154CIVIL WAR HISTORY to the side of the white employers."3 Some members of the postwar northern press were less kind, accusing him of beingnothing more than a planters' pawn.4 This characterization has led some historians to question Tillson's commitment to his black charges, accusing him of being insensitive to the freedmen's hopes, hesitant in securing their rights, and too accommodating to the planters' labor needs.5 Certainly the transplanted Down Easterner carried south in his intellectual carpetbag conservative prejudices which many of his northern contemporaries shared with him. For example, he did not believe that the Bureau should or could secure political rights for the freedmen in 1865 or 1866. But then he saw nothing wrong with depriving Yankee women of the vote, and he once publicly questioned the wisdom of allowing uneducated northern masses to exercise the franchise. For Tillson, social equality for the freedmen was out of the question; after all, "it never existed among white people."8 However, this conservatism should not obscure another belief Tillson brought south, a belief that best explains his approach to his duties. The assistant commissioner was committed to making the free labor system work. Because of his belief in free labor, Tillson did not perceive the freedmen's place in southern society to be static. Change was possible, but primarily through the freedmen's own hard work—the "talisman power" he once called it, "which can remove your poverty and ignorance and replace them with wealth, knowledge and happiness."7 3 O. O. Howard, Autobiography, 2 vols. (New York, 1907), 2:286. 4 For example, see the National Anti-Slavery Standard, 16 June 1866. Also, the JVeu; York Tribune accused him of saying blacks were better off as slaves than as free men, and apparently the paper was a nuisance to Tillson's reputation throughout his tenure in Georgia. D. Tillson to O. O. Howard...

Free Labor Ideology and the Meaning of the Civil War and Reconstruction

Free Labor Ideology and the Meaning of the Civil War and Reconstruction

Freedmen and the Ideology of Free Labor: Louisiana, 1862-1865 (review)

BOOK REVIEWS75 also noted the presence of large proportions of unchurched voters. There has also been skepticism of the contention that voters can be as neatly pigeon-holed into ritualists or pietists (or equivalent categories) as some writing has suggested. There is a basis of fact in such contentions but most are in some degree answerable. Kleppner's response to the criticisms of recent electoral history is both implicit and explicit. Qualifications appear recurrently in his narrative. But when he addresses the critics directly, he is ungenerous, perhaps even arrogant. They have misread his work along with that of Benson, Samuel P. Hays, Jensen and Formisano and falsely proclaimed the existence of an "ethno-cultural" school or model. "Observers," he maintains, "have perpetuated in the literature a figment of their own imaginations" (p. 359). Although the nature and tone of Kleppner's response is unfortunate, this is an impressive book; every American political historian will have to come to grips with it. At the same time, it will leave unresolved questions in the minds of some readers. Does it satisfactorily answer earlier criticisms? At what point does the growing list of exceptions to the pietist-ritualist schema render that particular aspect of electoral analysis unrewarding? And if the exceptions are shrugged off, is not Melvyn Hammarberg's suggestion that the political agreement within religious groups reflects their significance as communication networks rather than specific doctrinal positions worthy of more serious consideration? Although this book is ostensibly based on massive quantitative analysis, assertion is often substituted for quantitative evidence and the quantitative exhibits in the book are sometimes unsatisfying. One does not find extended time series here showing election by election changes in the partisan allegiance of key religious groups nor extended analysis of their specific contribution to party voting totals. The author's use of longitudinal means is sometimes frustrating and categories of illustrative counties selected for presentation appear to represent relatively small proportions of the electoral universe. Although the author maintains that he has been misunderstood in the past, some of his prose may suggest that diis was inevitable. But in the final analysis, this book is a major contribution to the revolution that its author, along with many others, has worked in our understanding of American electoral history. We can never return with any sense of satisfaction to the standards or analytical style that prevailed among political historians during the 1940's and 1950's. Allan G. Bogue University of Wisconsin— Madison Freedmen and the Ideology of Free Labor: Louisiana, 1862-1865. By William M. Messner. (Lafayette, La.: University of Southwestern Louisiana, 1978. Pp. xvi, 206. Paper, $6.00.) This is a study of how Yankee occupiers sought to emulate Southern 76CIVIL WAR HISTORY efficiency. "Slavery," writes Messner, "at least in theory, had been predicated upon die stability which it imposed uponworkers." What the generals of the Union army sought to impose on Louisiana was an orderly and prosperous economy, but the problem, in practice, was that those workers werenot altogether happy about their workingconditions and started looking for better ones. "Given General Butler's stated policy of maintaining civil order and attracting local propertied interests to the Unionist cause, the necessary corollary was to stem the tide of black migration into Federal lines." When his exclusion orders failed (to Butler's secret delight, one guesses) and once deportation was ruled out, 80,000 people in Louisiana were slaves no more. But if not slaves, what kind of workers were they? Nathaniel P. Banks, Butler's successor, was determined to have "an efficient plantation labor program" and, to the horror of Northern abolitionists as well as local laborers, ordered the contrabands back to work on the plantations. Meanwhile, by making Louisiana an exception, the Emancipation Proclamation embarrassingly restored these people to slavery. Even Banks knew that restoration could not be enforced; instead, as Willemina Kloosterboer has observed in her study of emancipated peoples world-wide, die vagrancy principle was invoked, and black freedmen, as drifters, were assigned, under the law, to involuntary labor. The workers protested and so did some of their white friends, most notably Thomas Conway, who is given insufficient credit for learning from his experiences...

<sc>william f. messner</sc>. <italic>Freedmen and the Ideology of Free Labor: Louisiana, 1862–1865</italic>. (University of Southwestern Louisiana History Series, number 12.) Lafayette: University of Southwestern Louisiana. 1978. Pp. xiii, 206. $6.00

Journal Article william f. messner. Freedmen and the Ideology of Free Labor: Louisiana, 1862–1865. (University of Southwestern Louisiana History Series, number 12.) Lafayette: University of Southwestern Louisiana. 1978. Pp. xiii, 206. $6.00 Get access Messner William F.. Freedmen and the Ideology of Free Labor: Louisiana, 1862–1865. (University of Southwestern Louisiana History Series, number 12.) Lafayette: University of Southwestern Louisiana. 1978. Pp. xiii, 206. $6.00. Roger A. Fischer Roger A. Fischer University of Minnesota, Duluth Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 84, Issue 3, June 1979, Pages 855–856, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/84.3.855 Published: 01 June 1979

The Ideology of Labor and Capitalist Rationality in Gramsci

The Ideology of Labor and Capitalist Rationality in Gramsci

Sydney's "Slums": Middle Class Reformers and the Labor Response

from one's particular view of middle class reformers and on the extent to which one subscribes to a physical determinist philosophy. I will admit my basic values in these matters at the outset?a distrust of the moral paternalism and social analysis of middle class reformers however good their aims may have been, and a distrust of that kind of entrenched physical determinism which can produce such unquestioned truths as morality is a question of square feet. I must also admit however, that attitudes to such questions have been and will probably remain intensely subjective. The influence of middle class reformers on parliamentary Labor ideology, policy and practice in Australia, has not drawn much attention from the historians and political scientists who have studied that party. This disinclination to study middle class influences on the labour movement is allied to a common failure to adequately acknowledge the main setting of the twentieth century Labor parties, the cities. Apart from some very recent union and strike studies in Labour History, which began in 1961, this journal contains virtually no articles which elucidate urban Labor politics or something as prosaic as housing after the 1930s depression.1 This, I believe, is partly a reflection of the current state of Australian social and political historiography, where the post 1935 period continues to be neglected. The present article is put forward as a tentative analysis of some urban and class dimensions of Labor attitudes in Sydney after 1935. The origins of the slum eradication and redevelopment policies of the New South Wales Labor Government and the Housing Com mission it created in the period after 1941 lie in the campaigns con ducted by middle class church and professional groups in Sydney in the 1930s. My definition of middle class has, like everyone elses, its own quirks and idiosyncracies. Its principal objective indicators are the trilogy of income, education and occupation, with two important additions of property ownership2 and place of residence. All of the Sydney middle class slum reformers discussed in this paper were members of professional, charitable or church organisations, and sometimes all three. The occupations represented include architects, senior public servants, leading writers and church organisers. Those whom I have been able to trace (around 80 per cent of the group appear in Who's Who, another indication of their class position) all

Labor ideology and economic development in the peronist epoch

Labor ideology and economic development in the peronist epoch

Book Reviews : STUDIES IN LABOUR IDEOLOGY, No. 1, THE NORDIC COUNTRIES By David J. Saposs, The University of Hawaii, Industrial Relations Centre, Honolulu, 1964, pp. 82. Price $2.50

Book Reviews : STUDIES IN LABOUR IDEOLOGY, No. 1, THE NORDIC COUNTRIES By David J. Saposs, The University of Hawaii, Industrial Relations Centre, Honolulu, 1964, pp. 82. Price $2.50

The Mediating Role of the Trade Union in Underdeveloped Countries

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Mediating Role of the Trade Union in Underdeveloped CountriesAsoka MehtaAsoka Mehta Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Economic Development and Cultural Change Volume 6, Number 1Oct., 1957 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/449751 Views: 8Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1957, 1958 The University of Chicago PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Jeff Schuhrke , Labor 16, no.33 ( 2019): 39.https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7569788Rina Agarwala FROM WORK TO WELFARE, Critical Asian Studies 38, no.44 (Dec 2006): 419–444.https://doi.org/10.1080/14672710601072996L. A. Visano, N. Adete Bastine The Role of Law in the Rule of Economics: A Critical Study of Ghana’s Labor Laws, Journal of Asian and African Studies 38, no.11 (Jul 2016): 52–70.https://doi.org/10.1177/002190960303800103Iyanatul Islam Political Economy and East Asian Economic Development, Asian-Pacific Economic Literature 6, no.22 (Nov 1992): 69–101.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8411.1992.tb00072.xMichael B. DOMPIERRE THE ROLE OF UNIONS IN AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, The Developing Economies 24, no.11 (Mar 2007): 71–85.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1049.1986.tb00073.xAbel K. Ubeku The Parties in the Industrial Relations System, (Jan 1983): 58–117.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17265-8_3Bertram Silverman Labor ideology and economic development in the peronist epoch, Studies in Comparative International Development 4, no.1111 (Nov 1968): 243–258.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF03041088 16. Annotated BIBLIOGRAPHY on Political Research, Political Research, Organization and Design 1, no.44 (Sep 2016): 40–45.https://doi.org/10.1177/000276425800100416

Original Sin vs. Utopia in British Socialism

Since the end of World War II, Great Britain has provided a happy hunting ground for students of politics, whose chief prey has been the British Labour movement. Perhaps it is because some considered the Labour Government of 1945–51 to be an “experiment,” and experiments of any sort ought to be watched closely. Or it may be that here was a party with a mass backing which, at the same time, had a corpus of theory which it professed to be implementing; hence the consistency between the words of the ideologues and the actions of the politicians could be measured. Yet for all the consideration of Socialist theory, Labour ideology, and Transport House practice, scholars have tended to neglect the psychological and metaphysical bases of the movement's approach to politics. An examination of the presuppositions regarding the nature of man is vital to the understanding of any political theory—or, for that matter, any practical program of action. While studies of nationalized industries, foreign policy, the bureaucracy, and the internecine warfare of party factions are desirable and of interest, if we are to put our observations in philosophical perspective we must base our investigation of British Socialism and the British Labour movement on its views of human nature.

The Inception of the Modern French Labor Movement (1871-79): A Reappraisal

T rHE French labor movement of 1871-79 has always been described as timid and conservative, rejecting revolutionary methods and goals in favor of class conciliation, trade-unionism, and the traditional French co-operative doctrine. In 1878 Jules Guesde began the intensive propaganda of Marxian socialism. Organized labor, according to the conventional account, performed a complete volte-face and, in 1879 at the congress of Marseilles, proclaimed the principles of modern socialism.' Such a portrayal is superficial and strangely static. It implies that there was no development in labor ideology from 1871 to 1878. Yet, it is unlikely that the workers accepted unchanged the co-operative system which had failed in the 1860's. Nor is it likely that the bloody repression of the proletarian Paris Commune failed to influence the ideas of the labor militants. The accounts of the socialist propaganda of 1878-79 do not make clear either the reason for its rapid success or the circumstances which largely explain the division of the French socialists into many sects after 1879. Hence the need for a critical study of the period. When the Franco-Prussian War broke out in 1870, there was