La Real Academia Research Articles

Diccionario de galicismos prosodicos y morfologicos

Diccionario de galicismos prosodicos y morfologicos. By Valentin Garcia Yebra. Madrid: Gredos, 1999. 319 pages. Valentin Garcia Yebra, perhaps more well-known for his work dealing with the history, theory and practice of translation, claims to be inspired by Ramon Menendez Pidal's statement that learned borrowings, or cultismos, have not been studied enough in Spanish. As a result, he focuses mainly on prosodic and morphologic Gallicisms in scientific language in his new dictionary. His purpose is to provide a reference book that might be useful to a general lay audience interested in the origins of the words they use. Additionally, he hopes to reach translators and scientists. He defines a galicismo prosodico as a word in Spanish that, based on its remote origin, should be accented in a particular way, but because of the influence from a French word, has evolved with a stress pattern resembling its French cognate. He uses the example of the word crisantemo in Spanish, which based on its remote Greek to Latin origin, should have developed as a proparoxytone with the stress on the antepenultimate syllable. However, because of the influence of the French chrysantheme, which would have been paroxytonic in Old French and is now tonic, the Spanish cognate is also paroxytonic. He defines a galicismo morfologico as a word that has altered its form or structure from that which corresponds to it etymologically because of the influence of a similar French word. He uses the example of the Spanish exilado to demonstrate his idea here. The etymologically correct form in Spanish from the Latin EXILIUM > exilio should be exiliado, which does exist in Spanish but has been in competition with exilado derived from exilado that was inspired by the French verb exiler. Garcia Yebra criticizes the Diccionario de la Real Academia Espanola because in many cases only the remote origin, that is to say, the Latin or Greek origin, of a word is presented. He argues that many words of Latin or Greek etymology entered Spanish through French, not directly through Latin, or at least were altered at some point in their history to resemble a French word, rather than following the more predictable Spanish development. He hopes that his dictionary, although not as exhaustive as he would like it to be, can fill in some of those gaps where they are related to prosodic and morphologic Gallicisms rather than to compete with the work already done with regard to these two types of Gallicisms. …

The "Deified" Heart: Huichol Indian Soul-Concepts and Shamanic Art

Abstract: This article asks what is the relationship between shamanic vision and the production of shamanic art? Based on interviews with Huichol Indian yarn painters in Mexico, the author shows that the artist's concept of the soul is important to understanding shamanic art. For the Huichol, the heart is the centre of shamanic inspiration and the vehicle for communication with the gods. This study builds on recent research into Mesoamerican concepts of the soul, and its relationship to the human body. It questions assumptions about contemporary ethnic and tourist arts which arise out of the shamanic complex,(f.1) and suggests that indigenous artists may be working from their own assumptions about process as well as product. Resume: Cet article demande comment la vision chamanique est reliee a la production de l'art chamanique. Utilisant des entrevues avec des artistes indigenes huicholes du Mexique, l'auteur demontre qu'on doit comprendre leur concept d'ame afin de comprendre leur art chamanique. Pour les indigenes huicholes, le coeur est le centre de l'inspiration chamanique et le moyen de communication avec les dieux. Cette etude utilise des recherches recentes sur les concepts mesoamericains de l'ame et sur sa relation au corps humain. L'etude fait ressortir les postulats sur les arts ethniques et touristiques contemporains qui proviennent du complexe chamanique. Elle suggere que les artistes indigenes travaillent a partir leurs propres idees sur le processus et le produit. The true artist, capable, practicing, skilful, maintains dialogue with his heart, meets things with his mind. The true artist draws out all from his heart: makes things with calm, with sagacity; works like a true Toltec. -- (Codice Matritense de la Real Academia (cited in Anderson, 1990: 153)When I first began to study Huichol (pronounced Wee-chol) Indian shamanism in Mexico, I was intrigued by statements that Huichol art was spiritually inspired. The dealers who sold brilliantly coloured yarn paintings in Puerto Vallarta insisted in their sales patter that all Huichol artists were shamans, and all their art the product of dreams and visions. Several articles in the literature support the idea of a visionary source for Huichol arts. Berrin (1978: 47) illustrates Huichol embroidery which was inspired by the artist's dreams and hallucinations. Furst (1968-69: 23) describes several yarn paintings which are said to illustrate peyote-induced dreams. Schaefer (1990: 246-248) describes weavings based on dreams. Eger and Collings (1978: 39-41) discuss mandala-like drawings seen by a young shaman while eating peyote. However, Berrin, Eger and Collings and Schaefer all note that making designs based on dreams and visions represents an ideal that only some artists are able to achieve.There is a growing literature which suggests that art of indigenous peoples is spiritually inspired, or is shamanic (Halifax, 1982; Lommel, 1967); but how much do we understand of what this generalization means? What is it that makes an art shamanic? How are shamans inspired, and how do they translate inspiration into art? Is it simply a matter of seeing a vision or dream, then replicating the image in art, or is some other process involved?Some authors have suggested that one source of shamanic art may be the trance experience created by hallucinogenic plants, such as yage or ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis spp.) (Harner, 1973), or peyote (Lophophora williamsii) (Cordy-Collins, 1989). This has led to observations that certain plants produce characteristic patterns and images, such as the writhing snakes of ayahuasca, or the geometric, lattice-like, transforming colour combinations of peyote. Other sources of visionary art may be physical stress, such as the fasting used by North American aboriginal people. …

Denominaciones de las «aves silvestres» recogidas del ALEANR que no aparecen en el Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (1992), 21ª ed.

This study analyzes the names of wild birds collected in the Aragón, Navarra and La Rioja Linguistic and Ethnographic Atlas which are not recorded in the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (1992, 21st. edition). The work is organized in five parts. The First part presents the metodology followed in the study and the reasons why the Linguistic Geography must be taken into account when elaborating dictionaries, the second one analyzes the words of the wild birds that should be taken into account by the academic dictionary. In the third part it appears names that identify different birds to those collected in the RAE and in the fourth part it is also proved that the words accurate location we are given by the linguistic atlas has not been contrasted by the official dictionary. In the last part the conclusions reached in this study are presented.

Garúa en Canarias y América

The Diccionario de la Real Academia Española in its last edition of 1992 (DRAE-92) registers the word garúa 'drizzle' localized in America. It is true that the word is used in America. This is confirmed in the present article by consulting Spanish language dictionaries, general dictionaries of Americanisms as well as dictionaries and vocabularies from the various Latin American countries. However, on consulting the map for «Llovizna» in the Atlas Lingüístico y Etnográfico de las Islas Canarias (ALEICan) it becomes clear that the word is commonly used in the Canary Islands. Also, we have documented it with the help of vocabularies and other dialectal studies of Canarian Spanish. If the word is used in the Canary Islands, can it still be considered an Americanism? Or is it rather a Canarian dialectalism —originated in the Portuguese— that spread from the Islands to the New World?.

La Gramaticografía Del Siglo xviii, entre Tradición y Reorientación

SummaryWith the transition from the so-called ‘Golden Ages’ to the age of Enlightenment, Spain lost its political and cultural hegemony to its northern neighbour, France. In the field of the language studies, this change is evident especially in the area of lexicography: theDiccionario de la Real Academia Española(1726–1739) was soon modeled after theDictionnaire de l’Académie Française(1694). In grammaticography, things seem to have been different, at least if one listens to those few historians of linguistics who payed attention to 18th-century Spanish linguistics. The overall judgements range from ‘a total lack of good grammar’ to a ‘complete disregard of modern [i.e., French] theories’. However, a closer look at the grammatical production of the time does not confirm any of these assessments. Apart from Latin grammars in the tradition of Nebrija and bilingual Spanish-French grammars clearly influenced by contemporary French theories, there are a tradition of monolingual grammaticography, which are totally up-to-date on contemporary European grammatical discussions, focussed, as they were, on the teachings of Port-Royal. TheGramática de la lengua castellanaof the Spanish Royal Academy follows along the same lines by developing even more the logical approach to grammatical description. Before starting to write down the final version of their grammar, the Academicians even went as far as to study dozens of grammars of other languages, old and new, Western as well as non-Western, in order to get a more general linguistic framework and to follow more closely the theories of the scholar who, in the eyes of the grammarians of Port-Royal, was the starting point of ‘modern’ linguistics, the Spaniard Francisco Sanchez de las Brozas (1523–1600/1601).

Linguistic descriptors of personality in the Spanish language: a first taxonomic study

This study covers the methodological approach of a large investigation to verify the universal lexicon hypothesis and the construction of a taxonomy of descriptors of personality in the Spanish language. The Diccionario de la Real Academia de la Lengua Espanola (Real Academia Espanola, 1992) has been the main reference and source to obtain natural, everyday language about personality. In this study, we followed the same approach as adopted by researchers in other languages. The procedure for assessing validity and reliability is explained. The quantitative and qualitative results are discussed, together with their systematization and the possibilities of further replication. The present research has mainly a heuristic value given the scarcity of studies in this line of investigation in Spain. Our aim is to underline the relevance of this model for the understanding of the close relationships between language and personality.

Geografía lingüística y diccionarios

Good quality linguistic atlases have been available here in Spain for quite some time now. Therefore, it is high time that good use be made of the material s they offer. If, for example, dialectalisms are included in the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (Dictionary of the Royal Academy of the Spanish Language), as they indeed are, why are some included while others are not? And what criteria is used in deciding which should be included? At the end of the 20th century, we cannot affor to allow chance or caprice to determine which voices will be included in dictionaries. Today we are fortunate enough to have linguistic atlases in Spain and they should contribute to the process of elaborating lexicographic works. In this paper we will show the frequently missed advantages that linguistic geography offers in areas such as semantics, etymology, lexicology and lexicography among others. In our opinion, linguistic geography is a relatively untapped field in lexicography and it is here where its benefits might be surprising. If we want lexicography studies to be truly rigorous, we have no choice but to make use of linguistic atlases.

ThePartición de los reinos in the Crónica de veinte reyes

The<i>Partición de los reinos in the Crónica de veinte reyes</i>

The Tabula Contrebiensis: Roman Law in Spain in the Early First Century B.C.

In December 1979, a Latin inscription on bronze came into the hands of Professor Guillermo Fatás of the department of Ancient History in the University of Zaragoza. It had been found by an unauthorized excavator on the site of the excavations on the hill known as Cabezo de las Minas, just outside the village of Botorrita, some 20 kilometres south of Zaragoza, on the banks of the river Huerva. The tablet, 438 mm. from side to side and 208 mm. from top to bottom, had clearly been attached to a wall or some other substantial object by means of six holes, three along the upper and three along the lower edge, and has been preserved in its entirety. However, the bronze is badly warped, and although the back of the tablet is quite smooth, the inscribed face has suffered considerable damage, apparently from fire and corrosion. After preliminary cleaning, Fatás published, with exemplary speed, a notice of the find in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia CLXXVI (1979), 421–38, and then, after further treatment by the archaeological laboratory in the Museo Arqueologico de Barcelona, a monograph on the inscription in 1980.

Galdós and the anti-bureaucratic tradition

Galdós and the anti-bureaucratic tradition

A New Use of the Written Accent in Spanish

ONE change made by the Spanish Academy in the use of the written accent takes place chiefly in two classes of words: 1) nouns, and 2) the forms of certain verbs. The principle involved was set forth clearly in 1952, in the Nuevas normas de prosodia y ortografia (p. 103) of the Spanish Academy; and in 1959, in the twentyfifth paragraph of a twenty-five-paragraph Nuevo texto definitivo. The latest statement of this principle is found in paragraph III of a two-page section (pp. 1423-1424), at the end of the nineteenth edition of the Diccionario de la lengua espaiola de la Real Academia Espanola (Madrid, 1970), entitled Reglas de acentuaci6n. The Academy has given examples, but has not listed all the possible clusters of three successive letters involved. There are twelve, viz., ahi, ahu, ehi, ehu, ohi, ohu, iha, uha, ihe, uhe, iho, uho. These clusters consist of h between a strong and a weak vowel and between a weak and a strong vowel. All twelve occur in nouns and five, viz., ahi, ahu, ehi, ehu, and ohi, occur in forms of certain verbs. The eighteenth and nineteenth editions of the dictionary of the Spanish Academy show the written accent on all the nouns involved, e.g., ahinco, barah'unda, rehilo but, since they give only the infinitive of verbs, they do not show it on verbs, except for a few examples in paragraph III, on page 1424 of the nineteenth edition. The written accent is placed on i or u in nine forms of the paradigms in question, viz., the whole singular and the third plural of the present indicative, and the present subjunctive and the singular imperative. And there are other forms involved, for example, rehice, which must be written or printed rehice. There is little evidence that intervocalic h was pronounced for centuries, except in a word like Old Spanish ahirmar, in which the h

Controlled Branching Processes

Controlled Branching Processes

The Defense of Cartagena

C ARTAGENA, founded in 1533 by Pedro de Heredia on a sandy island west of the Magdalena entrance, had become a strategic Spanish American point by the eighteenth century. It ranked third among Spain 's new world ports, being surpassed only by La Habana and Lima (Callao).' Even more than Portobelo and Panama, it was the defensive key to Spanish trade with western South America. This commerce still traveled to and from the Pacific largely by way of the isthmus, though the old galeones fleet which was its former sole link with Spain, had now dropped in importance.2 With the creation of the Peruvian viceroyalty in 1542, the part of northern South America called New Granada became loosely appended to it and remained connected for nearly two hundred years. Then, to remedy a chaotic situation caused by the deposition of colonial president, Francisco Meneses Bravo, by the audiencia of Santa Fe de Bogota6 in 1715,3 New Granada was founded as a separate viceroyalty on May 27, 1717. Just at that time, moreover, the Spanish government of Philip V, dominated by Abbot Giulio Alberoni, was preparing operations for the recovery of Sardinia and Sicily.4 Spain thus faced another general European war only four years after the Treaty of Utrecht, and she thought the Caribbean coast needed. more protection than it could receive from the distant Peruvian viceroy at Lima. The new political unit consisted of the provinces of Santa Fe, Cartagena, Santa Marta, Maracaibo, Caracas, Antioquia, Guayana, Popayan, and San Francisco de Quito, or in modernl terms Colombia, Venezuela, and The author is professor of history at the University of Illiiiois. 1 Cristobal Bernvddez Plata, Discursos leicdos ante la Real Academia Sevillana de Buenas Letras por los Seniores Don Crist6bal Bermiidez Plata y Don Celestino Lopez Martinez (Sevilla, 1931), p. 35. 2 Richard Pares, War and Trade in the West Indies, 1739-1763 (Oxford, 1936), p. 5. 3 Francisco Javier Vergara y Velasco, Capitutlos de itna historia civil y militar de Colombia, 3d. ser. (Bogota, 1908), pp. 65-77. 4 Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta, Historia de Espaina y si influencia en la historia universal, V (Barcelona, 1929), 51-59. Alberoni did not become a cardinal until July, 1717.

A Current Bibliography of Foreign Publications Dealing with the Comedia

and Leporello, because whoever of the imitators knew Tirso's play as an original source probably had to guess at the meaning of Catalinón just as scholars do today; and even if any imitator understood Tirso, he is still entitled to endow his own characters with qualities as he sees fit. It only remains to be asked whether all these servants really are cowards. Reflect that there is an analogy to be drawn among Catalin ón, Leporello, and Sancho Panza. None is truly craven, but rather each is ignorant and hence unreasonable in the face of mysterious circumstances, be they supernatural as in the Don Juan legend, or simply extravagant as stemming from the wild fancy of Don Quijote. The servant never deserts the master and always does his bidding, even when hesitant because of premonition, as when Leporello complies with his master's command to extend an invitation for supper to the dreadful statue (Act II: 11), or because of understandable misgiving, for example , in El burlador de Sevilla, when Don Juan and Catalinón take refuge in the church with the statue (Act III: 11. 2229 if.) in spite of the obvious displeasure oí Catalinón, who had exclaimed: "La iglesia es tierra sagrada." One may only conclude that although Tirso may have intended to create a coward and a buffoon in Catalinón, actually his character outgrew the , words which Tirso put in his mouth. Instead was created a jester indeed, but one with loyalty and common sense. The succeeding imitators of Tirso seem to have attempted a reproduction of what appears to be Tirso's original plan ior the role, but inevitably with the same failure as in Tirso, demonstrated by the fact that invariably the servant's words and his consequent actions are contradictory. Catalinón's role of loyal adjutant, adviser, acomplice, witness, and finally narrator oí what is also his own misfortune—all in spite of fear— is not that of a coward. A Current Bibliography of Foreign Publications Dealing with the Comedia Compiled by Jack H. Parker University of Toronto Arnold G. Reichenberger University of Pennsylvania 1954—1 (Continued from Spring, 1954) Tirsa de Molina Arco, Ricardo del. "Más sobre Tirso de Molina y el medio social. IV." Boletín de la Real Academia Española, XXXIII, No. 139 (May-Aug., 1953), 243-293. [Conclusion.] Arco, Ricardo del. "La sociedad española en Tirso de Molina." Separata de la R, Int. de Sociologia. Brief Mention by A. J. L., Estudios, IX, No. 26 (May-Aug., 1953), 401. Penedo Rey, Fr. Manuel. "Por las fuentes de la dramática de Tirso de Molina. La Santa Juana: Tercera Parte." Estudios, IX No. 26 (May-Aug., 1953), 285-331. Tirso de Molina. Drei Dramen aus dem Spanischen: Der Kleinmütige. Das verkehrte Weltreich. Der steinerne Gast. Einleitung, Kommentar und Übersetzung von Karl Vossler. Berlin, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1953. Pp. 332. Tirso de Molina. Los tres maridos burlados . Barcelona, GiIi, 1951. Pp. 127. Vega, Lope de See Miscellaneous: Malkiel. Alonso, Amado. "Lope de Vega y sus fuentes." Thesaurus (Boletín del Instituto Caro y Cuervo), Vili (1952), 1-24. [El castigo sin venganza, chiefly.] Alonso, Dámaso. Poesía española. Ensayo de métodos y límites estilísticos. Garcilaso, Fray Luis de León, San Juan de la Cruz, Góngora, Lope de Vega. Madrid, Gredos, 195 1. Review by R. Páez Patino, Thesaurus, VIH (1952), 224-228. Anderson Imbert, Enrique. "Lope dramatiza un cantar." Asomante, VIII, No. 3 (July-Sep., 1952), 317-322. [El caballero de Olmedo.] Croce, Alda. "La Canción a la muerte de Carlos Félix, di Lope de Vega." Estudios dedicai'js a Menéndez Pidal, Vol. IV (Madrid . S.I.C., 1953), 391-404. Ei1. mbasaguas, Joaquín de. "Fernando 'el Católico,' personaje de Lope de Vega." Revista de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, No. 23 (July-Sep., 1952), 215-257. [Plays in which Fernando appears.] Loveluck, Juan. "La fecha de Peribáñez y el comendador de Ocaña." Atenea, Año XXX, CX, No. 336 (June, 1953), 419-424. ["Mi opinión es que Peribáñez fué escrita hacia 1614, aunque bien...

English Influence on the Spanish of Tampa

The chief sources for the influence of English on the Spanish of Tampa, Florida are two Spanish newspapers in Tampa, Traducci6n-Prensa and La Gaceta. They represent a Spanish colony greatly influenced by American traditions, customs, and language, and they attempt to express the ideas and ideals of the two cultures. What can not be expressed in idiomatic Spanish has to be expressed in borrowed form: hispanized, literally translated, in semantic form, or borrowed bodily, whether actually accepted into the language or not. Some of the English word adoptions are not restricted to this specific area. A great number of them have been used for some time and appear to be Spanish, although not so originally, according to the Diccionario de la Real Academia Espan-ola.