Syrian Kurds Research Articles

Never Mind Betrayal: America's Indifference to the Kurds is a Strategic Blunder

Although they have proven themselves to be loyal and capable U.S. partners, America has refused to endorse either independence for Iraqi Kurds or autonomy for Syrian Kurds. That policy has been academically underscored by several Realism-based concepts including an offshore balancing approach to the Middle East. This paper argues that America can adjust to new realities in the region without having to forsake its worthwhile Kurdish partnerships. I first compare and contrast the costs of American support for Kurds and then refute the notion that Kurdish independence in Iraq or autonomy in Syria would cause instability or be nonviable. I then recount recent Kurdish actions that have benefited America and argue that the subsequent U.S. capitulations to Baghdad and Ankara were unnecessary and strategically short-sighted. Lastly, I examine America's relationship with Turkey to discern if it merits impeding U.S. Kurdish policy. This paper concludes that America's endorsement of independence in Iraqi Kurdistan and perpetual autonomy in Northeast Syria would not be merely altruistic, but primarily a realpolitik reassertion of U.S. geopolitical strategy.

Çarlık’tan Sovyetler Birliği’ne Rusya’nın Kürt Politikası

In the process of the end of the Syrian civil war, Russia's contact with some groups of Syrian Kurds necessitated the historical background of Russian-Kurdish relations. Kurds have been on the political agenda of the Russians not only in the present but also in the past. Both Tsarist Russia and the Soviets considered the ethnic groups living in the regions, where they expanded in military and political terms, as partners in order to increase their domination in those regions. Some of the Kurds have also become actors with whom Russia has partnered in certain periods in the Middle East. In this context, this study will attempt to make a historical analysis of Russia's Kurdish policy. In this way, firstly, the academic and scientific dimension of Kurdish studies, which started in Russia in the middle of the 19th century, will be discussed. Then, the Kurdish policies of Russia during these eras will be discussed through historical facts.

The Kurdish presence in Damascus, and the role of the notable Ali Agha Zalfo

The city of Damascus includes many ancient Kurdish shrines that belong to the Kurdish personalities who settled in that city for centuries, since the era of Sultan Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi. that city. As a result of the foregoing, Damascus has always been a center of pride for the Kurds, who migrated to it in several stages, including the family of Ali Agha Zalvo, which settled in the Kurdish neighborhood of Damascus and has always played an important role in the Damascene society. The role of Ali Agha Zalvo emerged in many Syrian national positions, as he was one of the first Syrians to participate in the Great Syrian Revolution and bravely fought the French Mandate forces in Syria, and participated in the attempt of General Gouraud, the first French official in Syria at the time. The role of Ali Agha Zalvo also emerged in the field of receiving his Kurdish brothers who immigrated to Damascus in the twenties of the last century, as he allocated to them his palace in Damascus, took good care of them, and gave them his own money. Ali Agha Zalvo and his good deeds for the benefit of his brothers everywhere. As a result of all of the above, Ali Agha Zalvo has been respected and appreciated by all Syrians because of his well-known patriotism and service to the general Syrian affairs, as well as by the Syrian Kurds, who in turn found in him the person who always deserves respect and gratitude.

Prospects for the Invasion of Turkey and Iran against the Kurds of Syria and Iraq (before the End of 2022)

The paper focuses on the consideration of the prospects for a direct military invasion by Turkey and Iran against the national movement of the Kurds of Iran and Syria represented by the Syrian Democratic Forces (Syria), and Komala, the Kurdistan Free Life Party and the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (Iran). The position and role of Russia in resolving the conflict between Turkey and the Syrian Kurds without the use of armed force is also considered. It is concluded that Russia is striving to maintain a balance in relations, on the one hand, with Turkey, and, on the other hand, with the central government of Syria in Damascus. The issue of US interests in Syria is indirectly touched upon. It seems that the interests of Russia and the United States may conflict, and Turkey can take advantage of this. It is concluded that at this stage, a Turkish military invasion of Syrian Kurdistan seems more likely than an Iranian military invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan.

To be for fighting & To fight for being (How identity and the sense of belonging can influence the performance of the Syrian Kurds’ military groups)

The purpose of this article is to examine how the concept of identity and the sense of belonging can shape the performance and increase the capacity of a military group. At first the text outlines the theoretical framework of what is the sense of belonging and how this is strictly connected with the notion of identity by looking at previous literature. Afterward the paper defines how these factors can cause and bring to a different military capacity, when it is formed by representatives of a single ethnic group. The relevance of this work is the possibility of having a clearer understanding of military efficiency by combining theories of two sciences: political science and anthropology. Previous works didn’t give a complete vision and understanding of it because they were not combining the theories of these two disciplines, leaving a not clear result in their research. Furthermore, for proving the theoretical framework developed in the text, a case study is chosen: the Syrian Kurds, specifically two groups, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat (YPD) and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Using a qualitative research method, the groups are exposed, and it is outlined how the theoretical idea of the paper functions when looking at physical examples. The combination of primary sources and interviews with UN staff operating in Syria during 2012-2016, allowed a more complete and objective vision of the groups’ capacity and the reality that the Syrian Kurds were living. The choice fell on these exponents because they manifest each of the theoretical points touched in the research (culture, sense of belonging and identity).

Турция и Сирийский конфликт

The article analyses Turkey’s policy towards the Syrian crisis. The author presents an overview of doctrinal principles of the Turkish foreign policy as a basis for its objectives and motivation. The “zero problems with neighbours” concept that had been integral to Ankara’s Middle Eastern policies in general was proven irrelevant amid the Arab Spring. In fact, Ankara strived to use the Arab revolutions to its own advantage by promoting Turkey’s modernization pattern and gaining clout in the whole region. This course seems to have shaped the informal doctrine of “neo- Ottomanism”, which glorifies the Ottoman imperial power and expansionism towards the nations that comprised the former empire. In addition, one of the main factors in Ankara’s policy in Syria is its aspiration to prevent a Kurdish autonomy there. Kurds were the major target of Ankara’s three illegal military operations (“Euphrates Shield”, “Olive Branch” and “Peace Spring”) on the Syrian soil, with the aim of pushing them away from the Turkish boundaries. Turkey’s aggressive policy towards the Syrian Kurds appears to be the clearest manifestation of “neo-Ottomanism”. Apart from that, the article considers Turkey’s balancing act between the US and Russia as part of its foreign policy in Syria. Following the “Euphrates Shield”, there was a rapprochement between Turkey and Russia when the former joined the Astana negotiations. Cooperation with Russia has become a consistent trend in Erdogan’s foreign policy in Syria, especially in Idlib. It has proven beneficial to Ankara with regard to achieving its policy goals in the Syrian Arab Republic.

Syrian Kurds and Nation-State Citizenship: Inclusion and Exclusion Mechanisms

Günümüz dünyasının başat örgütlenme biçimi olan ulus-devletlerin önemli bir bölümü, her ne kadar homojen bir kimlik ve kültür iddiasında bulunsalar da, çok-etnili bir yapıya sahiptirler. Çok-etnili yapı kuşkusuz her bir ulus-devletin, hangi kimliklerin dahil edilip hangilerinin dışarıda bırakılacağını belirleyen vatandaşlık çerçevesini belirlemesini gerekli kılmıştır. Bu çalışma söz konusu ulus-devletlerden biri olan ve 20. yy.’ın başlarında Fransa’nın himayesinde inşa edilen Suriye devletinin Kürt nüfusuna ilişkin vatandaşlık politikalarını konu edinmektedir. Bu konu izleğinde araştırmanın amacı, Osmanlı ve öncesi dönemlerde yerel olarak tanımlanan Kürt kimliğinin, Suriye ulus-devletinin kurulmasıyla birlikte nasıl “kimliksiz”leştirildiğine dair bir resim çizebilmek ve Suriye Kürtleri örneğinde ulus-devlet vatandaşlığının çelişkilerini ortaya koyabilmektir. Araştırmanın verileri konuyla ilgili literatürün yanı sıra saha çalışmasına dayanmaktadır. Saha çalışması 2010-2011 yılları arasında gerçekleştirilmiş, veriler derinlemesine görüşmeler, katılımlı gözlem, yaşam hikayeleri gibi etnografik tekniklere başvurularak elde edilmiştir. Çalışmada Kürtlerin dört (Türkiye, Irak, İran ve Suriye) ulus devlet sınırları içerisinde kalmasına karşın, kimlik mücadelesinin süreğenlik arz etmesi ve her bir devletteki olayların Suriye Kürtlerini de etkilemesinin, Suriye devletinin Kürtlere yönelik vatandaşlık politikalarını etkilediği ileri sürülmektedir. Sonuç olarak Suriye devletinin Kürt nüfusa ilişkin Arap Kemeri, Kürtçe’nin kullanılmasının yasaklanması gibi asimilasyonist politikalarına karşın vatandaşlık söz konusu olduğunda dışlayıcı bir tavrı olduğu görülmüştür. Ancak bu dışlayıcı tavrın da ikircimli olduğunu belirtmek gerekir.

THE DEMOCRATIC UNION PARTY (PYD) AND PEOPLE'S PROTECTION UNITS (YPG) IN TURKISH OFFICIAL DISCOURSE

This article explores the construction of the Syrian Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the People's Protection Units (YPG) in Turkish official discourse. In the article, I employ critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyze written texts produced during the years 2014–2019 that reflect the position of the Turkish authorities. The article sets out the main narratives that construct the PYD and YPG as terrorist organizations and posits them as a threat to both Turkey and the international community. The analysis reveals that these narratives serve the purpose of delegitimizing the PYD and YPG and legitimizing Turkish military operations and violations against Syrian Kurds. It highlights that the Turkish official position regarding the PYD and YPG is driven by two ideological factors: first, the influence of Kurdish autonomy in Syria on the action of Kurds in Turkey, and second, the barrier that the PYD and YPG have created against the Islamist agenda of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Syria.

Kurdistan Region and Syria: The Problem of Relations (1992-2020)

Abstract Despite the political, geographical, and security relations that links Syria and KRG, Damascus always have had an impact on the Kurdish political movements in other parts of Kurdistan. This research examines the foundation of Syria-KRG relations from 1992 onwards. In order to explore the extent of these relations, Regional Security Complex theory has been adopted which considers the Kurdistan Region as a security threat to Syria. Also the method applied by Anoushiravan Ehteshami and Raymond A. Hinnebusch (1997), (Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System) is utilized to understand Syria’s interventionist behavior in the Kurdistan Region, which considers the Syrian insecure state system as a major drive behind Syrian state behavior. This study has concluded that the Syria-KRG relations could be classified into three stages. The first stage includes the pre 1992 era, which Syria viewed Iraqi Kurds as a political card against Saddam’s Ba’ath regime in Iraq. However, on the second stage (1992-2003) Syria was very careful and skeptical to make political relations with KRG, the relations at this stage were mostly focused on the trade sector. At this stage Syrian regime tried to benefit from Iraqi Kurds economically. While from 2003 onwards Syrian regime saw KRG as a security threat to Kurdish minority in Syria. It can be argued that from 2011 onwards there have been very limited relation with Syrian regime, because of the Syrian crisis which isolated Syrian regime from international community. However, in this stage KRG has focused on relations with the Syrian Kurds (Rojava), which so far is mostly a mere reflection of the KDP-PKK rivalry in the region.

Exit-With-Autonomy or Autonomy-Without-Exit? Divergent Political Trajectories in Rojava and the Kurdish Regional Government

This paper argues that sociological analysis of social movements has undertheorized non/anti-state social movements. It is argued that an alternative modality of resistance to that of movements seeking reform through the state or the capture of state power through revolution is to exit the world-system and set up parallel structures of governance and production. A conjunctural inter-regional comparison is taken up in order to map the inter-scalar and historical causal factors that led to exit-with-autonomy in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) and autonomy-without-exit in Iraqi Kurdistan (Kurdish Regional Government). The paper shows that in order to exit the world-system social movement actors in Rojava used strategic loyalty bargains and political voice at specific historical conjunctures in order to maintain their movement and seize on non-state political opportunities. These same non-state political opportunities were not available for the social movement actors hoping to exit the world-system in the Kurdish Regional Government.

Turkey’s dealing with the Syrian Kurds (Part I)

This wide-ranging survey of the Kurds in Syria will evaluate the mid-term fall-out of the suddenly announced US withdrawal on October 7, 2019. It concludes that 1. The US dishonorably deserted its Syrian Kurdish ally, 2. Alienated future allies who would no longer trust it, 3. Allowed some of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) prisoners incarcerated by YPG guards to escape and potentially revive the genocidal jihadist organization, 4. Rewarded Turkish aggression, 5. Handed the murderous, but badly taxed Assad regime new life, 6. Facilitated Iran’s drive to the Mediterranean and potential threat to Israel, and, maybe most of all, 7. Empowered Russia as the ultimate arbitrator of the Syrian imbroglio to the detriment of the United States and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Turkey’s dealing with the Syrian Kurds (Part II)

This Commentary survey’s Turkey's interaction with Syria's surprisingly influential Kurds and explores the Turkish-US confrontation over the US support of the Syrian Kurds against ISIS. It concludes that the Biden administration will likely continue to implement the limited, but effective role his predecessors Trump and Obama had carried out, but that the ultimate fate of Syria and its embattled Kurds remains unclear.

Double Trouble: Analyzing the Impact of Statelessness on the Status of Kurdish Women

The struggle of Kurdish women at large has been, as many media outlets suggested, an extraordinary and unique example of women’s status in the Middle East. In contrast to the widespread, surface-level narrative of Kurdish women’s empowerment, a complex political, socio-historical background of Kurdish statelessness has intensified women’s empowerment or oppression. This essay will demonstrate how nationalist ideology, autonomous spaces, and violent conflict may provide the conditions for a 'double revolution' and/or 'double oppression' of stateless Kurdish women through the lens of statelessness. These three features of statelessness intersect with unique features of the stateless Kurdish populations across the Middle East to determine a woman’s status. More specifically, the case of Syrian Kurdistan exemplifies a 'double revolution' while Iraqi Kurdistan exemplifies a case of 'double oppression' for Kurdish women.

The Analysis of Israel – Turkey engagement on Syria and the US Foreign Policy of pulling out forces: Who controls what?

The issue of Syrian Civil war has tinted the International Relations issue at least from 2011 where a protest against President Assad’s regime resulted to the large-scale war between the anti-government rebel group which get backed by the United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and their other supported ally in the region while the Syrian government has the back up from Russia and Iran. There are three campaigns that influence the full-scale of conflict; the effort against Islamic State, tension between the Syrian government and the opposition as well as related to Turkish forces military operations against Syrian Kurds. The US foreign policy to give sanctioned to Syrian government up to its decision of pulling out forces in President Donald Trump administration has contemplated the bloody drama in Syria. These phenomena are then created a new era of conflict between Israel and Turkey which some says, actually share the same strategy.

Thinking Theoretically about the Kurds

: Thinking theoretically about three important and recent events affecting the Kurds can help us to understand better their political experiences. 1 These events include (1) The breakdown of the Turkish Government-Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) cease-fire in July 2015; (2) the failure of the advisory referendum on independence that the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq held on September 25, 2017; and (3) the Turkish military incursion into northeastern Syria (Rojava or Syrian Kurdistan) in October 2019. I first examine five different theories of international relations as well as the concept of levels of analysis and theories of nationalism. In doing so, I refer intermittently to these three important recent events concerning the Kurds and then describe them more fully to illustrate how thinking theoretically can help explain what happened and why.

Sexual and reproductive health of Syrian refugee adolescent girls: a qualitative study using focus group discussions in an urban setting in Lebanon

BackgroundThe war in Syria caused the forced displacement of millions of Syrians to neighboring countries. Lebanon is the host country with the largest overall number of Syrian refugees per capita. Adolescent refugee girls experience a unique level of vulnerability during human emergencies and are at increased risk of suffering from poor sexual and reproductive health (SRH) outcomes. We conducted an exploratory qualitative study to learn about the SRH perceptions and experiences of refugee adolescent girls living in Bourj Hammoud, an urban setting in Lebanon.MethodsWe employed a qualitative design with eight focus group discussions (FGDs) conducted with 40 Syrian Arab and Syrian Kurdish adolescent girls between January and March 2020. Every FGD consisted of five participants aged 13 to 17 years. A semi-structured guide was used covering multiple themes: menstruation, puberty, SRH awareness, and sexual harassment. FGDs were transcribed and analyzed using thematic analysis.FindingsThe participants discussed adolescent girls’ health and named six elements of good health, such as healthy activities and self-protection. The majority of the FGD participants reported a lack of awareness about menstruation when they experienced it for the first time and the social stigma associated with menstruation. When defining puberty, they indicated its social link to a girl’s readiness for marriage and her need to become cautious about sexual harassment. Most FGD participants had very poor knowledge of the female reproductive system. Mothers were the most approached persons to receive information on SRH issues; however, the girls indicated a wish to receive advice from specialists in a comfortable and private atmosphere. All the girls reported that either they themselves, or an acquaintance, had experienced some type of sexual harassment. The girls rarely reported those incidents due to fear of being blamed or subjected to mobility restrictions, or forced to drop out of school.ConclusionsThe findings show the refugee girls need for satisfactory knowledge on SRH issues and interventions to prevent sexual and gender-based violence that take into consideration the complexity of urban settings.

ناجێگیریی سیاسەتی ئەمریکا بەرانبەر ڕۆژئاوای کوردستان

This study attempts to explain the US policy towards Syrian Kurds and highlight the key reasons behind establishing of military relations between Kurds and US. Further, it endeavors to explore the fact that why the US policy towards Syria Kurds is unstable and why Trump administration allowed Turkey to attack Kurdish autonomous region in Syria. In reality, the emergence of relations between Kurds and US backed to 2014, especially when ISIS controlled vast majority of Syria and Iraq territory and posed serious threat to the US security interests in Iraq and region. In this regards, the US saw the Kurdish forces as a trusted partner to confront ISIS in Syria. In particular, the Syrian armed groups did not want to fight ISIS and even some of them had relations with ISIS. However, despite the US military support to the Kurds, but politically US has a contradiction and unstable policy toward Kurds in Syria and it does not have any intention or agenda to support autonomous region or federal system for Kurds. This has been the key reasons behind Trump attempts to withdrawal its troops from Syria without taking into consideration the future of the Kurds there and allowed Turkey to attack Kurds. In fact, Turkey pressures, US willingness to withdrawal its troops form Middle East and defeating ISIS might push US to completely withdrawal all forces and abandon the Kurds in Syria.

Cover Art Concept

Other| March 01 2021 Cover Art Concept Molly Crabapple Molly Crabapple MOLLY CRABAPPLE is an artist and author of Drawing Blood (2015) and Brothers of the Gun (with Marwan Hisham; 2018). She has published in the New York Times, the New York Review of Books, the Paris Review, Vanity Fair, Rolling Stone, and the New Yorker. Her art is in the Museum of Modern Art’s permanent collection. Contact: molly@mollycrabapple.com. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of Middle East Women's Studies (2021) 17 (1): 129–130. https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-8790319 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter Email Permissions Search Site Citation Molly Crabapple; Cover Art Concept. Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 1 March 2021; 17 (1): 129–130. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-8790319 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter Books & JournalsAll JournalsJournal of Middle East Women's Studies Search Advanced Search In 2015 I had been hired by Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) to document their maternity clinic in the Domiz Refugee Camp in Iraqi Kurdistan. For a week I drew dozens of sketches—families about to take the dangerous journey to Europe, young mothers, a wedding-dress shop, a newborn baby joyously howling at the new world in which she found herself. The camp’s residents were Syrian Kurds, displaced by fundamentalist rebels, the regime, ISIS, poverty, or some combination of the four. Many were passing time until they could scrape together the money to pay a smuggler to take them to Germany. This issue’s cover art is a portrait, based on photos I shot at Domiz, of an Algerian doctor volunteering with MSF. An hour earlier she had helped deliver a baby, and she was taking a quick break from work.... Copyright © 2021 by the Association for Middle East Women’s Studies2021 You do not currently have access to this content.

Kurdish cross-border trade between Syria and Turkey: the socio-political trajectories of Syrian Kurds

From Syria’s independence to the eve of the civil war in 2011, Kurds in Syria were subjected to state ethno-exclusion, economic and socio-political marginalization, impacting on their freedom and profoundly altering the demography of their region. The majority became stateless and sank into severe poverty, having to work illegally on their own land and participate in informal cross-border trade for their basic needs. This article examines this cross-border trade and its impact on interaction between Kurds in Syria and those in Turkey, arguing that it has not only been a socio-economic resource for marginalized Syrian Kurds but that these interactions have contributed to a broader social process of Kurdish political mobilization, which resulted in socio-political trajectories that became evident just before Syria’s civil war.

Past and Future of Kurdish Autonomy in Syria: Prospects of the Autonomy in the Time of COVID-19

This article focuses on the current COVID-19 implications for the fissure between the Syrian regime and the Kurds in Syria. It explains how the Syrian Kurds cope with COVID-19, given the region’s political status and the current state of play in the Syrian war. It sheds light on (1) the practical application of Kurdish semi-autonomy in Syria along with its successes and shortcomings in the public health sphere; and (2) how COVID-19 has affected intra-Kurdish politics in Syria and Kurdistan. Although changes in the political framework of Syria are not expected in the near future, the pandemic has underscored the fissures between the Kurds and the central government. Since the pandemic reached Syria, the Syrian government has almost completely neglected the health situation in the Kurdish territories. The Kurdish Autonomous Administration, in turn, recruited all the means at its disposal to cope independently with the crisis. These on-the-ground developments are signs for both the overt and covert, anxious hopes and strivings of the Kurds for autonomy. To assess the prospects for Kurdish autonomy, the article also analyzes the Kurds’ relationships with the states involved in the Syrian conflict and the historical landmarks of intra-Kurdish politics.