Kurdistan Democratic Party Research Articles

The level of public relations usefulness of media institutions to media theories

This research worked to show the level of public relations using the media channel from media theories in media duties, with the aim of showing the extent of public relations participation in media duties and the production of messages and media materials, and from here the extent to which media theories are used by the department. The boundaries of the research are the Kurdistan region, and its society is the institutions and media channels in the region. 40 people from public relations officials and employees became the subjects of this scientific research from the following channels and institutions, (Kurdsat, NRT channels, KNN, GK, Kurdistan TV, Kurdistan 24, Kerkuk, Waar TV, Payam, Speda, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan Media Office, Kurdistan Democratic Party Media Office), and a questionnaire form was used as a means to obtain answers and data.Among the most important findings of the research are:1. The poor level of participation of the Public Relations Department in the performance of media tasks in media institutions, and most of its focus on information tasks, reception and communication with guests.2 . The public relations department in media organizations does not benefit from and does not use media theories in the required manner in performing its media duties.

Announcement of Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) 1976-1991

Announcement of Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) 1976-1991

Britain, Iraq, and the Politics of Genocide: The 1963 Ba’ath Government Campaign Against the Kurds

ABSTRACT The Kurds of Iraq were the victims of a claimed genocide during the rule of the Ba’ath regime in Iraq in 1963. The Iraqi Ba’ath Party first came to power in February of 1963 and was ousted in November of that year; between June and October, it conducted military offensives against the Kurdish minority in Iraq in the name of destroying the Kurdish autonomy movement, then spearheaded by the nationalist Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). No estimated numbers exist on how many people were killed in that period, but an array of international and other reports, presented in this research, concurrently stated that the Iraqi government’s mass violence against the Kurds amounted to genocide. These included private recognition by the relevant UK diplomats and officials. This article examines the foreign policy of the UK in relation to that reported genocide. It explores how the Cold War, regional interests, and a long-held aversion to Kurdish desires for self-rule led Britain not only to overlook the mass violence perpetrated by the Ba’ath government against Iraq’s Kurdish minority in 1963 but also to support the regime. This policy was adopted in the face of credible information available to British officials reporting the Iraqi actions as a genocide. Britain continued to take the public position that the Kurdish issue in Iraq was an internal Iraqi matter while simultaneously seeking to foster good relations with the Ba’ath government by providing it with arms and diplomatic protection and seeking to undermine the Kurdish autonomy movement. Thus, a case study in the politics of genocide and how politics determines the response to these is investigated.

Kurdistan Parliament Elections 1992 and the Impact of the Results on the Popular Party

The Election of 1992 was an important result of the Kurdish movement, despite the confrontations and difficult circumstances that Kurdistan has gone through, the Kurdistan front was able to take desiccion about elections in order to establish a parliament and the Kurdistan Regional Government. The elections were the first democratic examination to add legitimacy to the Kurdish government to replace the Kurdish front. In fact, the process of election which had been done was not an easy decision because the Iraqi govemnemet imposed the siege on Kurdistan and on the other hand, regional pressures to prevent the existence of any other Kurdish region.
 Also, most of the political parties affiliated with the Kurdistan Front were not with the conduct of the elections, ultimately the elections were done. This research deals with the way of how the law of the elections was taken by the Kurdistan Front, then the conduct and completion of the elections, legal violations, and the lack of credibility of political parties when conducting the elections, finally, the results were decided in favor of Party and Yekiti, and the seats were divided equally between them. The results of the elections had a negative impact on the parties that did not excel, so they made preparations and thought about forming serious alliances between the parties (Kurdistan Democratic Popular party, Kurdistan Socialist party and Kurd Socialist Party) to form the Kurdistan Union Party in 1992, but it did not last long, The year after party was dissolved, and on August 16th 1993, in the eleventh conference, the party joined with the kurdistan Democratic Party.

Interdiscursivity, Kurdish nationalism, and femininity: a feminist critical discourse analysis

In this study, I examine how femininity is constructed in the discourse of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), one of the representatives of Kurdish nationalism. Based on my analysis, I believe the KDPI’s discourse represents Kurdish nationalism in Iran well. Using purposive sampling, I apply feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA) to examine KDPI’s texts on gender. The interdiscursivity analysis reveals that KDPI constructs femininity paradoxically by articulating modern and traditional gender discourses in two distinct periods. The first period is from the emergence of Komala J.K. to the establishment of the Republic of Kurdistan (1942–1946), and the second period spans from 1946 to the present, following the Kurdistan Republic’s collapse. The study demonstrates how gendered social structures shape KDPI’s discourse and contributes to reproducing and transforming them.

Political and Social Obstacles to the Nation-Building Process in Kurdistan Region

The process of integrating people into the political, social, and cultural assimilation of individuals of a nation is known as nation-building, which has caused a number of obstacles for this extensive and multidimensional process. In order to return to the position and policies of the ruling elite and the institutions of the Kurdistan Region, the researcher depends on the qualitative approach in the current study, which focuses on the political and social barriers to the nation-building process in the Kurdistan Region. The key inquiry is therefore: What are the political and social impediments to the process of nation-building in the Kurdistan Region? In order to respond to this question, this research takes into account a number of factors, including the partisan clash and civil war between the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, as well as the absence of a comprehensive national strategy that united the nation before it resulted in the emergence of two utterly distinct administrations in the Kurdistan Region. On the other hand, Kurdistan’s nation-building efforts are hampered, according to the researcher, by the use of the two dialects policy, tribal culture, the fragility of civil society, the separation of the nation, and the predominance of foreign languages and cultures in private educational institutions. As a result of these barriers, there is a sharp divide between identity and common culture as well as a division between politics and culture. As a result, in order for the nation-building process in the Kurdistan Region to be successful, it must be kept as a unified political entity free from dual administration, the institution of forces, and the building of a unified language )standard language(, while also requiring private educational institutions to promote Kurdish culture and language in their curricula. It means that the Kurdish language and culture must be emphasized in the curricula of private educational institutions.

KDP-PUK Strategic Agreement and Its Consequences for the Governing System in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

After years of fighting, disagreements and geographical division, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) signed a Strategic Agreement in 2006, leading to the unification of their different administrations. While the KDP-PUK Strategic Agreement prevented the two ruling parties from engaging in another violent conflict, and established a mechanism for unifying their two different administrations, it also appears to have been ineffective in facilitating the institutionalisation process and institutional stability. This study examines how the KDP-PUK Strategic Agreement shaped the governing system in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) for a decade and identifies the reasons for the poor performance of political institutions. It demonstrates that the governing structure reflected partisan interests following the Strategic Agreement, making it difficult to establish stable and functional political institutions.

The Role of New Media in Political Marketing for Political Parties in the Kurdistan Region (Websites of Television Channels as A Case Study)

This study aims to reveal the role of new media in political marketing for political parties in the Kurdistan Region and to determine the extent of the use of electronic websites in political marketing among political parties in the Kurdistan Region. This research is a type of ”Analysis” research, using the ”survey” method, in this research we have used an intake survey to collect data. We purposely concentrated on cadres of the electoral and media bureau of all five main political parties in the Kurdistan Region, such as the Kurdistan Democratic Party )KDP(, the patriotic Union Kurdistan )PUK( and the Gorran Movement )GM(, also the other two opposition parties, such as Kurdistan Justice body, and Kurdistan Islamic Union. As they are political bodies and their work is derived from political marketing they conduct for their political parties. Our study concluded that more than half of those working in divisions related to elections and media agencies of a political party do not have a high or adequate understanding of political marketing and its role in the promotion and development of political parties. New media, especially digital Websites play a significant role in political marketing for political parties in the Kurdistan Region.

Political situation in South Kurdistan between, 1975-1987

The political situation in Southern Kurdistan during the period from ١٩٧٥ to ١٩٨٧, following the setback of the September Revolution )١٩٦١-١٩٧٥(, and the conclusion of the Algiers Agreement on March ٦, ١٩٧٥, witnessed radical changes, the most important of which was the Kurdistan Democratic Party’s dissolution of its organizations. However, after a period of time, a new trend emerged from the core of that party’s formations, which included the emergence of a number of parties and political currents, including )P. U. K, Kurdistan Socialist Party(. These parties began their political activities, as the national political leaders began working to review the Kurdish liberation movement again, which prompted them to start the process of organizing in both Syria and Iran. Which led to the inauguration of a new stage of the Kurdish liberation movement’s struggle, as the parties, beside their political struggle from negotiations with the Iraqi government, began a frontal struggle at the internal and external levels to unify their civil and armed struggle to stand up to the Iraqi government’s policies in southern Kurdistan. It included all the Kurdish parties, it had burdened the liberation movement. The outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war )١٩٨٠-١٩٨٨( had its effects on southern Kurdistan, as the latter became an open area for war between the two countries, which contributed to strengthens the hostility of the political system in Baghdad towards the movement, which prompted it to be drawn into that war. As a result of all that, the regional countries had a great influence on the course of the Kurdish liberation movement’s struggle, which prevented the achievement of its goals. Because of the difficulty of obtaining sufficient sources due to their loss as a result of what Southern Kurdistan witnessed in particular, and what Iraq witnessed in general, of theft, burning or destruction of official documents, we were unable to address some aspects of the political and military, so we conducted some interviews to fix this problme. During our study, we adopted the descriptive historical approach to complete the study, which included analysing the causes and determining the results. The study dealt with )the political situation of Southern Kurdistan ١٩٧٥-١٩٨٧( and how the developments of the Kurdish liberation movement after the setback of the September Revolution )١٩٦١-١٩٧٥(, especially its military, civil and political struggle. In conclusion, we reached the conclusions from it. During that period, the Kurdish people resumed a new phase of the struggle of the Kurdish people, which was characterized by the plurality of parties, which collided with the eruption of some internal differences, which generated a desire to form alliances that would unify the struggle against the Iraqi government.

The Kurdish Civil War (1994–1998) and its Consequences for the Governing System in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

ABSTRACT In 1994, two years after the foundation of a de facto Semi-Autonomous Kurdistan Region, a civil war between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) broke out, jeopardizing all the Kurdish national movement had achieved. While the US-brokered Washington Peace Agreement in 1998 brought an end to the civil war, its consequences remained entrenched in the region's socio-political and governance framework. This article examines how the Kurdish civil war shaped the governing system in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) for a decade and caused the region to divide into two different administrations, impeding the establishment of effective governmental institutions. This analysis demonstrates that the governing system reflected partisan demands during and after the civil war, making it difficult to separate the political parties and the government or state apparatus.

The Kurdish Civil War and Peace Negotiations, 1994–1998

The Kurdish Civil War between the military forces of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) began in 1994. Despite frequently occurring peace talks throughout the conflict, negotiations failed to bring about a durable settlement until the United States brokered the Washington Peace Agreement in 1998. This research explores why the earlier negotiations were unsuccessful, and whether it was only the US mediation in 1998 which made the difference. Although the US mediation was clearly an important factor, by employing the contingency model this research argues that both contextual variables and process variables determined the success of negotiations in 1998. Furthermore, they can explain the failure of the previous 4 years of negotiations.

Июльская революция 1958 года в Ираке и деятельность демократической партии Курдистана за политические права и защиту завоеваний революции.

Июльская революция 1958 года в Ираке и деятельность демократической партии Курдистана за политические права и защиту завоеваний революции.

The situation of Kurdish political prisoners in Iraq from the period of Haras Qawmi 8-2-1963 to 18-11-1963

Abstract The situation of Kurdish prisoners in Iraqi prisoners from 8-2-1963 to 18-11-1963 In the contemporary history of Iraq, the first period of Baa’th party’s era which very significant in the history of the country. After the coup of 8th February 1963, which Iraqi National Guard (Baa’si) obtained power. As a result, Abdul Karem Qasm the first President of the Iraqi Republic (1958-1963), many Iraqi people Kurds were not exempted and who were captured from different cities and rural areas in the whole Iraq, and they were taken to prisons like Arabs or other ethnic and religion groups and Kurdish soldiers (Peshmarga’s) captives from fronts particularly, from 09-06-1963 to 18-11-1963. Those prisoners were accused of being members of Iraqi Communist Party or Kurdistan Democratic Party which were considered as the opposition party of the government. Otherwise, they probably almost did not commit any crime against law and civilians. Therefore, it could be named them political prisoner in the mentioned period. While the Kurdish political prisoners were in Iraqi prisons. Particularly, after 9th Jun, 1963 till 18th November, they were brutally tortured by members of Iraqi militia “National Gourds”, who belonged to Baath’s party. Their brutal actions against Kurdish prisoners such as hitting, boxing, burning, withdrawing nails, and so on. These crimes are unforgettable in the contemporary history of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Arrest campaign of the Ba'athists in Erbil Following the February 8, 1963 Coup

This research, based on unpublished official Iraqi documents, has touched on the campaign of arrests carried out by the Baathist regime after the February 8, 1963 coup in the cities of Iraq and Kurdistan, including Erbil, in which the National Guard and other security and military agencies arrested hundreds of people from the city and regions. Administratively affiliated. The research sheds light on the issue of the arrest of members and supporters of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party. Additionally, it details the detention and arrest of individuals from different classes and groups such as peasants, professionals, merchants, teachers, employees, children, women, and the elderly. This research also focuses on the prisons and detention centers where people from Erbil were held, their conditions including torture at the detention facilities. To sum up, data included in this research concerning the number of detainees from Erbil and its districts and sub-districts are based on the information gathered from the used documents.

Kurdish insurgency in Rojhelat: from Rasan to the Oslo negotiations

This article sheds light on recent political developments in Rojhelat (Eastern/Iranian Kurdistan), focusing on the activities of Rojhelat’s leading political parties. This study argues that the existing situation in the area is a product mainly of the shift in Rojhelat’s mainstream political organisation, the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran, in its political and military approach to the Kurdish movement in Iran, popularly known as Rasan-i Rojhelat (the revival/sudden rise of Eastern Kurdistan). This has triggered a new, high level of conflict between Kurds and the Islamic Republic of Iran since 2015. Since the announcement of the Rasan, tit-for-tat clashes between Kurdish Peshmerga/guerrilla units and the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) have been witnessed across Rojhelat. Analysis of the Kurdish question in Rojhelat reveals this development as multifaceted and complex, involving multiple actors and activities such as insurgency and collective protest from Kurdish civil society. This article focuses on two main developments: the methods and practices deployed by the Kurdish political parties of Rojhelat following the Rasan, and the sudden announcement of negotiations between representatives of the Iranian government and of four of Rojhelat’s political parties from 27-28 July 2019 in Oslo.

The problems of 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum

This article sheds light on the situation related to 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum. Leaning on the primary sources, it is demonstrated that the party officials of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan warned the leadership of the Kurdish Regional Autonomy of Iraq represented by the Kurdistan Democratic Party about the consequences of shortsighted policy. The disputed territories, which are the subject of discussion between the leadership of the Autonomy and Baghdad, were controlled by the troops of the Central Government. The Iraqi leadership has also reduced the funds from the federal budget for supporting the government employees of the Autonomy. It resulted in payment arrears and mass disturbances in the Autonomy. The novelty of this research lies in the fact that this topic has not previously received due attention in the Russian sources. This article is first within the Russian Kurdish Studies to introduce the primary sources in Sorani (Kurdish dialect). It cannot be asserted that these problems have been resolved conclusively; the blame falls on the shortsighted and irrational policy of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or even personally Masoud Barzani, who was removed from his office as result of the referendum. The representatives of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan denounced the detrimental consequences of holding the referendum in the existing conditions.

Political Parties and the Political System in Iraqi Kurdistan

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq has a multi-party system which has been held up as a model for democratic pluralism in the whole region. The nature of Kurdistan’s political parties is strongly related to the position of Kurds in Iraq. From the mid-twentieth century, the dominant Kurdish political party in Iraq was the Kurdistan Democratic Party; in a later partisan split the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan was born. Moreover, in the last three decades other political parties have come into being, which have all influenced the characteristics of Iraqi Kurdistan’s political system. This paper’s main argument is that Iraqi Kurdistan shares many of the characteristics of its main political parties, including reliance on charismatic leadership, a focus on nationalism, and the lack of transparency. This paper analyzes the primary characteristics of the Kurdish political parties and their influence on the institutional functions of the political system in the Kurdistan Region.

Palaces for the People: Scrutinizing Social Infrastructure in Sulaimani

This essay considers the public spaces of the Chaikhana, or teahouse, as a traditional place for public assembly and the newly renovated “Old” Tobacco Factory, as a new art space. Utilizing Eric Klinenberg's concept of social infrastructure, Levkowitz critically examines these public spaces in Kurdish society wherein members of a community may go to participate in the social life of their community, come together to develop and maintain social relationships and to produce knowledge. The challenge for social infrastructure in Kurdistan today is that most existing public spaces are owned or controlled by individuals and groups who are part of or aligned with either one of the two of Kurdistan's major political parties, the KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party) or the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) who have done little to foster true social infrastructure which has left a vacuum into which the private sector has filled.

The rise and fall of movement for change in the Kurdistan region of Iraq (2009–2018)

The Change Movement, also known in Kurdish as Gorran, was founded in 2009 to address the political demands of some parts of the public in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) for political and economic reform. Corruption, lack of transparency in government and financial affairs revenue and expenditure, the lack of legitimate and effective institutions, the existence of political party interference in all sectors of society, and the power-sharing agreement between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) had all contributed to widespread feelings of discontent among members of the public. Gorran took advantage of these feelings of disenfranchisement to demand a complete change in the political structure that had been built by the KDP and the PUK in the Region. Using this message, Gorran’s first election as an organized party in 2009 saw it become the second biggest political force in the Kurdistan Region and the biggest political party in the PUK’s traditional stronghold in Sulaymaniyah and the Garmian area. This research divides the Gorran Movement’s performance and effectiveness into three primary stages: (1) the opposition stage, which can be described as Gorran’s golden period; (2) the government participation stage after 2013, which can be described as the Movement’s period of weakness; and (3) the post-Nawshirwan Mustafa stage, which can be described as the Gorran Movement’s period of political exhaustion. The central argument of this research is that the Gorran Movement’s fundamental problem is that it became a part of the very structure that it had for many years campaigned against and is no longer a catalyst for reform.

IRAQI KURDISTAN’S 2017 INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM: THE KDP’S PUBLIC AND PRIVATE MOTIVES

On 7 June 2017, the former Kurdistan president Massoud Barzani called a meeting between 15 Kurdish political parties to seek their approval for a referendum on Iraqi Kurdish independence. Despite many adverse circumstances – the proroguing of the Kurdistan parliament, the strained relations among the Kurdish political parties, and the general political stalemate in Iraqi Kurdistan – the meeting agreed that a referendum should take place on 25 September 2017. However, both the Gorran Movement (Gorran) and the Kurdistan Islamic Group (Komal) refused to take part in the meeting and instead requested that the government's main focus be on restoring the political environment and restarting the Kurdistan parliament before any discussions take place on the issue of a Kurdish referendum. Notwithstanding internal, regional and international pressures, the Kurdistan Regional Government pressed ahead and held its referendum on 25 September 2017. The central question that remains about the Kurdistan referendum is what really motivated Kurdish politicians, in particular those of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) to hold the poll? This article argues that the KDP has a number of different public and private motivations in holding the independence referendum, which need to be explored.