Kosovo Issue Research Articles

Preparation and implementation of the “Greater Albania” project: historical and geopolitical aspects (1944-1980s)

The Kosovo issue is currently “settled” by the actual functioning of the Republic of Kosovo and by providing it with all the attributes of statehood during the Belgrade-Pristina negotiations (completeness of territory, border, customs, army, independent telecommunications and electricity system, international telephone number, etc.). When studying the Kosovo problem, it is logical to raise the question: why and how it was resolved in this particular way, what were the internal and external factors that ensured the stunning success of the separatist Pristina, which achieved an unprecedented permission for the Albanians, bypassing international and domestic law, for another national self-determination in the form creation of a second state? Often, when talking about the Kosovo confl ict, the hot phase of which occurred in 1998–1999, the main focus is on the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and their Western and non-Western patrons. However, no paramilitary unit that is relatively small in number, extremely weak in military training, and has a sabotage and punitive nature, even with external support, is capable of achieving a goal of this level in such a short period of time. It would take decades to prepare for its implementation — and they were at the disposal of Albanian tribal leaders and socially signifi cant fi gures who managed to ensure their interests in this way (the issue was not caring for the Albanian people, only gaining infl uence and extracting specifi c material benefi ts). Albanian organizations of the interwar period (Kosovo Committee, 1918–1925) and the leaders of the bandits, who psychologically and emotionally consolidated the practice of terror against the Serbs of Kosmet, laid a “strong foundation”. However, post-war Albanian emigration played a key role in the Kosovo confl ict of the 1990s. Moreover, Albanian emigration is also not a random phenomenon; it has a consistent development and direct historical continuity from Albanian organizations since the end of the 19th century. The article analyzes the Albanian nationalist organizations created in Kosovo and Metohija at the fi nal stage of the Second World War, as well as the political organizations of the Albanian emigration of the post-war period, identifying the continuity of ideology and practice that laid a solid foundation and created the conditions for the emergence of the Kosovo Liberation Army and political movements that ensured the creation of the Republic of Kosovo.

Discursive Practices of Serbian Cultural Intelligentsia and Production of Socio-Political Crisis Through and within the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia during 1985

In her work and on the basis of archival material, the author presents and analyzes the discursive practices of writers gathered in the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia, and articulated through the work of its governing bodies – Congresses, Assemblies, and the Presidency – throughout 1985. Namely, that year, at the 9th Congress of Writers in Novi Sad, one part of Serbian writers, gathered in the Association of Writers of Serbia, opened and actualized the so-called Kosovo issue within the Union, by constructing uniformly structured, and persistently repeated ideological narrative about the endangerment and persecution of Serbs in Kosovo, claiming that it was – genocide. The paper presents and summarizes the main features of the aforementioned congress, which indicate that the Yugoslav socio-political crisis of the early 1980s deeply affected the Union during 1985 and that it revealed deep conceptual divisions among Serbian and other writers in Yugoslavia. The dividing line was built around the rejection of the 1974 Constitution and the denial of national-cultural and republican identities and borders within Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and their defense and plea for them, on the other. The text seeks to clarify what the concept of freedom of literary creation and politicization of literature, which was advocated and defended by the Serbian cultural intelligentsia at the 9th Congress, essentially meant, as well as to point out that the period of the 1980s was marked by the ambition of writers to affirm themselves as significant socio-political factor through criticism of dogmatic and repressive political authorities of socialist selfgovernment. The author then focuses on the work of the Literary Union Presidency during 1985, and on the discursive practices of some Serbian writers, gathered in the Association of Writers of Serbia and the Association of Writers of Kosovo, articulated through The Open Letter and other letters of the UKS administration, which insisted on further opening of the so-called Kosovo issue and made serious accusations against the Albanian administration of the Kosovo Writers' Association. This encouraged the continuation of the crisis production process within the Union. She concludes that behind all of these discursive efforts was a concrete goal of recentralizing the federal literary organization, mastering the Kosovo literary association and discursively supporting the Serbian political elite, which at the same time, at the federal political level, insisted on opening and resolving the so-called Kosovo issue and the issue of unity of the Serbian federal and state unit within Yugoslavia. The author started from the hypothesis that (war) violence, specifically that in Kosovo, against Albanians, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, was conceived, among other things, in the words of the Serbian humanistic intelligentsia, which produced discursive/ideological knowledge through which interpreted the past and present of the national community and which aimed to encourage national mobilization and homogenization and put them at the service of a certain political project – the recentralization of the Yugoslav state, of Serbia, strengthening and unification of the imagined and scattered Serbian national-cultural society in Yugoslavia. Through the aforementioned discursive knowledge, a stigmatic image of the barbaric Albanian Other was built, which served to legitimize his exemption from the legal order, i.e. the imposition of a state of emergency and the normalization of violence in Kosovo throughout 1990s. Given that the aim of this paper was to give a meticulous overview of a conjuncture episodes in the work of the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia during 1985 and discursive strategies that would lead to its disintegration in the continuation of the process, and since this topic is still largely subject to politicization, the author let the sources “speak” in the text to the greatest extent possible.

Kosovsko-metohijske teme na stranicama Srpskog/književnog lista (2002–2021)

Srpski/Književni list, which, thanks to the editorial policy and standards achieved during two decades of publication (2002–2021), grew into one of the most important and respected magazines for literature, culture and social issues, brought, among other things, contributions dedicated to one of of the most current contemporary topics, Kosovo and Metohija. In the paper, we determined in which ways and to what extent the southern Serbian province was present in this newspaper. We have identified historical essays and reviews, reviews of books dealing with Kosovo and Metohija, texts dealing with the cultural heritage of the southern Serbian province. We also looked for contributions from recent history in which the role of the communists and Tito in preparing the ground for the secession of Kosovo is investigated. We also took into account the articles in which the possibilities of solving the Kosovo issue and the relationship of Europe towards Serbia in our time are considered. Focusing on certain important articles and analyzing them, we tried to determine what kind of message Srpski/Književni list was sending to the readership when it comes to the present and future of Kosovo and Metohija.

LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF THE IDENTITY POLICY OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN POSTWAR KOSOVO — A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

Background: This paper aims to elaborate and analyse the legal context of the identity policy of the international community in post-war Kosovo. Through this policy, the nature of Kosovo was determined as an entity under the UN administration until 2008 and as an independent state after that. Given that NATO’s military intervention in Kosovo was initiated for humanitarian reasons and, therefore, was not an intervention aimed at resolving the historical conflict between Serbs and Albanians, the UN administration in Kosovo was also established by being neutral towards national interpretations on the “issue of Kosovo”. This paper will bring together arguments that the international community, in its approach to the people of Kosovo, has actively tried to establish a new political entity detached from any national projections, thereby preventing it from being perceived as a national victory, especially among the Albanian majority. For this reason, all laws, regulations, governing documents and policies of the UN mission, which delineated Kosovo’s political nature and way of governing, were based on the ‘principle of multi-ethnicity’. This paper also examines the negotiation process for determining Kosovo’s final status, through which independence was conditioned by the commitment to building a state based on the principle of multiethnicity. Methods: In this article, qualitative methods have been used since the focus of this paper has been the understanding of some of the concepts of the legal framework used in the process of state building of Kosovo after the war and the role that the international community played in the policies of identity. The authors try to connect the theoretical with the practical aspects to present a broader view of the topic of this article. This scientific article is a single case study research focusing on the state of Kosovo in the post-war period. Data analyses were collected from the official documents of international institutions and the state of Kosovo. The historical method content analysis of the legal documents used in this paper has helped to achieve a deeper understanding of the topic presented in this paper. Results and Conclusions: The authors’ findings indicate that in post-war Kosovo, the international community in post-war Kosovo has established a neutral political entity in terms of national identification. This has been achieved through a legal and constitutional framework that prioritises identity by promoting multi-ethnicity and civic identity as the political identity of the people of Kosovo. This discrepancy between state and national identity has given rise to an identity crisis, especially among the Albanian majority population. This has resulted in religious radicalisation in part of the population and a lack of loyalty to the state in other parts of the country.

Kosovo Liberation Army in the Discourse of International Authors

This paper aims to recall the main events that influenced Kosovo to receive international attention in the late 1990s. This paper contains an analysis that focuses in the circumstances of the establishment of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) from the viewpoint of international authors. KLA in International Discourse is an analytical review of the international debate on what constituted the KLA, its purpose and function, and it examines the role of internal and international perceptions on the topic and the fundamental course of events that made Kosovo take its historical movement towards independence that it has today. A selection of special literature has been researched such as scientific articles, memoirs, monographs, etc. Following an objective approach, the paper discusses the main causes of creating the Kosovo Liberation Army and the debate that sparked its founding. The information on the international debate on KLA managed to unite Albanians in their just cause of their struggle for liberation. As a result of the just idea of liberation, and the popular effort, the issue of Kosovo managed to quickly get international attention, with the most powerful political-military states, US and NATO, lining up in defense of the Albanian people, and in cooperation with the KLA ended the Serbian regime in Kosovo.

The evolution of Belgrade's position on the Kosovo issue after 2008

This article examines the evolution of Belgrade's official position on the Kosovo issue. The author explores such aspects as the importance of Kosovo in the historical consciousness of the Serbian political elite, the stages of the current attitude towards Kosovo on the part of the Serbian leadership, as well as the significance of historical events on the Kosovo for modern Serbia. The object of the study is the Kosovo crisis, the subject is the vision of the presidents and senior officials of Serbia of the fate of Kosovo. Special attention is paid to the historical stage of the formation of national ideas among Serbs and Albanians, in which the battle on the Kosovo field played a key role. Studying the positions of the presidents and senior officials of Serbia on Kosovo allows to track the process of folding the current position, and also allows to see the trajectory of the formation of attitudes towards Kosovo. The main conclusion of the study is the idea that the struggle for Kosovo in Serbia is a central national idea that serves as a unifying principle and builds patriotism around itself. A special contribution of the author is the systematic tracking of the evolution of Belgrade's position on the Kosovo issue. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the article consistently and constructively describes the approach of various Serbian presidents to the problem based on their speeches, statements and actions in the international arena.

Determinišući kontekstualni faktori vanrednih izbora 2022. godine u Republici Srbiji

The goal of this research is to determine four key contextual political factors in shaping the political framework for holding snap parliamentary elections in 2022. Some of them belong to long-term processes, such as the decline of democracy and opposition contestation of election conditions, while others are the products of current political events, such as environmental protests, opposition boycotts of elections, and the war in Ukraine. As a central factor, we single out the absence of inter-party dialogue and opposition participation in the 2020 elections, which produced an almost one-party representative body and a lack of parliamentary pluralism. Simultaneously we observe continuous democratic erosion of the Republic of Serbia, which prevents the long-term consolidation of democratic institutions. By the second cause, we imply the electoral calculation of the ruling party in unifying the Belgrade local elections with the presidential and parliamentary elections to ensure electoral victory. Environmental protests in 2021, initiated after the adoption of disputed normative acts without public deliberation, stand out as the third factor. The fourth reason for new elections included the positioning of Serbia within the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, requiring a review of the general will of the citizens and the consensus of the leading political actors on the issue of Kosovo and Metohia.

Kako razmrsiti "Kosovski čvor"? Integrativni pristup srpsko-albanskom sukobu

This paper presents Mnookin's conceptual framework for identifying and overcoming obstacles to the efficient and fair resolution of individual and group conflicts and disputes. This is followed by review of the basic elements of the negotiations between the Republic of Serbia and the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo, a summary of the results of those negotiations, as well as the views of the Serbian public opinion on the declaration of independence of the so-called Kosovo and the Kosovo issue in general. After that, the paper presents the basic elements of two well-known theories of intergroup conflict in order to shed light on the nature of conflict between the two ethnic groups (Serbs and Albanians). Finally, the previous negotiations of the two parties are placed in the presented conceptual framework of negotiations in order to identify the key points of contention in the previous negotiations of Serbia and the so-called Kosovo and offer potential solutions for overcoming them based on the presented theoretical model of negotiation in the presence of a third party (mediator). The key finding is that the negotiations can be concluded with a fair agreement, but only if the real (material) interests of the two parties are respected, primarily the emotional ones, that is, those arising from the nature of the conflict between the social identities of the two ethnic groups.

Relations between Turkey and Kosovo: factors and dynamics

ABSTRACT Relations between Kosovo and Turkey are unique because of the difference in their sizes, potential and influence of these two countries in international arena, and their shared history. Studies on Turkey–Kosovo relations often fail to focus on Turkish foreign policy, which this paper attempts to remedy by analysing the political factors that shape relations between Kosovo and Turkey. This paper assesses the disappearance of the bipolar world order and up to the present. It later discusses relations between the two countries since 1990, when the issue of Kosovo took centre stage in international politics. Further, we explore the evolution of Turkey’s policy towards the Balkans, including Kosovo’s perceptions of its relationship with Turkey. Finally, the analysis focuses on the triangular relations between Kosovo, Brussels and Turkey.

Meka i pametna moć Srbije kao sredstva za rešavanje kosovsko-metohijskog pitanja

The paper analyses the role of soft and smart power as a strategic means by which it is possible to defend the vital national interests of the Republic of Serbia regarding Kosovo and Metohija. These means of foreign policy gain particular importance in the context of turbulent and dynamic changes at global level, primarily in the sense of rearranging global power relations and shifting power towards new, growing centres, along with the reshaping of the world order towards multipolarity. In the introductory part of the paper, a theoretical approach is taken to consider the main terms and concepts covered by the subject of the research. The central part analyses the elements that make up the Serbian soft and smart power in the light of the aforementioned changes in international relations. In this regard, the most important documents related to the resolution of the issue of Kosovo and Metohija have been analysed. The position of Serbia in relation to the key factors at international level is also discussed, as well as their positioning in relation to this problem. In the final part of the paper, an effort has been made to clarify to what extent it is possible to combine hard and soft power in the issue of Kosovo and Metohija, viewed primarily through the prism of the strengthening influence of forces in favour of Serbia, primarily China and Russia, and also the still non-existent recognition of the so-called Kosovo as an independent state by five EU members.

Stav NR Kine o Kosovu i Metohiji u kontekstu odbrane međunarodnog prava i širenja interesnih granica

Despite the geopolitical challenges in the immediate environment in Central Asia and the Pacific, the People's Republic of China plays an increasingly active diplomatic role in the Balkans, primarily by providing unconditional support to Belgrade regarding Kosovo and Metohija. Is it an isolated step forward or a tactical move that is in line with the new strategic foreign policy thinking? In search for an answer, the paper considers the evolution of the principle of non-interference in China's foreign policy, its re-evaluation and adaptation in the context of the transition to a multipolar world order, the expansion of the "interest frontiers" conditioned by the Belt and Road Initiative, and the preservation of China's territorial integrity and sovereignty in the matter of Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The paper analyses the processes that have strengthened Beijing's position on Kosovo and Metohija in recent years: the derecognition of Taiwan and Kosovo and Metohija, the increased Western pressure on Xinjiang and Hong Kong, and the understanding that resolving the status of Kosovo and Metohija is impossible without China's approval in the UN Security Council. It has been concluded that the issue of Kosovo and Metohija reflects both the main postulates of China's foreign policy and its evolution. This attitude of Beijing will make it difficult for the West to complete the "independence of Kosovo", it will increase the pressure of the EU and the US on Serbia, and it will also strengthen the resilience of Belgrade.

A “hybrid offensive” in the Balkans? Russia and the EU-led Kosovo-Serb negotiations

ABSTRACT Recent analysis has interpreted Russia’s approach to the EU-led dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia through the lens of its actions in Ukraine. This has been characterised as “hybrid warfare” designed to disrupt the negotiations to prevent the integration of the Balkans into Western institutions. This article examines whether Russian actions in Ukraine have signalled a recalibration of Russia’s response to the Kosovo issue based on a repudiation of the EU-led dialogue. This article argues that while Russia’s behaviour has been shaped by its growing competition with the Western powers, its approach has been ambiguous and driven by a range of humanitarian, legal and security-based arguments rooted in the context of the Kosovo problem. These arguments have emerged as important trends in Russia’s behaviour and can be traced to its response to the Kosovo conflict in 1999. This article shows that there has not been a complete recalibration in Russia’s policy towards the dialogue. Russia’s approach has shown both continuity with these trends and a growing politicisation accelerated by the sharp decline in Russia’s relations with the West since 2014. In a broader sense, this article questions the intent and form of Russia’s actions in Ukraine as an explanatory framework for Russia’s behaviour elsewhere.

THE TOPIC OF KOSOVO IN THE WORK OF ISMAIL KADARE

Ismail Kadare (1936) is one of the most famous writers of contemporary Albanian literature. He is the author of dozens of books of poetry and prose, which have been translated into 45 languages of the world, making him one of the most translated Albanian writers, but also the most famous in the world. He is a laureate of many international awards and several times nominated for the Nobel Prize for literature. In my paper, I will address the aspects of his contribution in addressing the topic of Kosovo, both in the field of poetry and in that of prose and journalism. With this topic, in addition to some poems, he has published the novels "Krushqit janë të ngrirë", "Tri Këngë zie për Kosovën", as well as the publicist books "Ra ky mort e u pamë", "Bisedë mes grilash" and "Çlirimi I Serbisë Nga Kosova". Kadare's treatment of the Kosovo issue on an artistic level has made the violation of the national rights of the autochthonous Albanians of Kosovo by the Serbian occupying regime, in particular, and the issue of Kosovo, in general, sensitized in the international arena. The methods used in this paper are that of analysis and synthesis.

The International Factor in the Domestic Political Transformation in the Kosovo's* “Albanian World”

The Kosovo issue is predominantly researched in academic and expert literature from an international political perspective. However, in light of common socio-political processes taking place in Europe during the last fi ve-seven years, the study of its internal political component, namely the political party transformation under the infl uence of external factors and the international community, regional stabilization eff orts is no less important. Based on J. Sartori’s classifi cation of party systems and R. Harmel and K. Janda’s theory of party change, the article studies the role of international actors, in particular the European Union, played in the institutional transformation of the political party transformation in the Albanian Kosovo. It also studies what opportunities and barriers appeared as a result of the EU’s involvement. The paper explains why the complex confi guration of the international mission in Kosovo in practice did not increase its legitimacy and establish an institutional system of governance but instead resulted in a loss of the mission’s credibility. The paper analyses and describes the process of political party transformation in Kosovo’s “Albanian world” and highlights the signifi cant milestones in the development of a party system involving those that had been borne out of the Kosovo confl ict. The article explains their possible ways of transformation in the future. It also explains the success factors of the populist “Self-Determination” movement and how sustainable this success has been in the changing international balance.

Serbia’s Foreign Policy in the South-West Direction

This article suggests a rethinking of Serbian-Albanian relations. Contemporary research tends to reduce this problem exclusively to the Serbia-Kosovo issue, which is usually regarded with a value-based approach. As a result, the issue of Serbia’s foreign policy strategy in the south-west and south direction, which also includes the Republic of Albania and other states (Montenegro, North Macedonia), where the role of the Albanian factor is signifi cant, remains outside the scope of the analysis. The purpose of this article is to examine more closely the logic of Serbia’s foreign policy activities in the south-western (Albanian) direction, taking into account the historical context and current trends associated with the active implementation of infrastructure projects in the entire Balkan region. Given that these projects cover both Serbia and Albania, it is appropriate to assume that Belgrade and Pristina have a mutual interest in forming a predictable non-confl ict space and in certain coordination of their approaches to conducting politics in their border area. This, in turn, requires a rethinking of Serbia’s foreign policy strategy in the southwestern (Albanian) direction. To this end, the author analyzes both the historical evolution of Belgrade’s position on the Albanian-Kosovo issue and considers it in the context of modern regional infrastructure projects. Considering the structural regional changes, taking place since the second half of the 2010s, the author comes to the conclusion that Belgrade is facing a dilemma between the self-signifi cant signifi cance of the Kosovo issue and the interest in forming a predictable and stable space to the southwest of its own borders. This dilemma determines the logic of modern Serbia’s foreign policy actions.

Mimetic rivalry in practice: The case of Kosovo

In this article, we advance a framework that highlights the relational nature of rivalry emergence and its ongoing manifestations, before illustrating this framework in practice through an analysis of the rivalry between Serbs and Albanians over the issue of Kosovo. We argue that the locus of rivalry lies in the inherently social character of human desire and the destructive reciprocity elicited by human mimetic behaviour. The manner in which rivals portray their plight, and legitimise their cause, is, we argue, a function of their desire to acquire that which they imagine the other has. As such, rather than adhering to the conventional view that rivalries are characterised by difference, we argue that rivals share a set of common goals/desires. Thus, though rivalries are characterised by mutual antipathy – and the attendant devotion to constructing self-serving myths – this is but a superficial manifestation of an underlying mimetic dynamic. To focus only on how myths are constructed and instrumentally employed, is not sufficient when seeking to explain the persistence of rivalries. Rather, we must understand the underlying desires the respective rivals seek to fulfill through the proliferation of these myths if we are to truly understand the nature of the rivalry.

The strategy of Spain in the United Nations

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

The strategy of Spain in the United Nations

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

Diplomatic Victory of the Kosovo Liberation Army

In the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Serbian nationalism played a crucial role with the project of creating a greater Serbia, using military violence to achieve the goal of this project. The northern republics such as Slovenes, Croats and Kosovo Albanians had the strongest reaction against this project, since after the first pluralist elections in Yugoslavia, political parties seeking independence from Belgrade came to the helm of these republics. The actions of national movements of the Slovenians, Croats, Bosnians, Kosovo Albanians, Macedonians and Montenegrins for independence, have been a reaction to the project of Serbian nationalism for the creation of a greater Serbia. In these new circumstances created in the Yugoslav federation, Kosovo Albanians profiled the demands for a sovereign and independent state of Kosovo, legitimizing it with the referendum held under conditions of occupation and with a sovereign vote for the independence of Kosovo. Despite the creation of some parallel institutions such as education and the obedience of Western diplomacy for a peaceful solution to the Kosovo issue. This was not achieved until an armed resistance from Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) started in Kosovo, that the Kosovo issue was imposed on the diplomacies with international influence to start taking important decisions towards the solution to the Kosovo issue. Due to the KLA war, the contact group took the historical decision to organize an international conference in Rambouillet of France, with a concrete peaceful plan for Kosovo. Rambouillet’s decisions were rejected by the Yugoslav government, thus forcing NATO military intervention to stop crimes against Albanian civilians by Serb forces. The efforts of the Kosovo Albanians to get out of the Serbian occupation had been imposed, even though as such they were insufficient to achieve success for nearly a century, but due to the international diplomacy and the sacrifice of the Albanian national movement, Kosovo Freedom was achieved.

Экономика самопровозглашенного Косова

Received 30.10.2020. Intensification of the final resolving processes over the Kosovo issue made it necessary to pay closer attention to social and economic features of the self-declared polity, which are often underestimated losing scores in favor of political, not economical, agenda. With emphasis on the most recent data (2015–2020), Kosovo official statistics, international and local organizations, mass media materials, with high involvement of interviews and surveys conducted during working trips to the Balkan region, and long-term observations, this paper is urged to remove this gap and to answer the question of economic independence and viability, directly concerned with the fundamental matter of sovereignty. Despite the thesis on favorable starting conditions in a form of abundance of various natural resources and ready-made industrial base, widely used in public rhetoric during separatist movement, the words have mostly remained just words – no significant structural changes have taken place in Kosovo’s economy since its self-declared independence in 2008. Reports reflect some increase of economic activity since 2015, but in almost all key directions – administrative reform, fundamental rights, fight against corruption and organized crime, regional cooperation development, etc. – there has been a very little progress up to date. Huge informal sector, desperate situation with youth’s unemployment, gender disproportion in the labor and legal fields – these are among the strongest economic challenges and the highest barriers for Kosovo on its way to European integration. In recent years, local economy drivers were state investments into infrastructure and private consumption, which is still mostly based on large transactions from abroad, together with increasing salary rates and lending. Economic diversification goes slowly. Base metals and mineral products dominate – same as during previous years – in regional export of goods, providing slightly less than a half of its entire volume. Excessive reliance on import is another feature of economic development in contemporary Kosovo. List of services and goods providers remains stable for the past decade, led by Germany and Italy, with growing influence of China and Turkey. Some improvement of business climate co-exists with essential economic problems. Kosovo’s economy still highly depends on external incomes and internal trade sector. Local educational system does not match local labor market needs. Financial discipline, efficient distribution of resources, optimization of sectoral interaction, fight against corruption and crime – these tasks remain the ones of high priority and are still in the current economic agenda today, like they were five and 10 years ago. Kosovo’s real investment attractiveness is in question; however, much work has been done in the legal field to speed up and secure the fundraising process. Unresolved problems of property rights and lack of political will to handle these issues hurt investment perspectives and slow down economic development. COVID‑2019 brings additional damage to Kosovo’s economy, but its overall results are to be yet evaluated.