Kosovar Albanians Research Articles

The National Defense Committee of Kosovo and the Albanian state towards the displacement of the Albanians of Kosovo in 1918-1924

The political map of the Balkans changed by the end of the First Balkan War 1912-1913. The Vilayet of Kosovo was occupied by Serbia. This War and the following years brought a tragedy to the vulnerable Albanian civilian population in Kosovo. Many Kosovar Albanians were forced to leave their country or their homes and to go into exile. Most of them sheltered in Albania. Kosovars were welcomed and helped in the Albanian state, they were enabled to have a political organization and representation of their interests and rights. The organization, the National Defense Committee of Kosovo played a key role in preventing migrations and sensitizing international opinion during the years 1918-1924.

La naissance du RSCS et de l’Albanie et la question du Kosovo

This article aims to revisit the complex history of the emergence of two Balkan countries: the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSCS) and Albania. For the policymakers of the first Yugoslavian State the question of Kosovo laid in the need to appropriate the region, that is to integrate the Kosovo Albanians into the Slavic state and modify the structure of the population in favour of the Slavs, especially the Serbs. For the Albanian nationalist movement on the other hand, starting from 1913 the problem with Kosovo resided in its attachment to Albania, which manifested in the local kačak movement. Due to the weakness of Albania and the incorporation of Kosovo and Metohija into the KSCS, the destiny of this region and of the Kosovar Albanians would eventually largely depend on the future policy of the Kingdom towards them.

Examining beliefs about reconciliation and social integration in Kosovo: Testing effects of interethnic contact and differences in perspective among ethnic Albanians and Serbs

AbstractAcross two studies, this research examined belief that reconciliation is necessary, belief that reconciliation is possible and belief in the value of social integration and willingness to integrate socially among Kosovar Albanians and Kosovar Serbs. Study 1 assessed these beliefs through a general population survey distributed via social media, whereas Study 2 assessed them before and after Kosovar youth participated in a program encouraging cross‐ethnic contact. Results show that these beliefs are modestly correlated and they show significant differences across ethnic groups. As the ethnic minority in Kosovo, Serbs are less likely to believe that reconciliation is possible and less willing to integrate socially than Kosovar Albanians. Moreover, across both studies, contact experience is a significant predictor of reconciliation beliefs regardless of ethnicity. Study 2 revealed that Kosovar youth can become more likely to believe that reconciliation is possible and social integration is valuable through participating in a cross‐ethnic contact program.

Intergenerational trauma and war-induced PTSD in Kosovo: insights from the Albanian ethnic group.

War has profound and deep-rooted ramifications for individuals and societies. War-induced post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is highly prevalent in Kosovo. This study aimed to obtain insights into the prevalence of perceived PTSD symptoms and their relation to the traumatic experiences of two generations: parents (survivors of the Kosovo War) and youth (children born after the Kosovo War), with an emphasis on the Albanian ethnic group. These experiences were then compared to understand intergenerational trauma. The study also aimed to identify the factors affecting PTSD prevalence, the role of social support, and the participants' experience with mental health services. A total of 237 Kosovar Albanians (121 parents, 116 youth) from all seven districts of Kosovo were included in this study. Study variables were measured using the PTSD Checklist, the Life Events Checklist, Criterion A, and the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support. The results revealed that the youth had significantly higher levels of perceived PTSD symptoms and lower levels of perceived support than their parents. Youth whose parents had PTSD were more prone to experiencing PTSD symptoms than those whose parents did not have PTSD. These youth also experienced significantly more traumatic situations, such as exposure to sudden violent death or accidental death, assault with a weapon, sexual assault, and captivity. Participants with perceived PTSD and lower perceived social support needed mental health interventions significantly more than those without PTSD symptoms. The findings emphasize the importance of addressing the intergenerational nature of PTSD and identifying factors affecting its prevalence, including social support and access to mental health services. The study underscores the need for a comprehensive approach to examine the complex and diverse nature of PTSD and its impact on individuals, families, and communities, especially in conflict-prone or conflict-affected societies.

Adapting to Twitter: The Entanglement of Journalistic Values and Online Personas

ABSTRACT As more journalists rely on social media platforms like Twitter to gather information and report the news, scholars have identified an increasing tension between traditional journalistic values and reporters’ construction of online personas. Moreover, networked journalists build these mediated personas—following platforms’ affordances—to better engage with fellow journalists and algorithmic audiences. Drawing on data from 15 in-depth interviews with Kosovar Albanian political journalists and editors, this article offers a unique perspective by examining the negotiation process between professional standards and journalists’ online personas on Twitter. Via their online personas, influenced by the audience and the platforms’ affordances and logic, journalists and editors have given rise to new role conceptions and standards in local political journalism. The results show that political journalists and editors in Kosovo view Twitter as a platform where they can display both professional and personal layers of their identity. Furthermore, they feel unrestricted by journalistic standards, taking on roles outside the traditional scope of journalism: as good citizens, they express opinions on political issues; as activists, they advocate for personally meaningful causes; but they also see themselves as mordant critics of political figures.

The Revival of Religion in Albania

This paper examines the recent history of religious development in Albania during the post-communist period. Second, it identifies patterns in the differentiated development of material and spiritual religious life among the region’s religions, and the institutional and political reasons behind them. Third, it analyses the positions of Albanian Cham, Albanian Kosovar and Bosniak Sunni communities as they confront the post-communist pressures of proselytisation and de-Sunnification. Through historical and discourse analysis and unstructured interviews with individuals of different religious, ethnic and local affiliation, the paper reveals that religious, ethnic and local feelings are strong among all three communities. Attitudes toward proselytization attempts among Bosniaks, Cham and Kosovar Albanians, however, are more resilient than those of local Sunnis toward de-Sunnification. The weakening of religiosity among local Sunnis is in conjunction with an organised movement to construct a distinct Bektashi identity, although most Bektashis still identify as Muslim.

Problematyka tożsamości narodowej Kosowskich Albańczyków w świetle pilotażowych (wstępnych) badań terenowych – wprowadzenie do dalszych analiz

THE ISSUE OF NATIONAL IDENTITY OF KOSOVAR ALBANIANS IN THE LIGHT OF PILOT (PRELIMINARY) FIELD STUDIES – AN INTRODUCTION TO FURTHER ANALYSES The article deals with the dilemmas of the national identity of Kosovar Albanians. The author presents this problem from the perspective of selected scientific theories and presents the results of empirical research. The text consists of two main parts (theoretical and practical). The theoretical part was divided into two parts. The first includes considerations on the concept of identity in social sciences, and the second foucuses on the analysis of the concept of national identity (selected concepts). The research part presents the results of empirical research related to the level of self-identification in terms of national identity of Kosovar Albanians. The text opens with an introduction and instead of the ending, the author includes a symbolic quote.

Twin Brothers and a Sister With CD: A Case Report

Crohn’s disease (CD) has an unknown etiology, but it has a genetic component. Many cases of familial CD have been reported. We describe a Kosovar Albanian family with 6 children, of whom 3 have CD: monozygotic twins and their sister. As far as we know, this is the first such report of CD within a Kosovar family.

Beyond the label: Exploring the role of ethnicity in the Kosovo conflict

AbstractThe Kosovo War (1998–1999) that played out between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in the former Yugoslavia is often portrayed as an ethnic conflict because it involved different ethnic groups in confrontation with each other. This characteristic presupposes that ethnicity played an important role in the Kosovo conflict, but is that actually the case? To explore this question, the experience of Albanians in Kosovo is compared with that of Hungarians in Vojvodina. The latter formed the second largest minority in Serbia, behind Albanians, and their institutional and legal position greatly paralleled that of Kosovar Albanians. Despite this, Hungarians experienced far less conflict with the Serbian majority than did their Albanian counterparts.

The Ideology and Agency of Kosovar Albanian Marxist Groups in the Demonstrations of 1981

Abstract The author explores the ideological underpinning and political goals of Kosovar Marxist-Leninist groups and examines their role in the 1981 demonstrations in Kosovo. She contextualizes these events against the backdrop of theories of revolutionary violence that were prevalent in Kosovar Albanian Marxist groups. Describing the position of Albanians within socialist Yugoslavia, she traces the formation of these groups of dissidents and their support of Hoxhaism—following the political views of the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha. Hoxhaist propaganda shaped anti-Yugoslav dissidence to a certain extent, and the author throws light on the nationalist incentive to support Hoxhaism. She contextualizes Yugoslavia’s response to the demonstrations as an act of coercive violence aimed at stemming events that the Yugoslav officials perceived to be both counter-revolutionary and to presage the rise of nationalism.

Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis: The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy

In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada’s views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada’s policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada’s policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada’s domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage.

Attitudes toward Bosniak Muslims and Kosovar Albanians and historical revisionism in the Serbian media

For this paper, we monitored three daily newspapers in Serbia, Politika, Novosti and Informer, for issues of direct relevance to the lives of Balkan Muslims. We identified three dominant topics: 1. Undermining the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina and (re)affirming the expansionist politics of Serbian nationalism; 2. “Kosovo is the heart of Serbia” and (Kosovar) Albanians are consequently an existential threat; and 3. Ideological treatment of the politics of remembrance and historical revisionism of crimes committed by Serb forces during the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo in order to reaffirm the Greater Serbia project.

Celiac Disease in Kosovar Albanian Children: Evaluation of Clinical Features and Diagnosis.

Celiac disease is an immune-mediated disorder characterized by variable clinical manifestations, specific antibodies, HLA-DQ2/DQ8 haplotypes, and enteropathy. The aim of this study was to present the clinical spectrum and patterns of celiac disease in Kosovar Albanian children. A cross-sectional retrospective study was performed with Albanian children aged 0-18 years, treated for celiac disease in the Pediatric Clinic, University Clinical Center of Kosovo from 2005 to 2016. During the study period, 63 children were treated for celiac disease. The mean age at diagnosis was 5.5 years (SD ± 3.31). The mean age at celiac disease onset was 3.3 years (SD ± 2.02), while the mean delay from the first symptoms indicative of celiac disease to diagnosis was 2.2 years (SD ± 2.09). More than 70% of the patients were diagnosed in the first 7 years of life, mainly presented with gastrointestinal symptoms, while primary school children and adolescents mostly showed atypical symptoms (p<0.001). The classical form of celiac disease occurred in 78% of the cases. Sixty (95%) patients carried HLA-DQ2.5, DQ2.2 and/or HLA-DQ8 heterodimers, and only three of them tested negative. Kosovo, as the majority of developing countries, is still facing the classical form of celiac disease as the dominant mode of presentation; as a result, most children with other forms of the celiac disease remain undiagnosed. Physicians should be aware of the wide range of clinical presentations and utilize low testing thresholds in order to prevent potential long-term problems associated with untreated celiac disease.

CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: THE CHARACTERISTICS OF KOSOVO AND RWANDA VICTIMS

Objective: Crimes occurred in Rwanda (1994) and Kosovo (1999) have been considered as genocides. Our main objective was to describe the difference between the crimes committed in Kosovo and Rwanda based on the victims found in each area according to their age, gender, and way to die.&#x0D; Methods: Bodies were found in those places selected by field observers. We have included all human and material elements that were found near the bodies in Rwanda and Kosovo. We also have taken photographs to the lesions in some cases to document our findings. As a criterion for inclusion, it was necessary to be able to identify the form of death and the ethnic group (in Rwanda, Tutsi or moderate Hutus, and in Kosovo, the Kosovar Albanian victims). All samples that did not meet the requirements to determine personal characteristics were excluded.&#x0D; Results: A total of 1044 bodies were individually studied, 857 from Rwanda and 187 from Kosovo. Our results reveal differences in the injuries presented in most Rwandan victims, were most were due to machetes or canes, and those in Kosovo where most were due to firearms or explosions. Most of the bodies studied in Rwanda belong to the Tutsi ethnic group and were not buried. However, the majority of the bodies found in Kosovo were individually buried.&#x0D; Conclusions: We conclude that there are differences in the studied victims attending to their characteristic and their wounds in Kosovo and Rwanda.

The Search for World Order and the Wars in Kosovo and Iraq

In the search of world order after the Cold War, two conflicts were of particular significance. The first, in Kosovo in 1999, was fought to end the Serbian genocide of Kosovar Albanians. The second, in Iraq in 2003, was a war of choice ostensibly to remove the threat of Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime and the weapons of mass destruction it supposedly held. Although distinct, these wars were joined as attempts by the United States governments of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, either side of the 9/11 attacks, to answer the questions of how, and for what purposes, the US should use its power, and what form of international order it should seek. One foreign leader, the British Prime Minister Tony Blair, sought to influence the Americans in answering these questions. As a result, the Anglo-American relationship was once again important in shaping the course of global affairs. Why and how the wars produced cooperation between two US presidents and Blair, and how ideas about international order featured, are the subjects of this article.

Kosovo. "Kosovar Albanian historiography reflects a long history of oppression, which conditioned this focus on political narratives”. Interview with Dr Elife Krasniqi

Kosovo. "Kosovar Albanian historiography reflects a long history of oppression, which conditioned this focus on political narratives”. Interview with Dr Elife Krasniqi

The State of the Transatlantic Alliance

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has much to be proud of since the end of the Cold War more than a quarter century ago, including enlargement across Central and Eastern Europe, the protection of the Kosovar Albanians, counterterrorism missions in the Mediterranean, the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Indonesia after the tsunami, and counter-piracy operations in the Indian Ocean. The operations in Afghanistan and Libya ultimately did not produce desirable outcomes after achieving their initial goals, but both of those endeavours demonstrated the strong intra- Alliance collaboration as well as cooperation with external partners. The main causes of concern for the Alliance have been the continued low levels of defence spending by Canada and most European allies, the renewed threat posed by the Vladimir Putin regime in Russia, and the refugee crisis that has divided Europe and decreased the sense of security across the continent. Despite the crises and the sense of doom that pervades United States and European capitals, the transatlantic Alliance is likely to endure. There are enough shared values and interests to provide a strong foundation for close relations in the face of the enormous political, economic, and social turmoil that will continue to confront decision makers. In many ways, the United States and Europe have no choice but to maintain an Alliance that has served them so well.

Polymorphic Variants of SCN1A and EPHX1 Influence Plasma Carbamazepine Concentration, Metabolism and Pharmacoresistance in a Population of Kosovar Albanian Epileptic Patients.

AimThe present study aimed to evaluate the effects of gene variants in key genes influencing pharmacokinetic and pharmacodynamic of carbamazepine (CBZ) on the response in patients with epilepsy.Materials & MethodsFive SNPs in two candidate genes influencing CBZ transport and metabolism, namely ABCB1 or EPHX1, and CBZ response SCN1A (sodium channel) were genotyped in 145 epileptic patients treated with CBZ as monotherapy and 100 age and sex matched healthy controls. Plasma concentrations of CBZ, carbamazepine-10,11-epoxide (CBZE) and carbamazepine-10,11-trans dihydrodiol (CBZD) were determined by HPLC-UV-DAD and adjusted for CBZ dosage/kg of body weight.ResultsThe presence of the SCN1A IVS5-91G>A variant allele is associated with increased epilepsy susceptibility. Furthermore, carriers of the SCN1A IVS5-91G>A variant or of EPHX1 c.337T>C variant presented significantly lower levels of plasma CBZ compared to carriers of the common alleles (0.71±0.28 vs 1.11±0.69 μg/mL per mg/Kg for SCN1A IVS5-91 AA vs GG and 0.76±0.16 vs 0.94±0.49 μg/mL per mg/Kg for EPHX1 c.337 CC vs TT; P<0.05 for both). Carriers of the EPHX1 c.416A>G showed a reduced microsomal epoxide hydrolase activity as reflected by a significantly decreased ratio of CBZD to CBZ (0.13±0.08 to 0.26±0.17, p<0.05) also of CBZD to CBZE (1.74±1.06 to 3.08±2.90; P<0.05) and CDRCBZD (0.13±0.08 vs 0.24±0.19 μg/mL per mg/Kg; P<0.05). ABCB1 3455C>T SNP and SCN1A 3148A>G variants were not associated with significant changes in CBZ pharmacokinetic. Patients resistant to CBZ treatment showed increased dosage of CBZ (657±285 vs 489±231 mg/day; P<0.001) but also increased plasma levels of CBZ (9.84±4.37 vs 7.41±3.43 μg/mL; P<0.001) compared to patients responsive to CBZ treatment. CBZ resistance was not related to any of the SNPs investigated.ConclusionsThe SCN1A IVS5-91G>A SNP is associated with susceptibility to epilepsy. SNPs in EPHX1 gene are influencing CBZ metabolism and disposition. CBZ plasma levels are not an indicator of resistance to the therapy.

Alternatives to War from the Bottom Up

Alternatives to War from the Bottom Up

Humanity Bounded and Unbounded: The Regulation of External Self-determination under International Law

Abstract One of the most complex and uncertain areas of international legal doctrine concerns how to deal with the aspiration of a people to achieve self-determination through the establishment of a new state and the related claim to a specific territory over which statehood is to be exercised. Recently, when the General Assembly of the United Nations referred to the International Court of Justice the question of the legality of the declaration of independence by Kosovar Albanians, the Court was given an opportunity to clarify and develop the law on external self-determination. Instead, the Court answered extremely narrowly, confining its analysis to the legality of the act of declaration without determining any consideration of international legal norms applicable to the act of secession that was being proposed. This article intends to fill the gap left by the ICJ’s decision: first by critiquing the inadequacy and tensions visible in the existing doctrine and second by examining how recent developments in international law may allow for a more normatively coherent approach to the problem.