Korean Intellectuals Research Articles

1960년대 한국의 근대화론 수용과 인문학계의 변화

Examined in this article is essentially what kind of effects the Modernization theory from the U.S. actually had on the Humanity studies in Korea, when it was first introduced to the Korean academic circles in the 1960s. Previously, this introduction of a U.S.-based modernization theory was simply criticized for working in concert with the U.S. anti-Communist world strategy, depicting the American and European style of progress as an ideal model of development and suggesting that to the Third world countries, and ultimately serving as an ideology that blocked the growth of nationalistic aspirations in those countries. Surely this study acknowledges that the modernization theory did exhibit such nature, but at the same time I would also like to point out that the Korean intellectuals and academic circles dedicated to Humanity studies in Korea accepted and embraced such Modernization theory, in order to overcome and dismantle the distorted image of Korean history (earlier branded as ‘stagnated’ and ‘heteronomous’ by the Japanese oppressors during the Japanese occupation period), and eventually developed nationalistic ideologies and academism for themselves.<BR> It is strongly argued (and verified) in this article that certain noteworthy changes did continue in individual academic areas such as history, philosophy and literature. The Korean historians’ society, riding on the wave of modernization theories’ expansive circulation, and based on the Marxist historiography’s ‘Transition to Capitalism’ theory (Marxist historiography had been oppressed and illegalized in Korea ever since the Korean war), successfully nullified the notion of ‘modernization by Japan,’ and then proved the existence of ‘independent modernization led by Koreans themselves.’ Then, in the area of Korean philosophy, duly noted was the nationalistic awakening of the Confucian scholars and Shilhak experts since the middle period of Joseon, and that notice led to the philosophers’ recognition that philosophical ideas such as free democratic thinking, existentialism, and knowledge of science and technology did continue to grow in Korea, and led to Korean modern philosophies including Donghak, which could be labelled as a national religion. And finally in the area of Korean literature, nationalistic literature and critical reviews searching for a new reasoning system of a unique Korean nature began to take shape, replacing existential nihilism that had prevailed ever since the Korean war.

민주주의는 개발주의에 어떻게 잠식되어왔는가 ―1960년대 한국 지성계의 ‘발전’에 대한 강박

This article critically deals with how the discourse of democracy in the 1960s, when the theory of modernization spread and industrialization began in earnest in Korea, is involved with developmentalism. The consciousness of “backwardness”, which was widely shared by Korean intellectuals after the Korean War, mainly played a role in justifying the rapid industrialization for the “prosperity and military power” under the influence of developmental economics and modernization theory. Various positions coexisted depending on the argument, including the position of delaying democracy as a task after the success of industrialization, the position that economic growth becomes the foundation of democracy, the position that the developing state can be pursued more effectively under democracy, and the implicit industrialization must be promoted while emphasizing nationalism in the context of democracy. With the exception of the radical philosophers such as Ham Seok-heon, Korean intellectuals in the 1960s could not escape the idea of linking economic growth and developmentalism and democracy under normative recognition.

The Harlem Renaissance in Translation: Socialism, Nostalgia, and the Multilingual Spaces of Diaspora

Korean writers living in the United States and Korea translated the poetry of the Harlem Renaissance in the 1930s, a decade in which the so-called New Negro Movement in northern American cities was declining and Japanese assimilation policies in colonial Korea were accelerating. For their work of translation, Han Hŭkku (1909–1979) used the original text of The New Negro (1925) by Alain Locke, and Han Sŏrya (1900–1976) and No Ch'unsŏng (1898–1940) drew on Japanese sources on the literature and history of the African diaspora. I argue that these Korean intellectuals explored the sense of nostalgia and the idea of class consciousness in the black literary tradition to articulate their diasporic, socialist, and utopian visions. By examining the roles of Korean and Japanese knowledge production in disseminating black culture, this essay attempts to expand the scope of American studies into a multilingual and transpacific context and thereby reconsiders a US-centric understanding of cultural circulation.

일제하 기독교계 학교의 항일민족주의 기원과 형성: 선교사 오리엔탈리즘의 근대주의적 전유와 변용

The study aims to examine the relevance of anti-Japanese nationalism in mission schools to missionary orientalism in the early stage of the Japanese colonial rule in Korea. It pays particular attention to Western orientalism invented by American missionaries to Korea in tracing an origin and formation of anti-Japanese nationalism by mission school students. The missionary orientalism as a Western epistemological framework was appropriated and transformed in educational sphere by a Korean reformist group seeking Western reformism who was inclined to be pro-American and interested in renovating old feudalism in traditional Korea. The missionaries’ education, policies, rules, and practices in the mission field were expected to motivate Korean students to produce not only a Christian human type but also a modernized human type which contributes to build their independent modern nation. In the colonial era, mission-educated Koreans began to recognize inherent contradictions of Japanese colonialism in light of their self-reliance and liberation education and to set the stage for resistance movements for national sovereignty. This article deals with three points. First, it clarifies the concept and nature of missionary orientalism and discusses the backgrounds of converting missionary orientalism to modernistic framework. Considering the conditions in which reform-minded Korean intellectuals encounter the missionary perceptions of the Orient, it explores how they attempted to accept and transform them. Second, the research examines how educational phenomena in mission schools provided a channel to interconnect premodern Korean situations with the Western modernity. It discusses characteristics of the modernity in the perspectives of self-reliance and liberating knowledge. Last, the paper looks at the historical development that Japanese colonial orientalism after the 1910 Japan-Korea Annexation was infiltrated in Korean education with an intention of creating a subordinate human type and investigates the missionaries’ responses on and conflicts with Japanese colonialists’ educational regulations and practices. Particularly, it discloses an orientalistic complicity between Japanese authorities and missionaries by comprehending the two powers’ delicate stances on the outbreak of the 1919 March First Movement in which mission-educated Koreans were involved.

Facets of Lü Dongbin in Korean Painting and Literature

This paper explores the representation of Lü Dongbin, a celebrated scholar and poet of the Tang dynasty, in painting and literature of the Chosǒn period. He was recognized not only as a member of the Eight Immortals assembly, but also as a symbolic figure in his own right, and was depicted as a separate painting subject. By taking an interdisciplinary approach and analyzing the ways his figure was treated as a theme in visual arts and reminisced in literature, the present study aims to cast light on the multiple facets of perception of Lü Dongbin by Korean intellectuals and painters.

Towards a New Modernity: Korean Historiography of Perestroika and the Collapse of the Soviet Union

Korean historiography of Perestroika and its resulting dissolution of the Soviet Union shows in what way a country under the dual system of cold war and division sought to understand the historical experience of an alien and even opposing regime in the northern world. Generally, Korean scholars’ recognitions and analyses of such history were very partial and did not reach at a high level, although some of them demonstrated fine achievements equipped with fresh methodologies and a lot of various materials. Ideological foundations of the Soviet regime came under inspection in Korea as early as in the middle of Perestroika. Many of social scientists and historians actively jumped into the study of the dynamics of Soviet statecraft as politics was the main stage where Gorbachev’s reform was vigorously carried out. The changes of the Soviet economy under Perestroika were another subject for Korean scholars to research from its early years as they formed the heart of Gorbachev’s reform, especially in the late 1980s. Nationalities question and the Russian orthodox church of the Perestroika era were the area in which professional research was undertaken relatively later in Korea, contrary to their role in maintaining or strengthening identity and nationalism among the Soviet population. However, it is evident that Perestroika provided Koreans with an invaluable opportunity for a full-scale study on the Soviet Union as both countries established diplomatic ties with each other in 1990. In addition, the story of Soviet socialism and its demise allowed Korean intellectuals to think over what prospect and possibility the humanity could have for their future lives. In conclusion, the Soviet times gave an indication about what direction they would take and what efforts they should make.

Protestant Confucianism: Kang Youwei’s Influence in Korea

Abstract The impact of Kang Youwei’s Confucius-church movement has not been limited to China proper. Korean intellectuals in the early 20th century had been in contact with Kang and his students, set up affiliated institutions in their homeland, and authored creative manifestos on the reformation of Confucianism. This article surveys the reform proposals of four representative Korean Confucians and analyzes their support of, and negotiations with, Kang’s Confucius religion. It illustrates how some Korean reformers chose to adopt only Kang’s “state-protecting Confucianism” or join the movement in form but not in content, while others embraced his vision more fully, depicting their own perennial versions of the Great Unity, and developing original formats of Confucian religious practice. These proposals highlight the remarkable ways in which Protestantism served as a central model for the Confucian religious reforms of the early 20th century.

NATIONALISM IN KOREA IN THE LATE 19th AND EARLY 20th CENTURIES

Nationalism is, among ideologies, an ideology penetrating into not only Korea but also East Asian nations in the modern period at the end of 19th century and in the early 20th century. Nationalism is also a very influencial ideological movement throughout the historical and cultural course of Korea. The paper aims to review the acceptance process of and views on nationalism under oustanding Korean intellectuals and scholars’ eyes in the early 20th century. Additionally, the study identifies the characteristics of nationalist ideology and its effects on social life in terms of patriotic struggle, trends toward research and national education as well as artistic and creative literature aspects.

Korean Intellectuals' Perceptions of the Jews during the First Half of Twentieth Century

Korean Intellectuals' Perceptions of the Jews during the First Half of Twentieth Century

Korean Intellectuals' Perceptions of the Jews during the First Half of Twentieth Century

Korean Intellectuals' Perceptions of the Jews during the First Half of Twentieth Century

Writing "Manchurian-Korean Literature" in the Mansŏn ilbo, 1937–1942

This paper examines the intellectual discourse regarding the place and function of Korean-language writing in Manchuria during the Manchukuo period. I look specifically at several editorials that appeared in the Korean newspaper Mansŏn ilbo. These primary sources appeared during the literary zenith of the Manchukuo period between 1937 and 1942, five years mainly characterized by widespread debates about what constituted Manchukuo national culture. I argue that the participation of Korean intellectuals in these debates indicates their desire to be seen as an autonomous group disassociated with the Japanese. The fact that some of the subsequent writing appeared in Chinese translation suggests that it was important for Chinese people as well to see Koreans in a new light. The newspaper articles discussed below show a propensity to change perceptions about Korean belonging in Manchuria through literature and intellectual production. From another perspective, the Mansŏn ilbo articles shed light on how Korean intellectuals understood their production value vis-à-vis the nation-building discourses of Manchukuo.

Existentialism as a World Theory

Existentialism as a World Theory Alex Taek-Gwang Lee (bio) Existentialism and the Third World The Cold War following the traumatic experiences of enduring warfare forced the Korean intellectuals to distort the political implication of the global philosophical movements and emphasize its empirical elements through their translations of Sartre. The ideology of the Cold War distorted Sartre's influence on the Korean intellectuals, and their reception of his philosophy was saturated with the myth of Bildung. For them, existentialism was regarded as a channel through which they could get access to the cosmopolitan ideals of the Enlightenment. Of course, there lied the irony of national identification behind this passion for global intellectualism. Nationalism made an excuse for reading Sartre, even though his philosophy must be classified leftist thought. Existentialism was clearly supportive of the Third World against the political polarization of the Cold War. From the nationalist perspective, existentialism showed a possible way towards the philosophy of the non-European, but at the same time, it seemed pro-communist to those who agreed with the anti-communist world order. The Korean War devastated the public sphere, and the frame of the Cold War severed a nation into two peoples. Each Korea competed to command ideological hegemony in the political conflict. In this way, existentialism served as the alternative prism of intellectualism by which Koreans in the South could critique the Stalinist Koreans in the North. Indeed, Sartre was a symbolic intellectual leading the anti-Stalinist left and as such suggested another perspective contra orthodox Marxist-Leninism. During the colonial period, Keijo Imperial University, now Seoul National University in the capital city of the Korean Peninsula, was a shelter for Japanese Marxists and its academic tradition of Marxism influenced many Korean students and scholars even after the end of the Second World War. In a sense, North Korea was a perfect laboratory for them in which they tried to realize the Marxist theory. Drawing on Lenin's and Stalin's ambition about the "reform in humanity," Koreans taking on North Korea as their republic [End Page 405] were optimistic about the victory of socialism. On the contrary, Koreans in the South had to prove their ideological justification in opposition to the overwhelming popularity of socialist demands. From this historical background, Sartre's critique of Stalinism provided those who railed against North Korea with a compelling logic to validate their anti-communism. This situation in which the intellectuals in South Korea received Sartre was quite the opposite of the one in which existentialism was taken as the theoretical rationale of the non-aligned movement in the Third World. For instance, Sartre was the only European philosopher attracting public attention in the Middle East. Furthermore, his engagement with the political situation of the Third World changed the relationship between the West and the non-West. According to Yoav di-Capua, On both sides of the Mediterranean, Sartre, his intellectual circle, and their new Arab interlocutors were eager to demonstrate that, against the polarizing logic of the Cold War and the sociopolitical stagnation of Europe, decolonization could produce revolutionary societies that were as egalitarian, free, and patriotic as they were anti-imperialist and humanistic. For Europeans of the Left and colonized people of recently liberated domains, that, in a nutshell, was the promise of Third Worldism, and, far from being a provincial African, Asian, or Arab project, it was, in a variation on the old theme of colonial universality, a promising universal counter-project of its own. (di-Capua 2018, 2) Existentialism shaped the new idea of counter-universality, and further paved the way towards "Third Worldism" for both Western and non-Western intellectuals. What is this "Third Worldism"? It is merely the sublimation of the Cold War, the conflict of two ideological poles, the U.S. and the USSR in particular. Many thinkers of decolonization in the Third World, such as Franz Fanon inspired Sartre and his philosophical circle in France. Without the political movements in the former colonial countries, the mapping out of European thought would be unlike what we know today. However, it is undeniable that the non-European reception of existentialism was rooted in a deep longing for the European...

Colonizing Language: Cultural Production and Language Politics in Modern Japan and Korea by Christina Yi

Reviewed by: Colonizing Language: Cultural Production and Language Politics in Modern Japan and Korea by Christina Yi Travis Workman (bio) Colonizing Language: Cultural Production and Language Politics in Modern Japan and Korea. By Christina Yi. Columbia University Press, New York, 2018. xiv, 211 pages. $65.00, cloth; $64.99, E-book. A number of scholarly publications on the Japanese empire have come out in the last two decades, expanding our understanding of the history, culture, and politics of Japan's imperialist expansion in the early twentieth century. They have explored the colonial histories and literatures of Taiwan, China, Manchuria, and Korea from multiple vantage points and theoretical orientations. This is a welcome development, considering the various ways that cold war political ideologies—including, most prominently, ethnonationalism—had previously led to myopic and present-oriented narratives of the period. Works concerning "the colonial period" in Korea have brought to light the complexity of issues of national identity, gender, language, and cultural erasure under Japanese colonial rule. Contemporaneously, a number of scholars have drawn from developments in the study of the Japanese empire to expand the context for reading and interpreting the literary works of ethnic Koreans in postwar Japan (zainichi). Considering the literal meaning of the term zainichi, this is a necessary recognition of changing views of the Japanese empire, which produced the conditions of possibility for Koreans "remaining" in postwar Japan. One of the virtues of Christina Yi's Colonizing Language: Cultural Production and Language Politics in Modern Japan and Korea is that it bridges these two areas of research to present an illuminating account of "Japanese language literature" (Nihongo bungaku) in the mid-twentieth century. As the title of the book suggests, Yi's primary concern is "language ideology"—how concepts and practices of national language were employed for colonial rule and how colonial and minority subjects responded to and worked within regimes of national language. In this regard, the "colonizing" of the title has a double meaning, referring both to the way that concepts of language were integral to subject formation, and therefore colonized the bodies and consciousnesses of modern national and imperial [End Page 183] subjects, as well as to the ways that local, regional, and individual languages were objects of colonization during the processes of nation building and empire building. One important intervention of Yi's work is that she reads this subject-object duality of language and colonization not simply as an erasure of the Korean national language by Japanese national-imperial language. She rather emphasizes the power of modern language ideology to establish the parameters of the universal and the particular, the cosmopolitan and the local, and the national and the regional, categories that then structure how literary and cinematic texts engage with and attempt to overcome the problem of their linguistic medium in a colonial situation. Therefore, she not only analyzes and clarifies the colonial effects of the policies and practices of the Japanese national language (kokugo) in colonial Korea, but also shows how the idea of kokugo came to affect Korean intellectuals' imagination of the Korean national language (kug'ŏ) after liberation. She also explains how speaking and writing in a national language as a colonial or minority subject are not simply matters of subordinating one's original national identity out of self-interest. She shows the ambivalence of the desire to be a proper speaking and writing subject of national language: national language at once empowers and subordinates; it provides access and includes, while discriminating and excluding. Although she does not refer directly to Naoki Sakai's discussions of national language as a "regulative idea" (in the Kantian sense), Yi shows, through close readings and a detailed literary-historical account, how "Japanese-language literature" grapples with the normative function of "national language," and how colonial and minority subjects engage with language ideology in ways irreducible to a political calculation. Therefore, by focusing on language ideology and reorienting our attention to the tropes and practices through which Koreans imagined themselves as imperial subjects, Yi disrupts powerful cold war–era ideas about collaboration and resistance during the colonial period. At the same time, she also provides a conceptual framework through which to judge the...

The Text-Mining of Munhwa (Culture): The Case of a Popular Magazine in 1930s Korea

Culture was an always “overloaded” concept during Korea’s colonial period. Like the ideas of literature and art, it was one of the main routes through which Koreans developed a socio-political sense when they were forbidden to speak about politics. Starting in the 1920s especially, Koreans used culture to establish intellectual foundations of modernity, cultivate the masses’ aesthetic senses, and seriously engage with colonial reality. Furthermore, the idea of culture became more complicated in the late 1930s as the colonial government more aggressively employed the cultural idea to propagate a series of wars while mainlining Japan’s ascendency in East Asia. Reflecting upon such a conceptual tug of war by different socio-political actors, this article uses text-mining to explore the changing meanings of culture in a 1930s popular magazine. Run by the proponents of culture as a forefront of social movements, Samch’ŏlli (“Threethousand ri,” which figuratively refers to Korea) was a monthly magazine that lasted for more than a decade from 1929 to 1941, unlike many short-lived journals under censorship. By examining the frequency of the keywords that composed the theme of culture, and the semantic network of culture’s cooccurring words, we diachronically trace the polyphonic meanings of culture in different timeframes. These quantitative and linguistic methods suggest that culture’s semantic network drawn from a 1930s periodical was far larger, more diverse in composition, and more influential than explained in previous studies, especially in its interplay with the various socio-political actors in launching collective projects by Korean intellectuals and the colonial government.

Racializing Chōsenjin: Science and Biological Speculations in Colonial Korea

Recent literature on the history of medicine in colonial Korea has revealed that Japanese medical scientists studied Korean bodies to expose racial differences between the Japanese and Koreans and justify Japanese colonial rule. Previous scholars, however, have focused mainly on finding a connection between colonial medical research and eugenics. This article attempts to consider things as yet underinvestigated, in particular, the way in which medical research on Koreans emerged and was intertwined with Japanese colonialism in other ways, separate from contemporary eugenics projects. The article examines the emergence and development of what we now considered as “racial sciences”—physical anthropology, serological anthropology, and human genetics—with regard to the biological characteristics of Koreans. In doing so, it argues that biological speculations on Koreans originated as a subdiscipline of Japanese origin studies and resonated with a newly emerging type of colonial racism in colonial Korea—inclusionary racism. The article also presents the colonial scientific enterprise’s conclusion that Koreans were biologically heterogeneous, contradicting colonial Korean intellectuals’ assertion about Korean ethnic homogeneity. The use of Korean ethnic homogeneity as an ideological basis for nation building by two Korean governments meant that postcolonial Korean scientists had to seek a way to reconcile the colonial era’s “scientific conclusion” (biological heterogeneity) with the postcolonial era’s “politically approved” conceptualization (biological homogeneity). Therefore, regardless of whether it was trying to refute, appropriate, or revitalize the colonial legacy, biological research on Koreans in the postcolonial period was carried out under the framework that had been constructed by colonial racial sciences.

“중화는 소중화와 다르다[中華不類小中華]”－황재(黃梓)의 연행록(燕行錄)에 나타난 18세기 중반 중화 인식의 단면－

“중화는 소중화와 다르다[中華不類小中華]”－황재(黃梓)의 연행록(燕行錄)에 나타난 18세기 중반 중화 인식의 단면－

사행록에 나타난 조선지식인의 바다체험과 인식

사행록에 나타난 조선지식인의 바다체험과 인식

Translation's Forgotten History: Russian Literature, Japanese Mediation, and the Formation of Modern Korean Literature by Heekyoung Cho

Reviewed by: Translation's Forgotten History: Russian Literature, Japanese Mediation, and the Formation of Modern Korean Literature by Heekyoung Cho Kelly Y. Jeong Translation's Forgotten History: Russian Literature, Japanese Mediation, and the Formation of Modern Korean Literature by Heekyoung Cho. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2016. Pp. xiv + 242. $39.95 cloth. Heekyoung Cho's Translation's Forgotten History presents a study of "the role of translation in the formation of a modern literature by examining how colonial Koreans appropriated Russian literature, through the medium of Japanese relay translations, while in the process of building their own modern literature in the early twentieth century" (p. x). It also "provides a broader East Asian perspective from which to understand the formation of modern literatures" (p. xi). The author's research suggests that "Russian literature became one element in a form of anti-imperial cosmopolitanism in East Asia" during this period (p. xii). Cho thus presents the underexplored history of localization and indigenization in the formation of modern Korean literature, in which foreign literature, ideas, and images play a pivotal role. This book is a much-needed work that fills a gap in knowledge in the study of the relationship among Russian, Japanese, and Korean modern literatures. Due to Cold War politics as well as the linguistic challenge of being familiar with all three languages, this book is the first of its kind (p. 27). Cho's book is informed by meticulous research. Its author's insights include the fact that literature is a "dynamic process of negotiating various foreign and local values" (p. 27) and that Korea's encounter with foreign texts during the formative years of its modern literature is a site where modernity, colonialism, and nationalism intersect (p. 95). Cho also effectively cites works of several Korean literary historians and theorists, connecting her own scholarship with theirs. Since Cho views literature as a process rather than a monument, it is not surprising that she critiques the pervasive amnesia about the impure origins of national literature and the negotiated and hybrid nature of national languages, as well as the erasure of translated foreign literature from mainstream national literary history. This criticism reminds the reader of several other Korean-studies monographs that focus on similar contexts to explain how postcolonial, postwar South [End Page 292] Korea's national literature is partly established through a denial and erasure of leftist and North Korean literature.1 These books also discuss ways in which translation becomes an essential element in constructing a hegemonic national literature and its history in the modern era. In her analysis, Cho borrows Naoki Sakai's concept of "the regime of translation" to explain the relationship between Japanese and Russian literatures and the formation of modern Korean literature, arguing that "national literature has inherently been comparative literature" (p. 6). Also at stake in Cho's book is the cultural politics of a subjugated Korean culture in the colonial era. Following Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Cho claims that a "translator's 'choices' and ensuing 'differences'—and distortions—made in the translated text were ethical in a subjugated culture because indigenization itself was one way of demonstrating agency under cultural and political dominance" (p. 22). As an example, Cho notes the irony of typical "relay translations" in colonial Korea—these works are translations into Korean from Japanese, but their originals are actually Russian—and points out that this kind of translation leads to the construction of the Korean language as an "equivalent linguistic entity vis-à-vis the colonizer's language" (p. 23). Thus, colonial Korean intellectuals' process of making their own modern literature was "doubly complex" (p. 25) in a fashion typical of a colony; they took Western literature as their model but viewed Japanese literature as a kind of sieve that, ultimately, they wanted to discard. Therefore, as Cho points out, this "social context legitimizes liberal and unfaithful translation as a disruptive, if not subversive, practice, and complicates the judgment about the ethics of literal translation in colonial Korea" (p. 25). With this context in mind, she uses the term "translation" to refer to two things. First, "it denotes a broad spectrum of substantial practices and texts. It includes types...

안창호와 이광수의 탈식민화 전략

본고는 도산이 독립국 국민의 자격을 갖출 수 있는 민족성의 개조를 위해 조직하거나 참여한 대한인국민회, 신민회, 흥사단, 수양동맹회, 수양동우회, 동우회 활동을 통해 정의돈수사상과 실력양성론을 어떻게 실천하고 있는가를 살펴보고, 그것이 춘원의 ｢민족개조론｣과 민족운동에 어떻게 녹아 있는가를 구명하여 춘원이 식민지 근대화론과 거리가 있음을 밝힌 글이다.BR 도산은 1902년부터 동포들의 무정한 삶을 보고 생활개선을 강조하다가 1907년 신민회를 만들면서 민족성 개조까지 언급했다. 흥사단의 약법에도 정신 개조가 중심을 이루고 있다. 그는 독립국 국민의 자격을 갖추기 위해 우리의 경제력과 문화 수준을 향상시키고, 정의를 돈수하여 백성들이 정을 느끼면서 살 수 있는 유정한 사회를 만들어야 한다고 주장했다. 국민의 정신을 개조시키기 위해 민족계몽운동을 하던 도산은 1919년 5월 대한민국 임시정부 국무총리 대리를 맡으면서 독립할 수 있는 실력을 기르기 위해 독립운동방략을 준비하면서 즉시 연통제를 시행하였다.BR 1922년 5월 춘원이 발표한 ｢민족개조론｣은 우리의 민족성의 본질적인 부분을 잘 살려나가고 부속적인 면을 개조하려는 것으로 도산의 정의돈수사상과 무실역행사상을 바탕으로 민족성의 개조를 주장한 글이다. 춘원은 박은식과 신채호의 뒤를 잇는 신민회의 문학적 적자라는 지적을 받을 정도로 도산의 추종자였으며, 일관되게 흥사단, 수양동맹회, 수양동우회, 동우회 활동을 하면서 도산의 정의돈수사상, 무실역행사상, 실력양성론을 실천하였다. 또한 신문 연재를 통한 민족계몽운동은 연통제가 차단된 상황에서 매체를 통해 우리 민족의 독립 의지를 전파하고 민족계몽을 하는 통로였으며, 모범촌 조성에 대한 관심은 신민회의 민족진흥사업운동의 연장선상에서 경제와 문화의 수준을 제고하여 우리 민족의 해외 유출을 막기 위한 유정한 사회 조성 사업이었다.

1960년대 지식인의 68운동 담론

This article aims at analysing the May 1968 discourse of Korean intellectuals who tried to accelerate the rapid modernization of Korea. May 1968 was a radical presentation of problem to western society begun to be transformed greatly from that point on. It was a huge shock to Korean intellectuals who desired to catch up the West.BR Korean press were very unfavorable to the Protests of 1968 for their leftist and viloent tendency whilst reporting it in real time. Korean intellectuals such as Song, Gunho tried to distance themselves from May 1968 for reasons mentioned above. Especially, He pointed out the moral decadence of the May 1968.BR Nam, Jaehee, a jounalist, was sympathetic to May 1968 exceptionally. But it was an incomprehensible thing of developed countries to most intellectuals. In particular, the sexuality problem presented by May 1968 was unacceptible and seen as a moral depravity to them. It seemed that they tried to exploit it in ethical renewal of the Korean nation.