King Taejong Research Articles

15세기 정권의 안정화와 圖讖의 위상 변화

The purpose of this study was to examine the change in the status of Docham and its meaning in the process of stabilizing the regime from King Taejo to King Seongjong. First, the composition method and meaning of Monggeumcheok(夢金尺) and Suborok(受寶籙) made during the reign of King Taejo were analyzed. It was revealed that Monggeumchuk contained Confucian's Mandate from Heaven(天命) and political ideas, and Suborok contained political theory of prime minister. Second, the reason why King Taejong criticized Monggeumcheok and Suborok was analyzed through the political situation. It was revealed that Taejong's criticism was related to the stabilization of the dynasty, strengthening the royal authority, and establishing a king-centered political system. Third, the purpose of King Sejong's compilation of Yongbieocheonga(龍飛御天歌) and the resulting change in the status of Docham were analyzed. Although it acknowledged the Docham about the founding of the country, it revealed that it intended to dilute its value and limit it to a side element of the founding. Fourth, the process of storing all books related to astronomy, geography, and yin and yang in King Sejo, King Yejong, and King Seongjong was analyzed.At that time, it was confirmed that the collection measure was aimedat censoring and filtering books dealing with Docham.

조선초기 대명정보의 활용과 사행(使行) 파견

Diplomatic relations in the early Joseon Dynasty were basically carried out through the dispatch of envoys. Joseon and Ming maintained exchanges by continuously dispatching envoys in situations where the relationship between Joseon and Ming deteriorated or improved. However, the period in which they exchanged while frequently dispatching envoys to each other in the relationship between the ministers was relatively short. The period corresponding to this is about the reign of King Taejong and the first half of the reign of King Sejong. Through this, Joseon established a system of exchange between the two countries while stabilizing the relationship with Ming.
 The biggest feature of envoys dispatched by Joseon during the reigns of King Taejong and King Sejong was to collect information on matters of interest and take action as quickly as possible by using it. Joseon, even without official contact, used various information resources to grasp the Ming situation. Based on the information collected, Joseon preemptively prepared envoys corresponding to each diplomatic issue. In particular, Joseon was able to greatly improve the relationship between the two countries by taking advantage of the Ming civil war situation. However, among Ming members, there were those who expressed dissatisfaction with Joseon's intelligence activities and the method of dispatching envoys. In the end, Joseon maintained the relationship between the two countries by actively collecting Ming information and partially adjusting the method of dispatching envoys.

고려후기~조선초 驪興閔氏 閔霽 家系의 정치적 동향

This study was prepared to examine the trend of the Minje family of the Yeo Heung-Min family in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty. The Minje family continued to serve as servants from the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and produced queens and meritorious subjects even after the founding of the Joseon Dynasty. The Minje family provides an example of the background and existence of the ruling power during the period of change of dynasty. In this paper, paying attention to these points, I examined Minje's personal connections and activities. During the period of change of dynasty, Minje cooperated with the Lee Seong faction and formed a relationship with the forces opposing the establishment of the country. Political activity was based on these relationships. After King Taejong ascended the throne, Minje emerged as a talented person who produced queens and public servants. In addition, the Minje family, which had ties with major political figures, exercised influence over the royal family and politics. This purge is not simply to get rid of Min, who is related by blood. Taejong purged the Min brothers to prevent the monopoly of certain forces in politics. As a result, the Min family moved away from politics.

기우제 관련 색인어를 통해 본 조선초기 용신신앙과 기우제의 변화

Index words reflect the nature of historical records. The securement and utilization of high-quality index words could be the key elements that decide the successful construction of DB. It is possible to observe changes in the type and frequency of index words in each period of time. The close observation of the frequency of index words can examine the characteristics and change process of each time. The praying for rain to cope with drought repeated every year was not only directly related to farmers’ survival, but also related to the maintenance of state and society, so every possible means and method such as Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, and folk belief were mobilized. And the characteristics of the times were also reflected into this. In the pre-modern society, the researches on praying for rain have been actively conducted by surrounding studies such as science of religion and folklore rather than historical studies. The changes in index words showed that the praying for rain went through huge changes in the process of changes from ancient society to medieval society, and there were such changes in the Goryeo Dynasty and the early Joseon Dynasty. Through the changes in index words related to praying for rain during the Goryeo Dynasty and the early Joseon Dynasty, the changes in praying for rain could be shown as follows. Just as China, Goryeo already held praying for rain using the earth dragon and drawing an image of a dragon. However, the praying for rain to the earth dragon exposed the dragon and shaman to the hot sunlight, and also performed rites like keeping away from the main hall(避正殿) and moving marketplace(徙市). The Buddhist monk and shaman participated in praying for rain of the Goryeo Dynasty, which shows the shamanistic nature. After founding the Joseon Dynasty, the praying for rain from the Song Dynasty was actively accepted. After the King Taejong, the praying for rain involving lizards(蜥蜴祈雨) from the Song Dynasty was accepted for the first time. The praying for rain to the earth dragon(土龍祈雨) and praying for rain by drawing an image of a dragon(畫龍祈雨) were modified by accepting the Song’s ritual process. However, the praying for rain to the earth dragon and praying for rain by drawing an image of a dragon were held differently from the Song’s ancestral rites, and the shamanistic ritual such as keeping away from the mail hall or sinking tiger head in the river(沈虎頭) was fully carried out. Even though this aims to realize the royal politics through Neo- Confucianism, it could be understood as reflecting the cultural specificity of the Joseon Dynasty.

정난(靖難)의 변과 조선․명 관계의 반전(反轉)

It was the personal will of the Ming emperor and the political change of the Ming Dynasty that led the trend of relations between Joseon and Ming. In particular, the Jingnan Campaign served as a direct opportunity to reverse the Joseon-Ming relationship, which reached its ruin. However, it was Joseon's active and preemptive diplomacy that stabilized Joseon- Ming relations. King Jeongjong(定宗) dispatched two groups of envoys to try to contact the Jianwen 建文court. Jianwen Emperor showed favor to Joseon and accepted to bestow a title. However, The enthronement of King Taejong(太 宗) provided suspicions to Jianwen Emperor. The relationship between Joseon and Ming was stagnated again. King Taejong dedicated 3,000 horses as well as proposed horse trade in order to reverse Joseon-Ming relationship. Eventually, Jianwen Emperor bestowed King Taejong the title as a king of Joseon. In the second year of King Taejong's reign, Joseon began to end its relations with the Jianwen court in anticipation of Yongle(永樂) Emperor's victory. At this time, there were two major diplomatic agendas that could have been disputed: horse trade and fugitive soldiers(漫散軍) issues. Upon hearing the news of the enthronement of Yongle Emperor, Joseon sent an envoy as soon as possible to celebrate the enthronement. Envoy Ha-Ryun(河崙) used his wit to ask the emperor to renew Joseon-Ming relationship. The emperor readily allowed it. At the same time, he demanded that the horse trade and fugitive soldiers issues, which occurred during the Jianwen reign, should be resolved. Joseon quickly resolved the two issues, which played a crucial role in stabilizing Joseon-Ming relations.

전북지역 조선시대 제철로의 구조와 제철유적 조성 배경

Of the 250 iron-producing sites distributed in the jeollabuk-do, 9 were from the Joseon Dynasty. Various remains such as smelting furnace, forging furnace, and waste place were investigated through excavation and investigation in the seasonal relics of the Joseon Dynasty. Among them, the smelting furnace is estimated to have a similar planar shape to a rectangular shape with rounded corners, and secondly, there is one discharge port on one long wall with a low terrain and about 19 small wind holes on one side of the long wall. In general, there are wind holes in the long wall opposite the discharge hole for the efficiency of the work. These melting furnaces are a type of so-called “box type furnace” and have similarities such as the planar shape and the presence of small-diameter wind holes from those of Japan, but their structures are generally different. This is intensively distributed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, including Chungju and Asan, and in particular, in the case of jeollabuk-do, all the smelting roads of the Joseon Dynasty surveyed so far are box type furnaces, so they are local. The produced iron is Bloomery iron, and it is highly likely that not only sand iron but also iron ore (titanium iron ore) was used as the raw material. It is believed that forging furnace was responsible for the function of refining and training-forging, which improved the quality of iron and made the tissue more dense than molding that produced the finished product. In particular, it is highly likely that it is Refining-forging, as there is a large amount of slag inside Okgye-dong Danya-ro, Namwon. On the other hand, referring to the literature records related to iron production, some of the 250 iron production sites distributed in Jeollabuk-do are believed to have been created and operated according to the iron tax receiving system and social changes during the Joseon Dynasty. In the early Joseon Dynasty, it is thought to be deeply related to the operation of cheolso and cheoljang(steel mills), and in the case of cheoljang, it is deeply related to the Cheoljangdohoe System, which took effect in the 7th year of King Taejong(1407). In the 18th year of King Seongjong (1487), as the Cheoljangdohoe System was abolished and Gakeupchenap system(each town arrears system) was implemented, production seems to have continued around iron reserves in jeollabuk-do. In the late Joseon Dynasty, as mining development and market revitalized, private production increased, and it is estimated that "hiding and producing” was prevalent when high taxes were imposed by the government to control this. The excavated iron production sites are believed to be deeply related to private production as their operation period is concentrated in the late Joseon Dynasty. In particular, considering that most of them were built in deep valleys, it is estimated that they were created by “hiding and producing”.

세종대 4군 개척의 담론 다시 생각하기

This article examines the historical validity of historiographic discourse concerning King Sejong’s military achievement in the northern part of the Korean peninsular. King Sejong, considered as one of the greatest kings in Korean history, succeeded in military operations to annex the areas that connect both Yalu River and Tuman River. His military success has often been described as establishment of “4 Gun” and “6 Jin.” I argue, however, that this characterization is inaccurate, considering the historical process by which “4 Gun” came into existence. In fact, one of the so-called “4 Gun”(Yoeyeon) was established in King Taejong’s reign, and additional ve administrative units (Weiwon·Gaseung·Wuye·Muchang·Samsu) were established in King Sejong’s reign. Therefore, it is not entirely correct to call those newly established administrative units “4 Gun” (because there were more than four). In addition, they were not built in unoccupied areas, but rather were products of reorganizing administrative areas that neighbor them (such as Gapsan, Ganggyey, Yoeyeon). This article further explores why this historically inaccurate term, “4 Gun,” has been proposed and circulated, by tracing the use of the term in Korean historiography. I propose that historians have adopted this term in order to overcome the coloniast paradigm of Colonial Historical Studies. In order to better understand Chosun’s foreign policy, we need to rethink the validity of such terms as the establishment of 4 Gun, and to take a broad perspective by considering King Sejong’s military expansion in continuum with early Chosun’s aggressive expansionism.

조선 태종대 경상 · 전라도 조운제 정비의 재정사적 고찰

Since Joun system(漕運) was a very important system in the traditional era, in terms of the maintenance and operation of the state, many studies have been conducted accordingly. However no research has been done on the correlation with national fiscal policies. This study examines how the reform of Joun system was implemented in the context of financial history.<BR> The fiscal policy during the reign of Taejong(太宗) in Joseon Dynasty was aimed at securing national rice, so it was an important task to transport rice to Seoul from Gyeongsang(慶尙) and Jeolla(全羅) provinces which had the largest population and arable lands. However, rice taxation and the operation of Joun system planned by King Taejong was carried out in different ways in Gyeongsang and Jeolla provinces. In addition, the reform of Joun system in these provinces not only laid the foundation for the operation of Joun system, but also served as an opportunity to create the structural characteristics of fiscal operations in Joseon Dynasty.

세종대(世宗代) ‘수차(水車)’ 도입 논의를 통해 본 15세기 중화 문물의 수용 문제

Examined in this article is the discussion that took place in the Joseon government during the reign of King Sejong, over the issue of importing waterwheels(水車) into Korea to assist agricultural production in the 15th century Joseon society. The goal of such examination is to observe the Joseon people’s perception of - and attitude toward - Chinese culture and technology in this very period.BR Previous studies’ general belief was that the 15th century Joseon people, in their efforts to reinvent their own culture and institutions, preferred ancient Chinese institutions (and even the institutions of its contemporary Chinese counterpart Ming, which they called “Institutions of the Time” [Shiwangjije, 時王之制]) to the institutions of Joseon’s own predecessor Goryeo. However, if we observe various cases of potential cultural embracing or adoption in the 15th century, we can see that not every Chinese cultural influences were welcomed or even favorably perceived. The discussion and debate that took place during King Sejong’s reign over the issue of whether or not Joseon should adopt the Chinese waterwheels is one of those examples.BR Waterwheels were used in agricultural production, as it hugely contributed to adequate irrigation. Even before Sejong’s reign, their adoption was seriously considered several times. A Goryeo official named Baek Mun-bo who served King Gongmin in the late Goryeo days had earlier suggested that waterwheels in usage across the Jiāng Huái(江淮) region of China should be introduced to the Korean peninsula. And later, after the Joseon dynasty was founded an official named Wu Hi-yeol created waterwheels to be employed throughout the country during King Taejong’s reign, but his efforts unfortunately failed as well. BR Various failures to adopt these waterwheels in Joseon could be attributed to the fact that the weather on the Korean peninsula was different from that of either China or Japan. Before the time of King Sejong, mostly Chinese waterwheels were considered for adoption, while since the Sejong days the idea of importing ‘Japanese’ waterwheels(‘Wae-Sucha, 倭水車’) were newly pursued by people like Park Seo-saeng. Park had earlier visited Japan as a Tongshin-sa emissary, and came to realize that the waterwheels used in Japan were not only superior to but also more efficient than Chinese waterwheels, so he proposed to Sejong their installations in Joseon. As he was already deeply interested in the issue, Sejong agreed that Japanese waterwheels could be the answer to the problems the Chinese waterwheels had been posing. This example shows us that not all Chinese culture and technology was positively pursued by the Joseon people. Any country’s culture, if it was deemed to be fitting the Joseon situation or as practical enough to be employed, were favorably pursued.

15세기 초 율문 교육과 형률적 교화 모색

This paper analyses how the Joseon government dealt with two conflicting concepts in the ruling: an ideal of realizing moral persuasion and a realistic measure of using legal punishment. As a compromise between these options, the government implemented double policies: to instruct common people about the codes and to allow reductions of sentences of some criminals. Such a measure can be called ‘Moral persuasion by legalist approaches.’<BR> By introducing the double policy, the government expected specific outcomes: to deter crime by instructing the codes, and the criminals to be regretful for their wrongdoing by commuting the sentences. The double policy was carried out based on specific intentions. On the one hand, instructing the code was intended to direct commoners not to offend the law. In instructing ordinances, the government was benefited from local intellectuals’ cooperation during the reigns of King Taejong and King Sejong. On the other hand, allowing commutation to some criminals is intended to avoid severe punishment. The government hoped the criminals to be remorseful for their wrongdoing in the process of commutation. Previously, this kind of approach was applied only to elites. However, from the early Joseon period, the target of the approach was widened beyond the upper class.<BR> In conclusion, the double policy reveals the Joseon government’s initiatives for harmonizing two conflicting political ideas.

新羅 善德王代 皇龍寺 九層塔에 보이는 中華와 吳越

King Taejong of the Tang Dynasty said to abolish King Seondeok of Silla. because King Seondeok was a woman. This is an official statement to the envoy of Silla. The envoys would have come to Silla and delivered the words of King Taejong of Tang. In the Samguksagi(三國史記), there is no discussion related to the words of King Taejong. However, in the records of the nine-story pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple in the Samgukyousa(三國遺事), it was said that if the nine-story pagoda was built at Hwangnyongsa Temple, Guhan(九韓) would come and pay tribute. In this way, if the king of Silla receives tribute from Guhan, it must be sacred. This sacredness of King Seondeok can be seen by the words of the the Bodhisattva of wisdom. Bodhisattva of wisdom said: The king of Silla is the royal family of India. The king of Silla was different from the barbarians in the east because of the Buddha''s record. Bodhisattva of wisdom said that the king of Silla was sacred. In the end, King Taejong of the Tang Dynasty said there was a problem because King of Silla was a woman. This logic of King Taejong of the Tang Dynasty is refuted by the words of the Bodhisattva of wisdom. However, the phrase of the Hwangnyongsa Pagoda in Samgukyousa(三國遺事) is the same as the Guhan(九韓) cited in Dongdoseungribgi(東都成立記). The Guhan(九韓) cited in Dongdoseungribgi(東都成立記) are Japan, Zhonghua(中華), Owel(吳越) and others. Here, attention is paid to Zhonghua (中華) and Owel(吳越). Zhonghua refers to the Tang Dynasty of the reign of King Seondeok of Silla, and Owel refers to South China, which the Tang has as a territory. A spiritual person told Jajang(慈藏) that if Silla built a nine-story pagoda in Hwangryongsa Temple, Goohan would come and pay tribute. At the suggestion of Jajang, King Seondeok built a nine-story pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple. This was the will to receive tribute from the Tang, which is expressed in Junghoa(中華) and Oweal(吳越). The fact that Junghoa (中華) and Oweal(吳越) will pay tribute shows the independence of Silla. There is an event that caused this record to appear. It was the logic of Tang Taejong that a woman could not be a king.

조선 태종대 지방군제의 개편 방향

조선 태종대 지방군제의 개편 방향

조선조 태종 시기 주요 사회경제적 현안의 처리와 대간 언론의 역할 : 노비 관계 법령의 정비 및 저화법 시행을 중심으로

조선조 태종 시기 주요 사회경제적 현안의 처리와 대간 언론의 역할 : 노비 관계 법령의 정비 및 저화법 시행을 중심으로

태종대 慶源府 移設･德安陵 遷葬의 의미와 東北面 변화

This study focused on the relocation of the royal tombs of Taejong(太宗)’s ancestor(德陵, 安陵) and Gyeongwonbu(慶源府) during the reign of king Taejong. former studies did not explain relocationing the royal-tombs and a strategic base on the North-eastern region. As Taejong had less influence in North-eastern than Taejo(太祖), Taejong had to focus on defense of the North-eastern region unlike Taejo. It is related to internal and external conditions. Taejong after he ascended the throne suffered conflicts with Ming(明) with the control of Nuzhen(女眞) externally. And the suppression of a rebellion in the North-eastern region internally. Through relocated Gyeongwonbu, Taejong tried resolve two problems. Then Taejong took symbolic legitimacy and an efficient a strategic military base in the North-eastern region. As a result, roles of Gyeongwonbu was divided with military role to the Gyeongseong(鏡城) and political role to the Hamju. Hamju was promoted by relocation of the royal-tombs. After then, the North-eastern region was renamed as Hamgil-do(咸吉道). The classification of this administrative district was made possible through the recognition of Taejong’s The north-eastern region and the foreign policy of the Ming Dynasty.

고려 말 조선 초기 왕권의 문제와 태종의 대간 언론 인식

역사적으로 조선왕조에서 대간제도의 토대는 태종대에 놓인다. 태종 1년(1401)에 대대적으로 관제 정비가 이루어지는데, 이때 사간원이 독립 기구가 되어 비로소 사헌부 사간원 양사 시스템이 정립된다. 그래서 본고에서는 18년에 이르는 태종조 시기 전체를 대상으로, 초기(태종의 정치제도 정비시기), 중기(비대해진 공신 권력에 대한 견제 및 왕권의 안정 도모 시기), 후기(태종 자신의 후계 문제와 관련한 갈등 발생 시기)로 나누어, 〈태종실록〉에 나타난 대간 언론 관련 대표적 사건을 중심으로 태종의 대간 언론 활동에 대한 인식에 대해 검토해 보았다. 그 결과 태종은 재위 전 시기에 걸쳐 대간 언론이 국정 운영에 반드시 필요하다고 보는 인식 아래, 기본적으로 대간 언론을 장려하고 있었다. 구체적으로 태종은 재위 초반에 공신, 사관(史官)의 간언에 대해서도 긍정적으로 인식하고 있었다. 그리고 태종은 바람직한 사헌부와 사간원 양사의 관계정립을 위해 양사의 다양한 상호 대립을 중재하고자 노력한다. 또한 재위 중반에 태종은 구체적인 대간 언론의 방식을 정비하는데, 이 과정에서 태종은 1, 2인도 간할 수 있도록 대간의 간언 방식을 다양화한다. 나아가 재위 후반에는 권신을 견제하기 위해 대간이 반드시 필요하다는 인식을 명확히 드러낸다. 이러한 분석 결과는 왕권과 관련하여 일반적으로 태종시기의 왕권은 강했다고 평가되고 있으나, 정작 태종 자신은 왕권이 쉽게 불안정해 질 수 있다고 생각하고 있었다는 것을 시사한다.

A Study of the Jwamyeong-gongsin’s Royal Certificate Appointment, Related Records in the Time of Joseon’s King Taejong

A Study of the Jwamyeong-gongsin’s Royal Certificate Appointment, Related Records in the Time of Joseon’s King Taejong

태종대 한양 德壽宮의 건립과 운용 - 태조의 정치권위 복구 -

본 논문은 태종대 한양환도 후 태조의 거처로 건립된 덕수궁의 운용 양상을 통해 1차 왕자의 난으로 부정되었던 태조의 정치적 권위 회복 과정과 의미를 살펴본 것으로 논의된 내용을 정리하면 다음과 같다.<BR> 태종은 한양환도 후 태조를 위하여 덕수궁을 새로이 건립하였다. 이곳은 창덕궁 뒤편인 興德洞 인근으로 비정할 수 있는데 惠化門의 도성 안측 권역에 해당하며, 훗날 창덕궁보다 크고 화려하다는 지적이 나올 정도의 상당한 경역을 가지고 있었다. 태종은 창덕궁에서 지내면서 월 1회 이상 공식적으로 행차하였으며, 도성을 나가는 경우 보고하고 사냥을 하는 경우 예물을 바치는 등 부왕과의 긴밀한 관계를 과시하였다. 더구나 전위 소동과 외척 제거 사이에 태조와 태종은 경기일원에 40여 일간 동반하여 행차함으로써 입장을 조율하였다.<BR> 태종은 태조로부터 자신의 즉위를 인정받기 위한 방안으로 세자에게 傳位할 의사를 밝혔다. 하지만 정작 河崙 등 재상들은 태종의 장인인 민제와 처남인 민무구·민무질 등 민씨 일족을 찾아 대응 방안을 모색하였다. 이것은 민씨 일족이 태조 보다 우선하는 정치적 규정력을 가지고 있는 현실을 드러내는 것이다. 태종은 물론이고 민제 집안에서 양육되어진 세자는 민제, 나아가 외숙들로부터 정치적으로 자유로울 수 없었다. 이에 태종은 전위 소동과 연계하여 민무구 등을 숙청하였다.<BR> 한편 세자에게는 永樂帝에게 조현하도록 함으로써 외가를 대체하는 정치적 배경을 마련해 주었다. 이후 명에서 돌아온 세자는 태조의 병을 매개로 그의 역할을 대리하였다. 태종은 사망 직전 태조를 세자전으로 옮기고 창덕궁의 담을 허물고 정무를 중지한 채 적극적으로 侍病하였는데, 이것은 태조의 후계자인 태종과 세자의 위상을 드러내고자 하는 것이다.<BR> 한양의 덕수궁은 창업주로서의 태조의 정치적 권위의 회복과 함께 태조와 세자의 연결 속에서 자신의 왕위 정통성을 수립하려는 태종의 정치적 의도를 표상하는 공간이었다.

정몽주의 신화화와 역사소비

Examined in this article is how the worshipping of Jeong Mong-ju began, and how he turned into a historic, almost mythical figure. Jeong Mong-ju came to be considered as the symbol of undying loyalty, and after King Taejong of Joseon ascended to the throne, Jeong’s status was reinstated in the wake of Taejong himself arguing the importance and noble nature of loyalty. Later it was decided to enshrine Jeong Mong-ju at the Munmyo Shrine of Joseon, while Jeong was officially declared as a Sage. Ever since the 16SUPth/SUP century, it is reported that he was enshrined at three different civilian Seoweon schools as well.BR The poem named Danshim-ga(丹心歌, “Heart of Unwavering Loyalty”) which was written by him, and the story of his honorable death at the Seonjuk-gyo bridge, both gradually turned into mythical tales. The latter in particular was blended with a Chinese story from the past, and as a result began to feature certain mythological elements. At the Seonjuk-gyo bridge even a monument for King Yeongjo was erected, and the place itself came to be regarded as a holy site. The Danshim-ga poem became a popular song often recited by the public as well.BR At the end of the 19SUPth/SUP century, the story of Jeong Mong-ju’s death was even more dramatized, and a novel named Sheonjyuk-gyo based upon Jeong Mong-ju’s life story was introduced to the book market. And while this novel failed to attract huge popular attention, Jeong Mong-ju’s legacy lived on through newspapers and journals in the 1920s nonetheless. Donga Ilbo was the one which used to post articles regarding Jeong Mong-ju the most. Publisher Song Jin-wu even praised him as the most important historical figure of the entire Goryeo period.BR The aforementioned Sheonjyuk-gyo had nothing to do with Park Jong-hwa’s Cheongsan-eui Hanjum heukdeul: Seonjuk-gyo-eui Byeokhyeol (“A handful of Cheongsan mountain’s soil; Honorable blood spilled on the Seonjuk-gyo bridge”), but it may very well have inspired as well as shaped the structure of Jeong Mong-ju’s life story as we know it today. It has been so very much since the old Joseon days. All the stories we know about him have apparently been created during the latter half of the Joseon period.

Politically historic meanings of the crown prince(Yang'nyeong)'s audience with the Emperor in the 7-8th year of King Taejong(太宗)'s reign - A study on correlation between the royal line of King Taejong and relations with Ming dynasty -

Politically historic meanings of the crown prince(Yang'nyeong)'s audience with the Emperor in the 7-8th year of King Taejong(太宗)'s reign - A study on correlation between the royal line of King Taejong and relations with Ming dynasty -

태종-세종대 上王(定宗) 예우와 喪禮의 정치사적 의미 : 부자에서 형제관계로의 재정립

태종-세종대 上王(定宗) 예우와 喪禮의 정치사적 의미 : 부자에서 형제관계로의 재정립