King Gojong Research Articles

1890년대-1930년대 조선 지식인들의 프랑스혁명 독해법

The fundamental goal of this article is to fill the void of poor prior research and stimulate further research. The main issue is, first, to apply into the context of the time and analyze various types of texts referring to the French Revolution from the late 19th century to the early 20th century. In that extension, it tracks the changes in the views and historical perspectives of Joseon/Korean intellectuals who lived in a radical transition period leading to the period of King Gojong, the Korean Empire, and the colony on the French Revolution. In addition, the discourse on the French Revolution formed and shared by Joseon intellectuals in the 1890s and 1930s is briefly compared with that of contemporary Chinese and Japanese intellectuals to gauge the worldview of contemporary East Asian intellectuals in the West. The achievements of this study are as follows. First, reformist intellectuals during the period of King Gojong-the Korean Empire represented by Yoo Gil-jun and Yoon Chi-ho were also afraid of active discussion of the French Revolution and acquisition of its historical lessons. Second, intellectuals during the period of cultural governance tried to approach the French Revolution ‘from below’, paid attention to its creative destructive power, and learned its democratic character. Third, Joseon’s modern women welcomed the French Revolution as a successful example of the modern feminine movement, and made it a lesson to overcome the ‘women’s panic era’ in which old women and new women conflict. Fourth, some intellectuals appropriated ‘La Marseillaise’, a military song and national song of the French Revolution, in a way that supported Japanese militarism and promoted totalitarian fascism. It can be seen that the framework for interpretation of the French Revolution during the colonial period shifted from ‘left to right’.

대한제국기 중앙군 병영 배치와 그 정치적 함의

After the Gabo Reform, the arrangement of modernized military barracks was closely linked to King Gojong's political leadership. As a result of the military reform, which took place amid the shrinking political influence of King Gojong during the Gabo Reform, the newly established Central Army (Hullyeon-dae) placed a barracks around the Jongmyo Shrine, far from Gyeongbok Palace, where King Gojong resided. As King Gojong regained political leadership with escape to Russian embassy, the barracks of the Central Army shifted their focus to Gyeongbok Palace. After returning to Gyeongun Palace, King Gojong established the Siwi-dae as his own guard corps, and along with the declaration of the Korean Empire, he began to increase the Central Army with the Chinwi-dae and the Siwi-dae as its two main axes. In addition, in the process of establishing Emperor Gojong's absolute imperial authority, the Military Headquarters (Wonsubu) were established in the palace, and the barracks of the Central Army were placed around Gyeongun Palace. After the Russo-Japanese War, Emperor Gojong's influence on the military rapidly weakened as Japanese troops were stationed in Seoul and large-scale disarmament of the Korean Imperial Army proceeded. The Japanese military took over the empty barracks due to disarmament, and as a result, the Korean Imperial Army was isolated in the center of the capital. This relocation of military barracks was one of the reasons why the Korean Imperial Army was disbanded so helplessly when the army was disbanded.

The policy of expanding English education during the reign of King Gojong of the Joseon Dynasty

The policy of expanding English education during the reign of King Gojong of the Joseon Dynasty

대몽항쟁기 전남지역 ‘山城ㆍ海島⼊保’의 현황과 특징

The purpose of this study is to examine the current status and characteristics of the remains of strongholds for protection in fortresses and islands utilized in Jeollanam-do during Goryeo Dynasty’s Wars against Mongolian Invasion, focusing on the remains of that period investigated in that region so far. As is well known, Goryeo’s strategy for resisting the Mongolian invasion was to build strongholds for protection in fortresses or islands since the wars against Mongolian invasion began in August 1231 (the 18th year of King Gojong’s reign). These two strategies were implemented throughout the nation following the transfer of the capital to Ganghwa carried out by Choi Woo. In that respect, in Jeollanam-do, fortresses for protection were built on rugged mountains in the inland area, and strongholds for protection on islands including castles were built on islands adjacent to the coastal area of the southwestern coast. In particular, after 1253 (the 40th year of King Gojong’s reign), the Mongolian army began attacking islands in the southwestern coastal area of Jeollanam-do in response to Goryeo’s strategy of building strongholds for protection on islands. Nevertheless, Goryeo achieved the expected results in the battles of Jangseong Ibamsanseong fortress and Shinan Aphaedo, Jeollanam-do by effectively using the strategy of building strongholds for protection on fortresses and islands. These results seem to have originated from the activities of Banghobyulgam, who played a key role in the implementation and operation of the strategy of building strongholds for protection, as well as the strategy of building strongholds for protection in fortresses and islands implemented with meticulous planning after the transfer of the capital to Ganghwado. On one hand, the reality of the strategy of building strongholds for protection on fortresses and islands carried out in Jeollanam-do during Goryeo’s Wars against Mongolian Invasion has made it possible to understand specifically about building strongholds for protection on islands rather than fortresses. Fortresses for protection built in the inland area shows significant differences from ancient fortresses in terms of location, scale, and structural characteristics. However, it has something in common with fortresses for protection in Gangwon-do and central inland areas. On the other hand, Jindo Yongjangseong itself has great implications in that Yongjangseong, which was used as the center for the wars against Mongolian invasion, is fortress similar to a castle town built in consideration of the geographical characteristics and geopolitical position of an island. Yongjangseong consists of Yongjangsanseong fortress, which is a large-scale stone fortress spanning 13km, and a palace built using an existing mountainous Buddhist temple. The spatial structure of Yongjangseong fortress is understood to be a new castle town structure that combines the locational characteristics of an island and the spatial structures of Gaegyeong or Ganghwa based on the fortress for protection built under the plan of the Ganghwado government. This fortress began to be built according to the strategy of building strongholds for protection on islands carried out after the transfer of the capital to Ganghwado, and was finally completed following the transfer of the capital to Jindo. In this regard, attention is paid to roof tiles with an inscription 「Master artisan Hyein the 3rd month of Gyemyo (Guimao in Chinese) year」 and roof tiles showing an isomorphic or homogeneous set relationship, which are found simultaneously in Yongjangsanseong fortress and major islands along the southwestern coast.

조선-대한제국기 정표제도의 변화와 소멸

This study examines the process of change and extinction of The Jeongpyo(旌表) system through laws from the Joseon Dynasty to the Korean Empire. After the establishment of Joseon, the Jeongpyo system is a reward system given to loyalist, devoted son, and virtuous women for the stability and social edification of the country according to the Confucian governance ideology. TThis system was legislated in The law of Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典), the first law code of Joseon, and since then, various laws, including the statute book, the Supreme Code, and the ordinance book, have included matters related to the formal system.
 The legal changes in the Joseon Dynasty's The Jeongpyo system are largely divided into rewards and procedures. First, there was a change in The Bok-ho(復戶) in relation to the reward. The Bok-ho(復戶) is a reward given to on the recipients of the Charity Monument(旌表者) since the time of King Taejo, and it was an exemption from forced labor. And it was a principle that it was limited to the parties and not inherited to the descendants.
 However, after the death of the recipients of the Charity Monument, The Bok-ho(復戶) was not recovered, and labor was insufficient due to the abuse of the The Bok-ho(復戶) system and the implementation of the Daedongbeop(大同法) in the 17th century. In the end, it was revised to properly mix restrictions and allowances for The Bok-ho(復戶) system given to the recipients of the Charity Monument(旌表者), so that those with or without a son would be decoded only for their wife or pride, and those without descendants would be decoded only for three years.
 Second, there was a change in the timing of the first notice to the king by Yejo(禮曹), the official in charge. The law of Gyeongguk Daejeon(大典通編) requires it to be implemented at the end of each year by law, was revised to the beginning of each year at King Yeongjo's tenure dae. Then, it was changed to three years at King Jeongjo's tenure and was legislated in the newly revised Daejeon Tongpyeon.
 Then, it was changed to the beginning of every year again for fear of delaying the selection of the recipients of the Charity Monument. But since then, it has changed to the beginning of three years as the number of pre-the recipients of the Charity Monumen has increased.
 During the Sedo politics of the 19th century, the Jeongpyo(旌表) system was abused. Therefore, King Gojong purified the Jeongpyo system from the beginning of his enthronement. King Gojong ruled it as a sentence to petition for Jeongpyo by recklessly commenting or arguing without following regular procedures. In addition, these matters were legislated in the revised the law of Daejeon Hoetong(大典會通). In addition, the same matter was announced by law so that the Charity Monument(旌閭) and the act of raising a government post after death(贈職) could not be petitioned together. In particular, people were extremely limited from the act of pleading on banging a gong or drum(擊錚) for the purpose of petitioning for political votes in areas other than designated places where were possible.
 However, since the Gabo Reform at the end of the 19th century, the government office in charge of The Jeongpyo system was transferred to the palace in charge of royal affairs, and the tradition of deliberating and Selection of the Charity Monument’ recipients under the Uijeongbu government disappeared. Moreover, after the declaration of the Korean Empire, the emperor's authority was strengthened and the authority within the palace increased, and the corruption phenomenon of the officials in charge became serious and faced a crisis. Meanwhile, in order to weaken the imperial power of the Korean Empire due to the anti-colonialization of Japanese imperialism, The Jeongpyo system was officially extinguished on March 9, 1910.

19세기 서원철폐 이후, 전북의 서원·사우 건립 현황과 그 양상

Daewongun, who had seized power upon the accession of King Gojong, ordered the destruction of Seowon in 1868 and promoted a policy to destroy more than 600 Seowon, leaving only 47. However, many of the destroyed Seowon and Sawoo had been rebuilt after Japanese colonial era and liberation.
 165 of Seowon and Sawoo are estimated to be built in Jeonbuk, of which 96 were rebuilt except the unbroken Museongseowon.
 Between 1868 and 1910, 19 places were rebuilt and 18 places were rebuilt during the Japanese colonial period. After liberation, 59 places were restored, and 61.4% of the rebuilt Seowon and Sawoo were built after liberation. In Short, the reconstruction of Seowon and Sawoo in the mid-20th century, more than 100 years after the destruction, is thought to have great implications for grasping the status and meaning of Seowon and Sawoo in the region.
 From this point of view, it is necessary to closely examine the reconstruction and establishment of Seowon in Namwon, Imsil, and Sunchang. Namwon is the place where Seowons were built the most in Jeonbuk before the decree was issued. Imsil, which shared the border with Namwon, was the secon d largest n umber. There are 53 of 165 Seowon s built in Namwon and Imsil, accounting for 32.1%. However, the rate of reopening Seowon here is the lowest.
 In particular, if Sun chan g, which has n o rebuilt Seowon , is in cluded, it is only 16.6%, which is below the average of ‘Im-Sun-nam’(Imsil, Sunchang, Namwon). This rate of reconstruction is remarkable when compared to regions exceeding 75% such as Jangsu, Jinan, Iksan, Gimje, Gunsan, and Gochang. By paying attention to these regional deviations, it is expected that the locality of the 20th century will be grasped by studying the group which led to rebuild Seowon.
 After Japanese colonial era and liberation, newly built Seowons were also built in Gochang, Jeongeup, Jinan, Gimje, and Iksan, where reconstruction rates were high, while Namwon and Imsil, which had low reconstruction rates, were also poorly established. If research on these trends and deviations is continued from the perspective of local history, it will be possible to reveal the times reflected in Seowon and Sawoo, which were reconstructed or newly established in the 20th century, and to present the current role of Seowon in the context of continuity.

지명과 행정구역 변화를 통해 본 지역의 역사지리적 변천

A historical geography on the region can be said to be an approach for regional research that integrates time and space, focusing on the current appearance of the region as well as the strata of older times. In this paper, I take a historical-geographical approach to the Cheongsong-gun region in Gyeongsangbuk-do by focusing on changes in ‘place name’ as a linguistic expression referring to an area divided by a certain boundary and in ‘administrative district’ as a representative spatial area that divides the region.
 First, the name ‘Cheongsong(靑松)’ can be found for the first time in the Annals of King Sejong. In 1423(5th year of King Sejong’s reign), the existing Cheongbo-gun(靑寶郡) and Songsaeng-hyeon(松生縣) were merged and ‘Cheongsong-gun(靑松郡)’ began to appear for the first time in Korean history. Naturally, our interests are bound to expand to Cheongbu-hyeon(靑鳧縣) and Jinbo-hyeon(眞寶縣) which are related to Cheongbo-gun, and Andeok-hyeon(安德 縣) which are related to Songsaeng-hyeon. Among these, in particular, Cheongbo-gun was elevated by integrating Jinbo-hyeon with Cheongbu-hyeon in 1418(the year of King Sejong’s accession to the throne), its name was changed to Cheongsong-gun through the separation of Jinbo-hyeon and incorporation of Songsaeng-hyeon in 1423, and Cheongsong-dohobu(靑松都護府) in 1459(the 5th year of King Sejo's reign). The promotion to Cheongbu-hyeon is deeply related to the locational specificity of Cheongbu-hyeon being the home of none other than King Sejong’s queen, Queen Soheon. From a current standpoint, it can be said to be a historical fact that requires attention in relation to the construction of place identity, securing historical and cultural contents, and storytelling in the Cheongsong region.
 Next, if we look at the process of integration and abolition of administrative districts and the transition of jurisdictions related to the name ‘Cheongsong’, we can easily understand how dynamically this region has changed. In other words, Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsang-do, which first appeared in history in 1423, was centered around the middle part of the current Cheongsong-gun, with Jinbo-hyeon in the north and Andeok-hyeon in the southwest. At the time of the modern administrative district reorganization in 1895(the 32nd year of King Gojong’s reign), Cheongsong-gun in Andong-bu(安東府) was divided into two parts: Jinbo-gun in the north and Cheongsong-gun in the middle and southwest. Then, in 1914, Cheongsong-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do, which was formed through merger and amalgamation by the Japanese Imperialism, incorporated the area corresponding to Jinbo-myeon and part of Pacheon-myeon in the northern part of the current Cheongsong-gun, forming its current form. In the future, regardless of the topic or object related to regional research, I hope that a historical-geographical approach to changes in ‘place names’ as geographical texts representing the region and ‘administrative districts’ as a spatial area that distinguishes regions can take precedence.

19세기 후반 고종의 불법 홍삼무역과 비자금

King Gojong paid attention to red ginseng trade, which could acquire silver, and exercised exclusive authority over red ginseng and red ginseng trade after opening the ports. After allocating most of Posam(포삼, Red ginseng for the trade of envoys) to the royal family in 1884, King Gojong directly controlled the red ginseng trade and collected the trade money. And he also engaged in illegal red ginseng trade.
 King Gojong’s illegal red ginseng trade had not been revealed because it was conducted in secret. However, it was revealed through slush funds given to Min Young-ik in 1885, illegal trade of 2,600 Keun(근, Korean Unit of Weight) of red ginseng in 1888, and smuggling 800 Keun of red ginseng into the Shanghai maritime customs in 1889.
 King Gojong illegally traded hundreds and thousands of Keun of red ginseng, he earned tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of nyangs(냥, monetary unit of Joseon) of silver. He made the huge sum of money into slush funds.
 King Gojong’s slush funds were deposited at a foreign bank in Hong Kong under a borrowed account, and were used for political and diplomatic lobbying funds, political removal, and espionage activities. King Gojong’s illegal red ginseng trade was mainly carried out in Shanghai and Hong Kong in China.
 King Gojong’s illegal red ginseng trade and slush funds were a countermeasure against extraordinary times such as foreign pressure and invasion, and Joseon’s civil unrest and revolution. And it was King Gojong’s political choice to protect the throne and the throne. However, it was far from the policy of the enrich and strengthen of state and the provision of the poor national finances, which were urgent tasks at the time.

갑오개혁기 훈련대 연구

The Hullyeon-dae was the only military organization in Joseon based on the new military system during the Gabo Reform as a result of the military reform that began in July 1894. It was composed of four battalions, two were central battalions located in Seoul, and the other two were local battalions located in Pyongyang and Jeonju. Securing the initiative of the Hullyeon-dae actually meant Joseon’s military control. The conflict took place between Park Young-hyo and Cho Hee-yeon in the first and Park Young-hyo and King Gojong in the second.
 The Hullyeon-dae was disbanded due to public criticism after taking part in the Eulmi Incident. Regarding the motive for the Hullyeon-dae’s participation in the Eulmi Incident, it usually refers to the conflict between the Royal faction and the pro-Japanese enlightenment faction. However, after Park Young-hyo’s outster, most of the Hullyeon-dae officers advocated political neutrality. The problem was the repercussions of rumors on the disbandment of the Hullyeon-dae. The officers of the Hullyeon-dae, who felt threatened by this rumors, cooperated with Japan’s plan to kill the queen bacause of their interests, which was their Motive for participating in the Eulmi Incident.

‘조러밀약(朝露密約)’을 통한 고종의 대러관계 강화 시도와 의미 - 고종의 보호국 인식을 중심으로

The purpose of this article is to determine the true nature and meaning of the so-called “Joseon-Russia Secret Agreement,” which was an important turning point in the Joseon-Russia relationship, in the wake of the Joseon ports’ opening to the outer world. After the Gabshin-year Revolt(甲申政變, the Gabshin Jeongbyeon), a military conflict between the Qing and Japan seemed imminent, and the Joseon king Gojong arranged this secret agreement with Russia, to ensure Joseon independence remain intact.BR Through this secret agreement, Gojong not only tried to secure Russia’s protection of Joseon, but even pursued the option of Joseon becoming Russia’s protectorate. He understood (or rather misunderstood) the concept of ‘protectorate’ as a dependency or a semi-sovereign country, with limited independence as well as autonomy to a certain degree. Gojong’s request was based on such understanding, and was an attempt to not merely use Russia in Joseon’s dealing with the Qing(淸), but actually replace a former suzerain(Qing) with another prospective one(Russia) as well.BR Gojong’s such request and offer to become a protectorate of a new suzerain actually reveals a perspective which was oblivious to the colonial nature of such relationship. It was essentially due to a lack of correct information or understanding of the concept, which led to the Joseon’s king mistaking ‘intermediation’ for ‘protection,’ and putting too much faith in Russia’s ‘protection’ of Bulgaria. As would be expected, Russia perceived Gojong’s request from a fairly different point of view. Already in the 17th century, Russia had ample experience in relevant matters, which came from turning Ukraine, the Buhara and Hiba Khanates of Central Asia, into protectorates. So naturally, Russia expected to acquire more than just an extension of influences to the Korean peninsula.BR This discrepancy between Gojong’s stance and Russia’s was because their understanding of the concept of ‘protectorate’ was starkly different from each other to begin with. Gojong’s offer to become Russia’s protectorate was a very dangerous deal, which he only extended as he was neither well versed in international law nor well aware of the legal concepts related to the protectorate issue, unlike the Western world which already had solid understanding of the concept and had been putting it to use for quite some time.

‘고종의 길’에 대한 공간 서사구조 및 디자인 평가

This study is a follow-up study of 「Analysis of the spatial narrative structure of Deoksugung Stone Wall Path’」 as part of a continuing study to evaluate how narratives are structured and expressed in the physical structure and spatial composition of various open public spaces. Through this study, the connection between the organic narrative structure of the separated spaces of 'Deoksugung Stonewall Road' and 'King's Road' was analyzed. Through the 'Spatial Narrative Structure Design Evaluation Table' developed through previous research, an evaluation analysis was conducted on the narrative structure shown in 'The Way of King Gojong'. As a result, it was found that the roads of King Gojong were sufficiently structured and contained narration based on historical facts, but there was no spatial design that visually expressed them so that visitors or pedestrians could approach them emotionally. In addition, the narrative structure of King Gojong's road is directly connected to the narrative structure of the Deoksugung stone wall road, so it has an organic relationship. Therefore, as a special alley that requires a public design approach, Deoksugung Palace and Gojong's Road must be structured so that a new narrative starts again from the point of contact, and structured design planning is desperately needed.

오무장공사 소장 유물과 화교사회

This paper aims to clarify the historical significance of each relic and its relationship with the Overseas Chinese Community through a survey of relics produced during the modern period preserved by the Wu Wuzhuanggong shrine. The WuWuzhuanggong shrine enshrines Admiral Wu Changqing, who was dispatched from the Qing dynasty to Choseon to suppress the Im-O Military Revolt. King Gojong established it in 1885 in the name of Jeongmu shrine to commemorate Wu Changqing after his death, and hold national memorial service every year. Japan's colonization of Choseon-Korea was actively promoted, and in 1909, the memorial service and management was transferred to the Qing Consulate General in Choseon-Korea, and the ceremony was held jontly with the Kyeongseong Chinese Chamber of Commerce. In this paper, we first surveyed all the relics in the collection of WuWuzhuanggong shrine and deciphered all the characters on each relic of the monument stone, plaque, couplet, and mortuary tablet. After deciphering, through the work of translating all relics, we fully grasped the content of each relic, and examined the historical meaning of each relic, focusing on its relationship with overseas Chinese community. Each relic not only contains the history of the WuWuzhuanggong shrine as it is, but also clearly shows the actual situation of its transformation. The overseas Chinese community in Gyeongseong is directly involved in the management, repair and maintenance of the WuWuzhuanggong shrine, as well as the rituals, and has served as a historical space that unites the overseas Chinese community

Daily Manuscript of Government Newsletter Jobo in the Era of King Gojong

The jobo(朝報) is a daily manuscript of government newsletter published by Seungjeongwon, the royal secretariat during the Joseon Dynasty. In the early days of King Gojong, articles that shed light on the boy king’s character, sincerity, and the king’s study of practicing the ‘politics by Virtues(deokchi)’ were o¬ften published in the jobo. Such news would have pleased Confucian intellectuals across the country, but given that it was the regents, the Great Dowager Queen and Daewongun, the father of King Gojong, the jobo showed only the front of the stage of politics. The jobo presents the king’s orders or administrative documents “as they are”, but that is why it does not accurately show the events of Realpolitik or the relationship of power. The biggest flaw is that even if each copy was made from the same original, it was not the same. How many articles in what field appear in the jobo were determined by the interest of the subscriber. It is thought that it would have been difficult to form a modern and national public sphere if the subscribers were exposed to different information according to their respective interests. Even aft¬er the appearance of the printed Government Gazette(官報), the manuscript jobo was still produced, but its impact was not the same as before.

총설] 한국 근·현대사를 바라보는 세밀한 시선과 담론의 좌표

In this issue of Journal of History , modern and contemporary Korean history research trends published in 2020-2021 were reviewed. During this period, researches on Korean history covering the modern and contemporary period increased quantitatively by 11.5% of papers and 24.8% of books compared to the previous two years. The keywords of the research trends for each period focused on Complex space-time, colonial society, and resisting subjects of modern society. Among them, I pointed out the mass-production of personal biographies of the King Gojong period, criticism on the March 1 Revolution theory, the origins of modern social science, and the current state of oral research on the victims of the Korean War.BR Regarding historiographic discourses, criticism of the modern long-term continuity theory in Korea and new issues on the division between North and South Korea were reviewed. Here, I pointed out that the conflict between landlords and farmers in the late Joseon Dynasty and the task of modern land reform should be included. In addition, I argued that the provision of an alternative system for the division of North and South Korea and understanding of the separation of the Korean people should be regarded as “today’s problems.” In the conclusion, I emphasized the responsibility of historians to recognize the problems of digital history concerning the outlook of history and to set the coordinates of discourse in advance for the establishment of a significant discourse in human history.

18-19세기 상주지역 남인 세력의 갈등

This study is to review the process of the disputes over the order of spirit tablets occurred in Okdong Seowon had been spread to Sangju and the Namin line seowons in Yeongnam region. The conflicts started from the activities of requesting for granting the board by Okdong Seowon in the 18th Century, and lasted for around 80 years until the early 19th Century. The houses of Hwang of Jangsu and Jeon of Okcheon in Sangju, who were descendants of the scholars enshrined in Okdong Seowon were in the middle of the conflicts, and the study summarizes the start of the disputes between both the houses and the process of their spreading and steadiness in Yeongnam region. T he f irst dispute s tarted when the appeal f or r equesting to grant a board for Okdong Seowon in 88(the 12th reigning year of King Jeongjo). T he s econd one o ccurred in t he p rocess to r ecord t he h istory o f the enshrined persons preparing for the King’s sacrificial writing after determination of g ranting the board in 89. T he t hird a ccident was the reoccurrence of the conflicts between both the houses over the method of enshrinement, gakchuk(各祝: individual enshrinement) or habchuk(合 祝: united enshrinement). T he s tudy f ocuses o n the fourth event. It o ccurred due to t he rearrangement of the order of spirit tablet for Saseo Jeon Sik(沙西 全湜) according to the generation instead of its original one, when repairing the temple of Okdong Seowon and returning the enshrined persons’ spirit tablets in 1804(the 4th r eigning year o f King S unjo) T hen, t he descendants of Jeon Sik enshrined additionally their ancestor’s nameplate in the temple of Donam Seowon with permission by small numbers of the staffs of Donam Seowon only. As the accident occurred without the official discussions and procedure, the conflict became exaggerated, dividing the factions into two over the responsibilities for the accident and leaving even in Saron of Namin in Sangju. The conflict lasted over one year without resolution, even spreading among the Namin line seowons in Yeongnam region. The fifth dispute started when the spirit tablet of Jeon Sik returned to the temple of Okdong Seowon with its original order by the official document by Gyeongsang Gamsa in 1808(the 8th reigning year of King Sunjo), and the house of Hwang of Jangsu opposed it fiercely and the house of Jeon of Okcheon responded to oppose the order of generation. As a result, King Gojong ordered the order of spirit tablet in the seowon should be in its original one, notifying to shut down the seowons with the board given by king following closing the private seowons in large scale at that time, and the disputes for about 80 years were resolved, finally. Since the th Century, even though there were differences depending on the seowons, in general, the institute of seowon changed its characteristics from the local community to focusing on the houses of literati c lass. T he d isputes over t he o rder o f spirit tablets i n Okdong Seowon could be its expansion. The academic function of seowons was decreased, while its enshrinement function was emphasized as a tool for competing power among the houses in local society and representing individual house’s socio-economic interests. In particular, hyangjeon (local house conflicts) focusing on seowons including various disputes over the order of ancestors and that of spirit tablets in seowons were largely derived from the changes of characteristics of seowons. As Okdong Seowon was originally run mainly by the descendants of the enshrined persons and became the institute granted with the board by king, the conflicts had to become more expanded in order to secure priority in running the seowon.

1894년 갑오개혁 이후 주한 일본공사 이노우에의 개입과 대원군의 정치적 몰락— 이준용역모사건과 김학우암살사건을 중심으로 —

At that time, diplomatic and personal records mainly focused on Dae-Won-Gun and Lee Jun-Yong, who were behind the assassination of Kim Hak-Woo in 1894. Most of the records of people who served as bureaucrats after the Gabo Reform(Kim Hong-Jib Cabinet) and diplomatic records of foreign missions in Korea were initially recorded as being the planners of Lee Jun-Yong and the masterminds of Dae-Won-Gun. However, as time passed, both the planners and the masterminds behind the Kim Hak-Woo assassination were identified as Dae-Won-Gun. In the end, Dae-Won-Gun planned the assassination of Deputy Minister of Justice Kim Hak-Woo in order to cover up Lee Jun-Yong''s rebellion. In the course of a special court trial in April 1895, Minister of Justice Seo Gwang-Beom attempted to remove Lee Jun-Yong with extreme punishment. The Japanese minister in Seoul Inoue suspected the Ministry of Interior Park Young-Hyo and Queen Min. This means that Queen Min intervened behind her and instigated Lee Jun-Yong to be punished with extreme punishment. There is something peculiar about the judgment of the special court in April 1895. The first is the fact that no relationship can be found between Lee Jun-Yong and Dae-Won-Gun. The special court substantiated the charges against Lee Jun-Yong, but made no mention of any connection with Dae-Won-Gun. Second, Lee Jun-Yong did not intend to assassinate Queen Min. In the end, the special court deliberately concealed Lee Jun-Yong''s assassination of Queen Min and Dae-Won-Gun''s indirect intervention. Before and after the Gabo Reform, Dae-Won-Gun chose Lee Jun-Yong as the successor of King Gojong and tried to make his grandson the heir to the throne. The cases that prove this were the assassination of Kim Hak-Woo and the rebellion of Lee Jun-Yong. In this situation, King Gojong judged that Lee Jun-Yong was a threat to his throne and continued to check it. After that, Dae-Won-Gun planned Lee Jun-Yong''s trip to Japan under the pretext of studying abroad. As a result, Lee Jun-Yong left Seoul on December 25, 1895 and fled to Japan.

일본의 독도편입과 한국의 항의 부존재에 대한 역사적 검토

Nagashima Hiroki believed that when the period of the residency-general would come, the diplomacy between Korea and Japan should be handled by domestic admin istration. The residency-general is described as a core organization of this domestic administration system. In other words, it was considered that in terms of any of the diplomatic matters between Korea and Japan, the residency-general should be in charge as a channel of peaceful communication. He, consequently, got to predicate that regarding Japan's Dokdo incorporation, Korea hadn't tried to protest even when Korea still had a chance to protest without hesitation. He, after all, is arguing that Korea's protest absence is equivalent to acquiescence. In order to support his own argument, he has been offering correspondences between these departments as evide nce which had been working as negotiation opposites between the two countries. This study looked into such arguments of Nagashima from a historical perspectiv e. The findings, as a result, confirmed that the residency-general was the encroachme nt organization that had gradually 'interfered', 'manipulated', and 'dominated' Kore an domestic administration. It was learned that since the establishment of the residen cy-general, the both nations, Korea and Japan, had not been equal in their relations while Korea was put under the control of Japanese domestic administration. Taking that into account, there is only a slim chance for the both nations' negotiation opposit es to be approved equally. That was what has been also confirmed in the contents of Korea-Japan correspondences. In the correspondences of those times, rather priva te, trivial matters than official ones were mentioned, and to top it off, it was not two-way communication but merely unilateral requests or demands. Add to that, as for 'the imperial family diplomacy' by King Gojong as well, it ended up being nominal by 'the palace prohibition' after it had existed for a while in the midst of Japan's vigilance and interruption. As described so far, Korea was unable to protest in any way against the residency-general's unlawful, unjust domination over Korean domestic administration. Not only that, Japan didn't provide Korea with any official notification of Dokdo incorporation. It is only believed to be lack of logic when you want to blame others for their not having protested against something which you hadn't notified of in the first place.

인조대 후반 昌德宮 중건과 후계구도 변경 -世孫(顯宗) 책봉과 法宮의 위상 정립-

This article deals with the process of constructing Changdeok-gung Palace replacing Gyeongbok-gung Palace destroyed by Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and establishing the status as the main palace, having ties with political pending issue of changing structure of succession in the late reign of King Injo. Changdeok-gung Palace was destroyed during the process of King Injo''s restoration(仁祖反正). But it was rebuilt by demolishing Ingyeong-gung Palace in the 25th year of King Injo''s reign. The rebuilt buildings adopted a slogan of succeeding to ancient statute(古制). However practically, it was not the form of early period of Joseon dynasty. It was based on the form of Changdeok-gung Palace rebuilt in the middle reign of King Gwanghaegun. Ingyeong-gung Palace was the key point of King Gwanghaegun''s maladministration. In the period of rebuilding Changgyeong-gung Palace, it was totally abandonded after the rebuilding of Changdeok-gung Palace. In spite of building new palace, the reason why rebuilding of Changdeok-gung palace was executed is for confirming the change in the structure of succession after the death of Crown Prince Sohyeon. The change in the structure of succession progressing after the sudden death of Crown Prince Sohyeon went through a course of putting crown princess to death, excluding the grandson-heir apparent(王世孫) from funeral rites, and finally eliminating him by the time funeral rites finished. It was enough for reminding people of King Gwanghaegun''s immoral political management which was blamed as killing of his own half-brother(廢母殺弟). King injo demolished Ingyeong-gung Palace(仁慶宮) in a wholesale way, which was symbol of King Gwanghaegun''s palace construction project and place where Hon’gung(魂宮) of Crown prince Sohyeon existed. On the other hand, he constructed Changdeok-gung Palace and proclaimed the grandson-heir apparent to the throne at Injeongjeon which was the main building of the main palace. It embodied previous instance that King Sejong(世宗) proclaimed the grandson-heir apparent(King Danjong, 端宗) to the throne at Geunjeongjeon hall in Gyeongbok-gung Palace. Changdeok-gung Palace which was constructed during the reign of King Injo became the main palace which guaranteed legitimacy of King Hyeojong''s enthronement as direct line of King Hyeonjong and King Hyojong ascended to the throne after King Injo''s reign. And it was maintained until the reconstruction of Gyeongbok-gung Palace in the reign of King Gojong(高宗).

후루사와 고키치(古澤幸吉)의 회고 기록을 통해 본 명성황후 살해사건

In October 1895, this article noted a record left by a man named Furusawa Koukichi, who was in Seoul at that time. Furusawa, a young man in his early 20s, accompanied Miura Goro(三浦梧樓) to Joseon. Forty-five years after the Eulmi Incident, Furusawa in his old age published his memoir in Harbin, looking back on his past memories. This booklet was distributed to only a few acquaintances in their hometown. The other is an autobiography written before Furusawa’s death, published posthumously by his descendants. The two records he left have complementary characteristics. They are also new materials that shed light on the Eulmi Incident. Immediately after the Japanese invaded Gyeongbok Palace(景福宮) on October 8, 1895, Furusawa accompanied Miura. At the site of the Geoncheong palace(乾淸宮), Furusawa witnessed Miura’s instruction to deal with the situation and the Japanese’s response to it. As a witness, he described the process of disposal of the queen’s dead body in detail in his memoirs. Furusawa stayed in Joseon until breakout of the Chunsaengmun(春生門) Incident in November 1895 and the King Gojong’s refuge at Russian legation in February 10, 1896. While reviewing various materials and contents related to the Eulmi Incident at the intersection, we examined the historical significance and credibility of the retrospective records written by Furusawa. It was also confirmed that Furusawa had close ties with Komura Jutaro(小村壽太郞), Kawakami Toshitsune(川上俊彦) and Inaba Iwakichi(稲葉岩吉). They were also deeply related to Joseon affairs.

1259년 삼별초의 춘주(春州) 천곡촌전투(泉谷村戰鬪) 승전과 그 역사적 성격

The Battle of Cheon’gok-chon[泉谷村戰鬪] in the Chunju area, which took place in March 1259(46th year of King Gojong’s reign), was the last battle to be waged against the Mongol forces in the Gyoju-do(交州道) province. In this article, several aspects behind the contribution of the Shin’eui-gun(神義軍) army and the Byeolcho(別抄) forces to the victory of this battle are newly confirmed and highlighted.<BR> Attempted in this article for the first time ever is pinpointing the location of Chunju Cheon’gok-chon. Based on an analysis of the ‘Geography(地理志)’ and ‘Military(兵志)’ sections in Goryeo-sa(高麗史), this author believes that Cheon’gokchon was located close to the Gamcheon station[甘泉驛] at Hwengcheon-hyeon(橫川縣), which was one of Chunju’s unmanned Hyeon units(Sokhyeon, 屬縣). This speculation is based on several reasons: First, in the entire region that was under Chunju’s supervision, Hwengcheon-hyeon was in charge of the highest number of stations, and therefore was a focal point in local traffic and transportation. Second, the image of the name of Cheon’gok-chon, which has the meaning of ‘fountain valley,’ actually resembles the image of the name ‘Gamcheon,’ as ‘Gamcheon’ can be translated into ‘Sweet fountain.’<BR> Another point raised in this article is the fact that the Chunju Cheon’gok-chon battle was the first ever battle where the Shin’eui-gun army and the Ya-byeolcho patrols combined forces in a coordinated joint effort to defeat the Mongol troops. Five Shin’eui-gun soldiers posed as emissaries sent from Mongol leader Jariltai[車羅大] and deceived the enemy troops, while the Ya-byeolcho patrols ambushed the Mongols. The strategy proved useful and led to the victory at Cheon’gok-chon. <BR> Ultimately emphasized in this article is the fact that the Cheon’gok-chon battle was a successful revenge to a prior provocation in which Jo Hwi(趙暉), the Chonggwan commander of Ssangseong Chonggwan-bu authorities, arbitrarily murdered the Goryeo envoy in January 1259. What should also be noted is the fact that the Cheon’gok-chon victory eventually led to the truce and ceasefire between Goryeo and the Mongols, as the Goryeo Crown prince paid a visit to the empire right after the battle, in April the same year.