Kenyan Media Research Articles

Fear-arousing persuasive communication and behaviour change: COVID-19 in Kenya

With the absence of immunological, pharmacological or any other known medical interventions, the change in norms, behaviour and attitude of the public remains the only possible way that may be considered for prevention and suppression of COVID-19. This disease, which has morphed into a global pandemic, has mobilized outrageous outpouring action worldwide. Despite international and local media attention coupled with overwhelming new facts replete with misinformation and disinformation on COVID-19 from many channels; including interpersonal and social media, efforts to scale up control measures have yielded mixed results. The government and Kenyan media have reported several cases in which the public and leaders flouted these measures thus putting themselves at risk of contracting or spreading the virus. The overarching question is: does fear-arousing communication really matter in behaviour change particularly during a global pandemic of the magnitude of COVID-19? This qualitative study therefore examined the effects of COVID-19 messages on health behaviour change among residents living in the Municipality of Busia, one of the towns that have recorded the highest incidences of confirmed COVID-19 cases as informed by the Extended Parallel Process and Health Belief behavioural change models. Focus group discussions and in-depth interviews were carried out to establish threat and coping appraisal as a result of COVID-19 messages received from different sources. The study employed a risk behaviour diagnosis assessment that focused on two components of health risk messages, that is, threat and recommended response that addresses efficacy issues. This study found out that despite universal knowledge of COVID-19 and prevention methods, perceived threat especially perceived vulnerability to the virus was low due to misinformation, disinformation and disjointed communication.

Countering the New Media Podia: Youth and ‘Fake News’ in Kenya

The rise of fake news into the new media platform has raised significant concern in Africa and Kenya in recent years. The new media has embedded itself with fake news, which sometimes has led to the misunderstanding and misinformation of particular events that might be of the public interest. The general public, policymakers, and scholars, as well as the media, have found this as a very challenging issue. The upsurge of the new technologies, mainly social media, has posed challenges as youth immerse themselves in utilizing these social media for their own benefits. This is coupled with the creation and spreading of fake news, which sometimes when it goes viral; they lead to stress, panic and uncertainty to the individuals that come across them. The ability of users’ exceptional capacity to produce, reproduce, and distribute their information to a broad audience makes social media, an essential tool in the information age. The article critically reviews the literature on fake news and recommends for media literacy, strengthening the legal structures and use of sophisticated technologies as a strategy to fight fake news in the social media in Kenya.

An Overview of Kenya’s Media Historical Developments: A Legacy of Persistent Threats and Impediments

Several studies document the origin of the mass media industry in Kenya and its meteoric rise over the years from this time of its establishment. In these studies, scholars demonstrate how both the intermittent proliferation and reduction of mass media institutions are embedded within Kenya's specific political dispensations. Further, they show how the various existing political conditions during these dispensations have impacted the growth of the media industry as a whole in Kenya. In this article, the focus is on understanding how Kenya's political conditions have significantly affected the media in executing its mandate from the time it was established, to this contemporary moment. A critical awareness about the effects of such conditions is developed as a crucial tool for analyzing why the Kenyan media has been operating the way it has and how it can be strengthened to realize change in its operation.

The Politics of Impunity and the Shifting Media Landscape in Kenya

This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space. Keywords: Kenyan media, media regulations, editorial independence, political impunity, policy laundering, safety of journalists, critical junctures

Mapping Broadcast Media Outlets and Accredited Journalists in Kenya: Towards Understanding News and Information Inequalities

This article reports on a study that attempted to understand news and information inequalities by mapping the distribution of broadcast media outlets, the spread of accredited journalists, and the presence of established news bureaus in the eight regions in Kenya. Further, the study sought to determine the ownership of the broadcast media in Kenya and the trends in ownership and audience reach within the context of commercial interest and public interest dialectics. The study was anchored on the theory of the political economy of the media which looks at power relations that influence the production, distribution and consumption of resources from a critical tradition. Based on the analysis of documents, audience research data, and literature on media representation and socioeconomic and political development, the study revealed that Nairobi County is the news and information hub. It has the most journalists, radio stations and news bureaus, whereas far-flung counties exist in news and information deserts. Central region residents were found to consume the least percentage of the non-local language radio stations as they prefer local language or vernacular radio stations Western, South Nyanza (Nyamira and Kisii) and North Western regions are unique in that their consumption of radio with a national target audience is fairly high when the Average Daily Radio Reach (ADRR) of the top five radio stations is considered. Ownership of the radio market is in the hands of five media organisations that share 43.70% of the ADRR. The establishment, audience reach and ownership trends of these media organisations coupled with the spread of journalists and news bureaus revealed news and information inequalities. The audience reach by broadcast media outlets, even in areas where vernacular radio stations provide a rich diet of media content, seems to be more interested in ownership for profit maximisation at the expense of public interest.

Role of Extensive Reading Habits in Students’ Acquisition of Composition Writing Skills in English in Kenya

Despite the important role reading proficiency plays in learners daily lives both within and outside school, there has been a lot of concern from educationist, researchers and media in Kenya who have reported a saddening trend on poor reading culture among many students in Kenya, This study was prompted by the observed poor reading and writing in English by secondary schools learners in Laikipia County in Kenya. The study therefore sought to establish whether there existed any relationship between extensive reading habits and composition writing amongst learners. The study was guided by Schmidt's (1975) Schema Theory. The descriptive survey research design was used for this study. Fifteen secondary schools in Laikipia County were sampled by proportional stratified sampling technique in five sub-counties across the county. Purposive sampling was used to sample 30 out of 80 (37.5%) English language teachers. Simple random sampling was used to sample 327 students out of about 2670 students (12.24%) in form 2 and 3 in the County. The research instruments used for data collection included: questionnaire for students, interview guides for teachers and composition writing test. The instruments were pilot tested to ensure validity and reliability in a co- educational secondary school in the neighbouring county that was not included in the study. The reliability of the questionnaire and interview guide was estimated using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient which was 0.871 which met the recommended threshold of 0.7 and above. Analysis of data was done using descriptive statistics such as frequency, tables and percentages. Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was done at 95% confidence level (F(2) = 80.933, P = .001) to establish whether there was statistically significance difference between composition writing mean scores of different categories of school using (SPSS) version 17. Qualitative data were organized according to the study themes and presented descriptively on the basis of the study objective. It was found that learners who engaged actively in extensive reading performed better in composition writing than those who did not. However, it was established that acute shortage of reading resources was a major hindrance to engagement in extensive reading in schools. The study recommended that schools should come up with strong extensive reading policy to promote independent reading so as to improve their writing skills. K e ywords : Extensive reading, Habits, Acquisition DOI: 10.7176/JEP/11-30-09 Publication date: October 31 st 2020

An Assessment of Cultural Imperialism from Globalization: An Analysis of the Impact of Facebook Social Media in Kenya

Globalization of the media is perceived as an influence on indigenous cultures of the world. The Internet and its accessibility are viewed as having contributed to the massive flow of information globally, creating a global village. The study zeros in on the rise of social networks and singles out the Facebook which it subjects to the study. The aims and objectives of the study are determining access to the internet, gauging on the rise of Internet’s social networks’ and their influence on the users’ cultural orientations and also determining the impact of social networks as tools for mass media. The study gives insights to varied views from scholars over their perceptions of the media and its contribution to perceived cultural imperialism. From the data collected the findings revealed that the internet is accessible but users find it costly. The majority of the internet users on Facebook embraced the social networks as positive communications mode that did not necessarily alter their cultural orientation. The study discovered the widespread uses of Facebook citing it as an effective tool for mass communication. The study recommends that the internet be accessed in all learning institutions, while social networks be used for promoting cultural diversity.

(Re)Positioning The Social Responsibility Theory in Defense of Vernacular Mass Media in Kenya: Going Forward

In order to objectively understand the nature and the role of media in peace and conflict management, it is important to understand the various ways through which the media influences conflict and conflict management. Howard (2015) points out that majority of scholars and researchers have concentrated on the role of media in economic, social and political issues affecting states with little attention being given to conflicts. Further, he posits that media impact on conflict management is an emerging area that has been under studied due to lack of multidisciplinary models and concepts that would view the media’s role from the realm of peace and conflict.

New Media as an Increasingly Adopted News Dissemination Avenue amid Declining Print Newspaper in Kenya

This study examined the decline of print newspaper subject to new media and its attributes as outlined in the Push Theory of Media Effects in order to inform the debate surrounding the existence of print newspaper. Much has been said about the place of the print newspaper as it faces competition from new media. Pundits, scholars and researchers see this competition as having consequences on print circulation, advertising and jobs. The qualitative research approach was used. This study reviewed literature as secondary sources, and through unstructured interview schedule, insights were sought from two editors from two leading print newspaper firms in Kenya and an accountant from one of the newspaper firms. Additionally, ten journalists from different print newspaper firms, eight newspaper vendors and ten newspaper readers were also interviewed. Purposive sampling was adopted for selecting the respondents. Findings were triangulated and analysed. The study found that indeed print media in Kenya is facing a decline in terms of circulation and advertising revenue, and this can be attributed to competition from new media. Media attributes as provided by the Push Theory of Media Effects that afford new media several advantages over print are accessibility, fidelity, volume, velocity, range, persistence and searchability. Other attributes are interactivity and multimediality. However, print media is and will still be in existence in Kenya because of its survival strategies and credibility.

Problematising News Media Ownership Patterns in Kenya: Who Controls Media Industry in the Global South?

The main aim of this paper is to investigate media ownership patterns and analyse the implications of such patterns in Kenya—while thinking globally. Notably, media industry has attracted politicians and business tycoons around the world. It is one of the most lucrative industries that come with a lot of power and influence. From the literature reviewed in this analysis, it is evident that very few studies have been done to critically look at the media ownership patterns in Kenya and the implications such ownership have in the media market place. The paper is aimed at answering three questions. 1) What has been the media ownership pattern in Kenya since independence? 2) What does media ownership patterns mean to the Kenyan Media industry? 3) How does this pattern in Kenya compare to the rest of the world? Analysis from this research seems to demonstrate that most media outlets in Kenya are either politically owned or have some political agenda attached to them. As a result of such pattern, the Kenyan media experience narrow content and lack of alternative viewpoint of news and information disseminated to the public. Secondly, there is lack of balance since the main aim of the media is to advance political agenda as opposed to being the fourth estate—that watchdogs the government on behalf of the society. The findings also indicate that there are similarities in media ownership in Kenya and those around the world. When the political class owns the media, its normative roles are compromised, the editorial independence is skewed, and the media loses its impact as a cultural institution. The recommendation is that only community media can undo the pattern that is being established by politically owned media industry.

A Discursive Analysis of the Interactive Meaning in Covid-19 Containment Discourses in Social Media: Perspectives on Family Relationships

Nowadays social media has penetrated into people’s daily life playing an important role. Whether through tools such as computers, mobile phones, or other network terminals, social media has become one of the indispensable elements of human society. With information technology rapidly increasing, visual languages become more important in social media. The various semiotic resources such as language, image, better convey the message. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) within the Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) as its theoretical bases, this study sought to provide insight into the perspective of family relationships as represented in social media in Kenya during the Covid 19 Containment interventions. Specifically, the paper sought to analyse the interactive meaning constructed in linguistic mode, analyse how the interactive meaning facilitated in visual mode and lastly how the linguistic and visual modes combined to construct the interactive meaning. Using theoretical sampling, twenty-eight (28) texts were sampled from the internet and whatsup groups then described, analysed and explained within the CDA and MDA approaches with a view to identify the perspectives on family relationships as expressed in the Covid 19 social media discourses. The findings revealed the following family issues, poverty, strained couple relationships, domestic violence, spouse cheating, spousal mobile phone snooping, constrained family finances, challenges of parenting, couple dominance and power struggle, family unity and issues to do with conjugal right and child bearing.

“Caught between a Rock and a Hard Place”: How Kenyan Journalists are Coping with Pressure for Media Accountability

ABSTRACTGlobally, there are growing demands on the news media to remain accountable to the public. This scenario arises mainly due to the empowerment of citizens and advances in technology. This article reports findings from a multiple case study that investigated how journalists from two Kenyan media houses are coping with the demands for media accountability. It specifically responds to two questions: How are media accountability policies and practices implemented in media houses in Kenya? What challenges face media accountability in Kenyan newsrooms? Data was generated through in-depth interviews with 16 journalists purposively selected from the newsrooms of the two media houses. It was analysed thematically and presented in narrative form. The findings show that although the media houses have various accountability policies and practices in place, their implementation is weak and inconsistent. Furthermore, a number of obstacles challenge efforts towards media accountability in the media houses, including institutional weaknesses and interference by vested interests. Consequently, the existing media accountability policies and practices have not improved the quality of journalism in the media houses. These findings imply that there is a need for well-negotiated, clearly documented and firm measures and incentives to encourage media organizations to invest in media accountability.

How Is the Performance of Chinese News Media in Kenya? An Analysis of Perceived Audience Reception and Motivation

How Is the Performance of Chinese News Media in Kenya? An Analysis of Perceived Audience Reception and Motivation

Old Habits, New Realities: Digital Newsrooms in Kenyan Commercial Media Houses

ABSTRACTThis article addresses digital cultures within the context of the fluid association between the media and the state in the African post-colony. Based on the premise that news organisations construct and disseminate knowledge, the article applies field theory in analysing observed and inferred practices at a radio station and journalism school in Kenya. The article finds that journalism curricula rely on predefined, non-contextualised norms and are yet to fully incorporate digital technologies. Additionally, there is a hybridisation of traditional and newer approaches in training, organisational structures and narrative forms in the Kenyan media landscape. But traditional sourcing cultures are retained, as is the engagement with audiences as consumers, rather than co-producers, of news.

Can the Media Be Conflict Sensitive? An Analysis of Kenya and South Africa

The media shapes conflicts, especially in how the conflicts are perceived and understood. In Kenya and South Africa, beset by ongoing structural conflict, the media has played crucial roles in the shaping of narratives about the actors and the drivers of conflict. This article explores the nexus between the nature and operations of media outlets and the escalation or de-escalation of political violence. This article contends that, based on the way that they are regulated, owned and editorially structured, the media in Kenya and South Africa have contributed to the escalation of political violence. Nonetheless, there are useful cases where the media have contributed to de-escalation of political violence. The tackling of political violence in both countries can be more effective if the media are embedded in holistic conflict transformation strategies implemented by government and non-governmental actors, and if media outlets understand and implement the principles and practice of peace journalism.

How Is the Performance of Chinese News Media in Kenya? An Analysis of Perceived Audience Reception and Motivation

In the past decade, Chinese national news media have stepped up their efforts to spread their influence across the globe, including in Africa. This study sought to explore the extent to which these media were able to satisfy the needs of their target audience in Kenya. Based on a cross-sectional survey in Nairobi (N=355), the results showed that the audience reception of China’s media was fairly satisfactory, with CCTV Africa being touted as the most commonly accessible Chinese media by the respondents. Although there was statistically significant difference in the audience motivations for their perceived use of Chinese media contents, and their level of education, the final result suggested that the audience perceptions of China’s media coverage of African issues was relatively adequate. This study concluded that though their consumption was limited, these media were able to contribute to some knowledge on Sino-Africa relations. Keywords: Audience; China’s news media; coverage; gratifications; Kenya DOI : 10.7176/NMMC/79-06 Publication date : April 30 th 2019

The prevalence of HIV/AIDS frames in Kenya Newspapers: A summative content analysis of the Daily Nation

AbstractKenya has one of highest numbers of people living with HIV/AIDS in Africa (UNAIDS, 2018). The Kenyan media and most notably the Daily Nation play an important role in the social construction of HIV/AIDS nationally. This article uses the theory of media framing to understand the manner in which Kenyan newspapers make sense of the HIV/AIDS issue between the years 2011 and 2015. Specifically, this analysis focuses on multiple frames used by stakeholders with respect to the following topical categories (a) valence (positive/negative), (b) the action frame, (c) victim frame, (d) severity of HIV/AIDS in Kenya, (e) causes and solutions, and (f) beliefs about who is at risk. The findings show the action and victim frames to be most dominant. The group “other” was considered most at risk of contracting HIV, while positive valence was noted in most sampled articles.

Elders in modern Kenya: ‘Dying institutions’ or ‘reinventing themselves’?

ABSTRACTThe terms elders and Councils of Elders (CoE) do not appear in the Constitution of Kenya 2010 (CoK), and some scholars of African politics have suggested that these institutions are at odds with the ideals of modern democratic governance and will become increasingly less relevant in future decades. Other scholars stress their continued relevance at the local level, for example through providing affordable and easily accessible forms of alternative dispute resolution (ADR). We define the different categories of elders and CoE and use case studies from different parts of the country to illustrate their contributions to ADR and their relationship with government officials. We find that the ‘local’ elders and CoE have a continued and positive role that gets relatively little attention in the Kenyan media, in contrast to more prominent groups that seek influence in national politics, especially in the months preceding national elections. Despite their gerontocratic and patriarchal roots, these local groups show signs of evolving to include younger people and women in their membership; they address issues of real concern to the communities they serve. In recent years the Kenyan judiciary has begun to explore ways of encouraging the use of local CoE in ADR, and both national and county governments are recognising the need to provide more financial and logistical support to these bodies.

Media Influence on Public Policy in Kenya: The Case of Illicit Brew Consumption

The media plays a major role in public life, influencing citizens’ focus of attention and providing many of the facts and opinions that shape perspectives on topics of the day. Studies that analyze media influences on policy making have had mixed results on whether the media does actually influence public policy. This case study analyzes the role of the media in Kenya in influencing public policy in relation to illegal brew sale and consumption. The study seeks to understand media coverage mechanisms that led to government actions on an issue. This was done through content analysis of the coverage in two leading daily newspapers over a period of 10 years (2005-2015). The analysis found that intense, congruent, and incident-driven media coverage had influence on government action and consequently public policy on the issue. The findings also found weaknesses in media reporting. The media was very good at telling the politicians what was happening and what to talk about, but they were less able to tell the politicians what to do, which compromised the watchdog role of the media in Kenya. These findings can also be useful for advocacy groups and the public on the ways to engage the media to influence policy makers’ decisions.

Reporting for Democracy or Convenience? The Kenyan Media and the 2017 Elections

In 2017, Kenya had its sixth election since the reintroduction of the multi-party system, and a decade after 2007/2008 in which the local media were accused of partly fuelling violence. In 2013, the local media were accused of betraying democracy for peace despite expectations that they would strive to improve their reputation after learning from past mistakes. This article demonstrates how, in 2017, the fractious state-media relations, more so over the withdrawal of government advertising and harsh laws, pushed the local media to report for democracy in the period before the elections. Yet, owing to fresh government censorship, the local media abandoned the democracy project when the tallying process began and instead switched to the peace reporting of 2013. It therefore appears that the local media in neo-patrimonial settings are more inclined to report for democracy when they are independent of, or have a tussle with, the state than when they are even just flirting, thus creating the picture that the local media simply report for democracy at their convenience rather than as a set agenda. And noting that the media are aware of their obligation to report for democracy, this article recommends that the local media must tactfully weave through the neo-patrimonial influences, as a constant reality, and set reporting for democracy, even if imperfectly, as an obligation.