Japan's Economic Development Research Articles

BOOK REVIEWS

Agricultural Production and the Economic Development of Japan, 1873–1922 by James I. Nakamura, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1966, xxiii + 257pp. Asian Population Problems: With a Discussion of Population and Immigration in Australia edited by S. Chandrasekhar, London, George Allen and Unwin, 1967, 311pp. Seeds of Change: The Green Revolution and Development in the 1970's by Lester R. Brown, New York, Praeger Publishers, 1970, xv + 205 pp.

Labor Institutions in Japan and Her Economic Growth

Japan provides a fascinating case for studying economic development. With her real GNP rising at an annual rate of 4 percent during the period 1878–1942, Japan was the only Asian country that emerged from a backward agrarian society to become a modern industrial power. Her postwar economic performance has been even more phenomenal; the average growth rate of real GNP in 1955–1964 was 10.4 percent—the highest in the world. Her investment rate reached an astonishingly high level of over 40 percent in several years in early nineteen sixties. Believing that there is no miracle in economic affairs, economists began to search the secrets of Japan's extraordinary achievements in economic development. To offer possible explanations, they usually stress the active role played by the Japanese government in economic modernization, the vigor of the country's response to new stimuli, and a strong national consciousness. These factors, while undoubtedly important, do not reveal the whole story. There are in Japan a number of institutional traits which, in my opinion, are highly conducive to economic growth. However, the contribution of these institutions to Japan's economic development has not been fully recognized because, in part, they were not designed for that purpose. Their growth-stimulating effects are accidental and unexpected. As a matter of fact, some of these institutions may even appear as economically irrational or socially unjust. Consequently, when students of the Japanese economy study these institutional factors, attention is usually directed to the negative side.

Labor Institutions in Japan and Her Economic Growth

Japan provides a fascinating case for studying economic development. With her real GNP rising at an annual rate of 4 percent during the period 1878–1942, Japan was the only Asian country that emerged from a backward agrarian society to become a modern industrial power. Her postwar economic performance has been even more phenomenal; the average growth rate of real GNP in 1955–1964 was 10.4 percent—the highest in the world. Her investment rate reached an astonishingly high level of over 40 percent in several years in early nineteen sixties. Believing that there is no miracle in economic affairs, economists began to search the secrets of Japan's extraordinary achievements in economic development. To offer possible explanations, they usually stress the active role played by the Japanese government in economic modernization, the vigor of the country's response to new stimuli, and a strong national consciousness. These factors, while undoubtedly important, do not reveal the whole story. There are in Japan a number of institutional traits which, in my opinion, are highly conducive to economic growth. However, the contribution of these institutions to Japan's economic development has not been fully recognized because, in part, they were not designed for that purpose. Their growth-stimulating effects are accidental and unexpected. As a matter of fact, some of these institutions may even appear as economically irrational or socially unjust. Consequently, when students of the Japanese economy study these institutional factors, attention is usually directed to the negative side.

The economic development of Japan 1870 to 1920: A review article

The economic development of Japan 1870 to 1920: A review article

Postwar Economic Growth in Japan: Selected Papers of the First Conference of the Tokyo Economic Research Center and Agricultural Production and the Economic Development of Japan, 1873–1922

Postwar Economic Growth in Japan: Selected Papers of the First Conference of the Tokyo Economic Research Center and Agricultural Production and the Economic Development of Japan, 1873–1922

Reviews

Book reviewed in this article:Agricultural Policy in Britain. By E. F. NASH, late Professor of Agricultural Economics at University College of Wales. Edited by Gavin McCrone and E. A. AttwoodThe Economics of Agricultural Development. By JOHN W. MELLORMethods for Land Economics Research. Edited by W. L. GIBSON, JR., R. J. HILDRETH, and GENE WUNDERLICHAgriculture: The Cost of Joining the Common Market. By T. K. WARLEYAgricultural Geography. By DR. LESLIE SYMONSAgricultural Insurance: Principles and Organisation and Application to Developing Countries. By P. K. RAYFood Marketing. By L. B. DARRAHBeet Sugar in the West. A History of the Utah‐Idaho Sugar Company, 1891–1966. By L. J. ARRINGTONEconomic Development and Social Change in a South Gujarat Village. By V. H. JOSHIEconomic Development: Issues and Policies. A Commemoration Volume presented to Dr. P. S. Lokanathan on his 72nd Birthday. Twenty‐four contributors. Editors D. H. BUTANI and PRITAM SINGHIrish Agricultural Production‐Its Volume and Structure. By RAYMOND D. CROTTYAgricultural Production and the Economic Development of Japan, 1873–1922 By JAMES I. NAKAMURAThe Egyptian Agarian Reform 1952‐62. By GABRIEL S. SAAB, R.I.I.A.Claus Spreckels: The Sugar King in Hawaii. By JACOB ADLERAgricultural Financing in India. By S. N. GHOSAL

Agricultural Production and The Economic Development of Japan, 1873-1922

Agricultural Production and The Economic Development of Japan, 1873-1922

Marine Resources Exploitation and Management in the Economic Development of Japan

Marine Resources Exploitation and Management in the Economic Development of Japan

Economic Development in Preindustrial Japan, 1859–1894

In this paper we shall try to do three things: first, to describe the economic conditions which prevailed before the arrival of Commodore Perry; second, to survey the economic policy of the Shogunate and the Meiji Government in responding to the impact of the opening up of the country; and third, to make a few general comments on some selected aspects of Japan's economic development between 1859, when three Japanese ports were opened to foreign trade, and 1894, when the Sino-Japanese War broke out. The latter date is chosen because it fairly clearly marks off the beginning of the rapid development of the modern sector of the Japanese economy.

The Bureaucracy and Economic Development in Japan

The Bureaucracy and Economic Development in Japan

The Bureaucracy and Economic Development in Japan

In developing societies the role of the national bureaucracy is crucial. The attempt to develop and integrate complex trans-local economic and political structures in as short a time as possible lays the greatest share of the burden on mechanisms which the national planners and policymakers have at their disposal-primarily the national bureaucracy. In the area of economic development, the function of the bureaucracy is to insure the diversion of resources into growth-producing activities by devising policies on its own or implementing measures which will effectively achieve this goal. In pursuing this objective, the bureaucracy must be capable of insuring that due weight is given to long-run economic considerations. This is of special importance in developing societies since such considerations are likely to be played down or subjected to pressures from small-scale entrepreneurs and/or to be subordinated to considerations of external and internal security. To achieve these objectives the bureaucracy may act in three specific areas: (1) The establishment of minimal legal and public service preconditions for economic development such as law, order, security, and various infrastructural elements. (2) The establishment of specific output objectives which will modify and direct the development of the resource structure in a manner favorable to long-run economic growth. (3) The establishment of specific input transformation units in areas of the economy when the private sector will not or cannot provide the necessary investment and/or skills. In terms of present-day technology and science, it is evident that a bureaucracy must exhibit certain orientations if it is to perform in any or all of these areas with any degree of success. The recognition of this fact has led many observers to assume that these orientations must be modern in character. Modern value and behavior orientations in this context are generally described in terms of Weber's classical functional description of bureaucracy and the key elements of this formulation; specialization, differentiation, achievement-orientation, hierarchy, hierarchical responsibility, rationality and secularization. These elements are often assumed to be necessary conditions for the bureaucracy's role in carrying out not only economic but political and social development. Furthermore, the claim is sometimes made, regardless of what Weber himself intended, that insofar

Young Business Executives and Japan's Economic Development

rtune magazine recently published a series of articles about the young executives in the United States.1 In them, the young executive is described as a man with an aggressive, confident, independent and decisive mind. He works hard, partly because the competitive fire burns within him, partly because he forever seeks challenge and more responsibility and believes that hard work can attain for him those twin desiderata. I believe that this description is equally applicable to the young executives in Japan, but the difference lies in the extent to which they are allowed to put their energies, ideas, and ambition to work. Japan today is definitely a country in which the elder generation is dominant. The time has not yet come for the young generation to fully demonstrate their drive and their ability to cause changes in the traditional business methodology of today. I would hastily add to this remark, however, that that time is there just around the corner. It goes without saying that the energy and skill of young executives, if properly channeled, can contribute enormously to the growth of business and the development of the whole economy of Japan. Japanese business organization has many unique practices that are entirely different from those of western countries. One such practice is the system of seniority. This governs wage determination as well as promotion of people

The Beginnings of African Studies in Japan

Historically, Japan has had neither political nor cultural contacts with Africa. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, however, Japanese scholars took some interest in the European ‘scramble for Africa’, and some works by explorers and administrators in Africa were translated; the emphasis was placed upon colonial policy, rather than upon Africans themselves. The first Japanese report of a visit to Africa was Afurika isshu by Naokichi Nakamura and Shunro Oshikawa, published in 1910. Soon afterwards, economic development in Japan stimulated the search for new markets, and many fact-finding missions, both official and unofficial, were sent to South and East Africa. A Japanese consulate was opened in Cape Town in 1917; a shipping service to East Africa was inaugurated in 1926, and others to West and North Africa in 1933. During the 1930's further translations were made of European works on African arts, sociology, anthropology, and geography. By this time, there was a professional chair of colonial policy in most Japanese universities.

Changes in Japanese Commerce in the Tokugawa Period

The development of commerce and the rise of a merchant class in Tokugawa Japan have deservedly received considerable attention from both Japanese and Western scholars. In Japan that interest would seem to have been prompted by the problem of the rôle of the pre-Restoration merchant class in the development of the modern capitalist Japanese economy. The study of this problem was characterized by a long controversy in which the Tokugawa merchants were depicted as either “progressive” or “feudalistic,” depending on the historical philosophy of the participants. The argument was conducted at a high level of generality and on both sides within frameworks derived from the leading European (mainly German) schools of economic history. For some time neither side seems to have doubted the applicability of these frameworks to Japan's experience, but the controversy did eventually lead to valuable detailed studies of Tokugawa commerce and to attempts to interpret Japan's economic development in its own terms. Among the first to do this were the members of the so-called “Kyoto School” under Professor E. Honjō.

Value Systems and Economic Development in Japan and Thailand

Journal of Social IssuesVolume 19, Issue 1 p. 35-51 Value Systems and Economic Development in Japan and Thailand Eliezer B. Ayal, Eliezer B. Ayal The author is assistant professor of economics and associate of the Center for Southern Asian Studies, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. The research for this paper was financed by the Ford Foundation Faculty Research Fund, Department of Economics, The University of Michigan. He is indebted to Professors Clifford Geertz, Samuel P. Hayes, Michael Moerman, Chandler Morse, James N. Mosel and Herbert Phillips for valuable comments. Special thanks are due to Dr. Alvan J. Obelsky for permission to utilize some material included in his Ph.D. thesis: “Pre-Conditions of Economic Development: An Analysis of the Japanese Case” (unpublished).Search for more papers by this author Eliezer B. Ayal, Eliezer B. Ayal The author is assistant professor of economics and associate of the Center for Southern Asian Studies, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. The research for this paper was financed by the Ford Foundation Faculty Research Fund, Department of Economics, The University of Michigan. He is indebted to Professors Clifford Geertz, Samuel P. Hayes, Michael Moerman, Chandler Morse, James N. Mosel and Herbert Phillips for valuable comments. Special thanks are due to Dr. Alvan J. Obelsky for permission to utilize some material included in his Ph.D. thesis: “Pre-Conditions of Economic Development: An Analysis of the Japanese Case” (unpublished).Search for more papers by this author First published: January 1963 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1963.tb00429.xCitations: 19 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume19, Issue1January 1963Pages 35-51 RelatedInformation

Japan's economic development 1951–1961

Japan's economic development 1951–1961

The Development of a Credit System in Seventeenth-Century Japan

At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Japan was just emerging from a long period of internal strife and was beginning to settle down under a centralized feudal system introduced by the newly established Tokugawa government. In the following period of peace, economic development was very rapid. Along with commercial development and the monetization of important sections of the economy, a system of credit institutions evolved, notably in Osaka, which by the end of the century was not inferior to those existing in Europe at that time. The financial innovations and developments of the first half of the century were systematized in the latter half, and the resulting credit system became an indispensable part of Japan's economic life. In particular it played an important part in facilitating the spurt in Japan's economic development which occurred roughly between 1690 and 1740.

Some Lessons of Japan's Economic Development, 1853-1938

THE ACCELERATED ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT of Russia and China has coincided with the unexpectedly rapid postwar recovery of Japan and with a boom in economics and other social studies. One result has been a revival of Western interest in the earlier economic development of Japan and in the significance of this episode for the under-developed world.* To single out only the most obvious English-language studies in evidence, we have the treatise of Lockwood, two monographs of Smith (to which will shortly be added one of Rosovsky), and a translation of the Japanese account by Ohkawa's group at Hitotsubashi University.' A number of features of Japanese development, particularly development during the Meiji Era (i867-i9I2), evokes the special interest of conservative Western students of economic development. Japan has of course been for nearly a century the unique success story of economic development along capitalist lines in a non-Caucasian country. Moreover, her development proceeded into, rather than away from, the international economy; it was based on multilateral trade rather than autarky or bilateral barter, and was restricted until i899 by unequal commercial treaties to something very like free trade. At the same time, Japan was in no important way dependent upon financial assistance from abroad. Her development was apparently financed more largely from domestic saving than had been the earlier developments of Germany and the United States, not to mention the later developments of Canada and Australia. It moved in accordance with the natural pattern advocated by Western economists since Adam Smith-from agriculture and handicrafts through light industry to heavy industry. If we except the directly military sector (armament industries), there was little of the forced-

Labor Patterns and Trends

TO a large extent, Japan's modern economic development was based upon human exploitation and suppression of worker protest. Occupation policy therefore called for deliberate efforts to strengthen the economic status and political effectiveness of the wage earner. SCAP (Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers) enormously encouraged autonomous trade unionism as the chief means for expanding labor's share of national income and securing a voice for the worker equal to management's in setting terms and conditions of employment. Also, the reforms required raising of minimum labor standards in industrial undertakings and broadened the scope and coverage of social security and other protective labor laws. In certain ways, results have been spectacular. Labor unions, when allowed to exist before the war, embraced little more than 400,000 members at their peak (1936). They were virtually nonexistent at the time of the surrender, but within four years membership mushroomed to almost 7 million. Today, Japan boasts the largest organized labor movement among the nonCommunist nations of Asia and the

The Economic Development of Japan: Growth and Structural Change, 1868-1938

The Economic Development of Japan: Growth and Structural Change, 1868-1938