Japanese Pirates Research Articles

15세기 초 朝日交涉에서 九州探題의 역할과 위상

Waegu, which plagued Joseon in the 14th and 15th centuries, decreased considerably as it entered the Taejong period. This is because, along with the strong lifting policy of Ming and Joseon, Japan ended the resistance of the North and South dynasties and formed a stable political power centered on the Muromachi shogunate. However, Yoshimachi, the fourth Shogun, reversed it head-on and suspended diplomacy and trade with Ming. At a time when the control of the shogunate gradually faltered, a large-scale Japanese pirates centered on Tsushima occurred, and Joseon, worried about Japan's conquest, tried to suppress the Japanese pirates with a large-scale Tsushima conquest. Meanwhile, Japan's Shogun and Kyushu forces, surprised , considered this a prelude to a massive invasion by Ming and Joseon. The envoy of Shogun, who came to celebrate King Sejong's accession, inquired about the Gihae Dongjeong, and Joseon sent an envoy to them to show that Joseon or Ming did not intend to invade Japan. It was KyushuTandai Shibukawa who actively mediated in the negotiation process between the two envoys. The Shibukawa Mitsuyori and Yoshitoshi father and son actively mediated the Shogun and Joseon. As a result, negotiations between Joseon and Kyushu-Tandai increased significantly after the Gihae Dongjeong. Joseon did not stop there, but promoted the unification of diplomatic windows to Japan through Kyushu Tandai. However, in 1428, Shibukawa lost Hakata and was reduced to a small force. The shogunate's policy was also changed to summon the Shibukawa father and son and indirect rule through Ouchi. As a result, the reorganization of Joseon's bargaining channel was also frustrated. Instead, unification of diplomatic relations was achieved through Tsushima. The above is a trace of Joseon's attempt to simplify complicated diplomacy with Japan as much as possible by negotiating with the shogunate after the conquest of Tsushima.

A Study on the Period and Characteristics of the time when Japanese pirates are most threatening

A Study on the Period and Characteristics of the time when Japanese pirates are most threatening

군산도 오룡묘(五龍廟)의 기원과 토착화의 전개

From ancient times the deity in charge of rain was the dragon god. The dragon was established according to the influence of the five emperor gods [五帝] and five spirits [五靈] of the Five Elements [五行] theory during the Warring States period, and was worshiped as the Five Dragon God. During the Tang Dynasty, private dragon ancestral rites were officially recognized and incorporated into official proper ritual [正祀], while the king’s titles were conferred thereby. The state tried to unite the local people and control the order of rural villages by incorporating the model of dragon faith into the village beliefs. This is the reason as to why the various forms of dragon faith prevalent across various places have been adjusted to a unified deity called ‘Five Dragon God.’ The five dragon ancestral rites of the Song Dynasty were strengthened and elevated from little sacrifice [小祀] to middle ceremonies [中祀], and the Five Dragon God was widely worshiped as a god of the sea who protects the safety of navigation. However, in the Southern Song Dynasty, the ‘Majo’ Goddess came to hold the status of a sea god surpassing that of dragon god, which is identified as a factor that influenced the composition of the shrine of the Five Dragons Shrine in Gunsando Island of the Goryeo Dynasty. Now, at the upper building of the Five Dragons Shrine in Seonyu Island, there is a story of an old woman named Lim who was destined to become a queen yet who married into an ordinary family and died at the Five Dragons Shrine. This goddess is believed to have been a sea god introduced to Gunsando Island after the end of the Northern Song Dynasty and the beginning of the Southern Song Dynasty when the worship of the dragon in China slowed down and Mazu began to take over its role. Since the 13th century, Gunsando Island has been neglected as an empty island after suffering from the invasions by the Mongols, plundering by the Japanese pirates, and the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. It was only during or after the late Joseon Dynasty that people migrated to the Gogunsan area, and the existing Five Dragons Shrine operated again. In this process, the Five Dragon God, worshiped by the Chinese people and repeatedly cultivated at the national level, was adapted, and the Mazu Goddess was also determined to have been transformed [changed] into the old woman Lim, who was destined to become the queen, simply by fragmentary memories of ‘林氏’ and ‘妃’.

을묘왜변 제주 대첩의 재조명과 역사적 의의

Eulmyo Japanese Invasion occurred in May 1555(King Myeongjong 10), Japanese raiders with about 70 ships invading on the south coast of Jeollanam-do province. They gathered off the coast of Jeju Island on June 21 of the same year after retreating from Jeolla-do to great damage. About 1,000 Japanese raiders with 40 ships headed straight to Jeju Castle through Hwabukpo port on June 27. There was a three-day battle between Dongsung(east gate) of Jeju Castle and Sanjicheon stream(Namsugak). At that time, Kim soo-moon, a Jeju minister, made the first strike, selecting 70-member special forces(驍勇軍). Four of them including Kim jik-son, Kim sung-jo, Lee hi-joon, Moon si-bong swept the enemy lines riding horses and Kim mong-keun shot an enemy general down with an arrow. Since then, the people of Jeju were standing a good chance of winning and had a great victory, cutting many Japanese pirates off their throats and capturing them. This was not just Jeju’s victory, but it resulted in the final victory of Eulmyo Japanese Invasion in Joseon Dynasty. It played a major role in East Asian peace settlement at that time.

16세기 제주도의 위기와 流民 증가 그리고 출륙금지령

In the 15th century, the economic situation in Jeju Island was not bad. However, in the 16th century, famine continued and infectious diseases occurred frequently. So many people starved and died sick. Also, local officials in Jeju Island did not manage well. In addition, the tax burden increased, making the lives of Jeju Islanders even more impoverished. Jeju Island was unable to escape the crisis as several disasters occurred in a short period of time. Those who judged that they could not live in Jeju Island began to leave Jeju Island.
 As the number of deaths and displaced people increaseds, the population of Jeju Island decreased sharply. The Government took this seriously. Because at that time, invasions of Japanese pirates were frequent, so it was important to defend Jeju Island. So the government pushed for policies to restore the population. First of all, the refugees who left Jeju Island and wandered from the mainland were repatriated. There was also a discussion to increase the population by bringing people from the southern regions into Jeju Island. Despite these measures, Jeju Island's crisis and population decline had not been overcome.
 Meanwhile, in the late 16th century, local officials of Jeju controlled Jeju Islanders from entering the mainland. the policy had the effect of preventing the occurrence of Jeju refugees and curbing the population decline in Jeju Island. Therefore, in 1629, the government authorized the Jeju official's policy and imposed a ban on Jeju people from leaving the island.

Um estudo preliminar sobre o espelho do Japão (Ribenyijian).

Abstract: After the reign of Emperor Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty, as the Japanese pirates’ problem became more and more serious, books devoted to the study of Japan began to be published. Among them, the most important ones are A Brief Survey of Japan (Ri Ben Kao Lue), A Compilation of Japanese Maps (Ri Ben Tu Zuan), A Mirror of Japan (Ri Ben Yi Jian), A Survey of Japan (Ri Ben Kao), A Record of Japanese Customs (Ri Ben Fen Tu Ji), and A Biography of Japanese Pirates in Qiantai (Qian Tai Wo Zhuan). Out of these, A Mirror of Japan is a special one. In addition, there are also special books that depict the general ambiance of Japan, such as A Collection of Coastal Military Maps (Chou Hai Tu Bian), Resistance to Japanese Pirates in Ming Dynasty (Huang Ming Yu Wo Lu), the Compilation of Coastal Defense (Hai Fang Zuan Yao) and the Continuation of Coastal Defense Category in Zhedong and Zhexi Regions (Liang Zhe Hai Fang Lei Kao Xu Bian). Zheng Shungong, the author of the book A Mirror of Japan, visited Japan twice, so many contents in the book are based on his own experience and knowledge. Therefore, the breadth and scope of his research on Japan had gone beyond the similar literature of the Ming Dynasty. Moreover, the Japanese pirates’ record and analysis in the book are of great research value. Before the publication of Huang Zunxian’s Annals of Japan (Ri Ben Tu Zhi), A Mirror of Japan was one of the highest levels of monographs on Japan in ancient China.

‘Joseon’ and ‘Japan’ in Isyou Nihonden(異稱日本傳)

본고는 에도 시대 지식인 마쓰시타 겐린(松下見林)이 편찬한 역사서 『이칭일본전(異稱日本傳)』에 채록된 조선의 기록들이 어떠한 일본상(日本像)을 보여주었는지, 또 이러한 기록들에 대해 편찬자가 어떻게 대응하였는지 알아보는 것이 목적이다. 겐린은 역사, 신동(神道), 왕릉(王陵), 풍속, 유직(有職), 국어, 목록, 시경(詩經), 의학, 몽학(蒙學) 등 다양한 분야에서 저술 및 편찬 활동을 펼쳤다. 그러나 그의 모든 성과는 ‘일본 연구’를 지향하고 있으며 일본중심적인 학문 경향이 짙었다. 『이칭일본전』하권(下卷)에서는 15종 조선 문헌 속에서 일본과 관련된 기사를 529조를 발췌하여 인용하였다. 그리고 수록한 문헌과 조목에 따라 편찬자의 고증이나 주관적인 견해를 밝히는 안설(按說)이 252개 정도로 집계된다. 채록된 조선 문헌 속의 일본 관련 기사를 통해 일본의 역사적 이미지가 왜구(倭寇)로 대변되며 강탈적이고 비문명적으로 보여지게 되었다. 이러한 기록에 대해 겐린은 안설이라는 학문적 형식을 선택하여 대응에 나섰다. 그는 조선 문헌 속의 일부 기록들을 부정하고 자국의 입장에서 이를 바로잡으려고 하였다. 또한 안설을 통해 조선을 하시(下視)하고, 일본의 위상을 높이려는 시도도 하였다. 겐린의 조선관은 과격하고 극단적인 면이 있다. 동시대 활동한 일본 학자와 비교할 때 겐린 조선관의 가장 큰 특징은 조선 문헌에 밀착하고 있다는 점이다. 비록 그가 수행한 역사고증 방법이 졸렬한 면이 있지만 그 시대 일본 지식인으로서 색다른 조선관의 일면을 보여주었다는 것은 의미가 있다.The purpose of this paper is to elaborate the relevant situations of “Joseon” and “Japan” in Isyou Nihonden(『異稱日本傳』). This book was compiled by the scholar Matsushita Kenrin(松下見林) in the Edo era. Kenrin had written and compiled in various fields, including history, Shinto(神道), emperor’s mausoleum, customs, official history, Japanese linguistics, bibliography, Shijing(詩經), medicine, enlightenment pedagogy. However, all of his achievements were aimed at “Japanese research,” and there was a strong Japanese-centered academic tendency. Article 529 of articles related to Japan was included in the Isyou Nihonden. All were quoted from 15 ancient books of the Joseon. In addition, according to the contained literature and items, there are about 252 Anseol(按說) expressing the author’s historical or subjective views. Japan’s historical image is represented by Japanese pirates through articles related to Japan in the documented Joseon. Their images had come to be seen as extortionate and uncivilized. In response to these records, Kenrin(見林) chosed an academic form called Anseol to respond. He denied some of the records in the Joseon literature and tried to correct them from the standpoint of his country. He also attempted to despise Joseon and raise Japan’s status through the Anseol. Kenrin’s view of Joseon was radical and extreme. Compared to Japanese scholars who were active at the same time, the biggest characteristic of the Kenrin’s perception of Joseon was that it was closely attached to the Joseon literature. His method of historical examination had a poor side. However, it was meaningful that Japanese intellectuals at that time showed a different side of their perception of Joseon.

중･근세 동아시아의 인기 무역품, 일본도(日本刀)

This paper examines the fact that Japanese-made swords were distributed as international “trade goods” in recognition of their excellence as weapons in the Early Modern period of East Asia. For about 200 years from the end of the 14th century to the beginning of the 17th century, Japanese swords were transported in large quantities in the form of tribute trade goods by Japanese envoys or trade ships sailing to Joseon and China or by Japanese pirates. During the period from the early 15th to the mid-16th century, the total export volume was beyond imagination, as more than 100,000 swords were dedicated by the Muromachi Shogun to the Ming emperor. In the early 17th century, the Edo Shogunate prohibited the export of Japanese armaments by national law and promoted a policy of closure, leaving Japanese sword to disappear from the “authorized” trade items of the East Asian world. Even in this situation, Ming and Qing's interest in Japanese swords did not disappear, and as a result of asking Joseon to dedicate Japanese swords as gifts, it is confirmed that Japanese swords moved from Joseon to China until the first half of the 17th century. Meanwhile, the influence of Japanese swords on traditional weapons systems and manufacturing in Joseon and China was different. Joseon was interested in the introduction of manufacturing technology in Japanese swords from the first half of the year. However, it is difficult to say that Japanese swords had a great influence on the circumference in form and manufacturing Hwando(環刀), considering that the traditional Hwando with little bending was still used even in the late Joseon. On the other hand, in the case of Ming Dynasty, due to its economic advantages and quality excellence, Japanese swords were actually used in the military as a practical weapon.

일본 무로마치 막부의 외교적 해명에 등장하는 포도(逋逃)와 고려 말 왜구

The problem with recent Japanese studies on Waegu is that they do not consider its correlation with the domestic situation in Japan, especially the military realia in Kyushu, which is geographically adjacent to the Korean Peninsula. Japanese academia is looking for the background and substance of the occurrence of Japanese pirates from the domestic situation of Goryeo (Joseon). To overcome this existing perception, this paper paid attention to the term ‘Podo’ mentioned by the Muromachi Bakuhu in 1377, the third year of King Woo of Goryeo. In June 1377, when the Japanese invasion was the most severe in Goryeo, Goryeo dispatched An Gil-sang to Japan asking for an explanation. In response, Muromachi Bakuhu explained that the reality of Japanese pirates invading Goryeo was ‘Podo’, which means a group that fled the arrest of Bakuhu. This has great implications when considering the domestic situation in Japan at that time. This paper examined the mechanism of the occurrence of Japanese pirates in relation to the background of the times of Japan’s civil war, when the term ‘Podo’ appears in official diplomatic documents. As a result, the following commonalities could be found. Whenever the civil war broke out in Kyushu, the groups that lost the civil war fled to Daemado Island to avoid arrest, and then from there they invaded the Korean Peninsula. Although not all Japanese pirates that invaded the Korean Peninsula can be explained in terms of ‘Podo’, many of the Japanese pirates that occurred during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods included cases of ‘Podo’ triggered by the Kyushu civil war.

Heroic monks and villainous pirates: an inquiry into monastic Buddhist warfare in sixteenth-century China

ABSTRACT This article explores the involvement of Shaolin monks in military campaigns against the so-called ‘Japanese Pirates’ (wokou) in 1550s Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces. While previous scholarship has only touched briefly on the course and scope of the campaigns, this contribution analyzes the military training, fighting tactics, and actual warfare of Shaolin (and other) monks in the course of these conflicts. Drawing on late Ming historical evidences from chronicles, pen notes, local gazetteers, and previously untouched material, I demonstrate that the monastics in question possessed both outstanding individual fighting skills and above-average military knowledge. Employing strategic formations, battle tactics, and professional modes of warfare, the ‘monk soldiers’ (sengbing) were able to immortalize themselves as brave and righteous patriots. The article thus digs deeper into the entanglements of military and religious circles in late imperial China, a topic that needs to be explored in future scholarship. Ending with a brief excursion to sixteenth-century Korea, the article concludes that comparative research yields important insights of how to better understand Buddhist involvement in military actions in premodern East Asia.

여말선초 화약 및 관련기술의 ‘국산화’에 대한 체계적 재구성

Gunpowder technology on the Korean peninsula developed in the wake of cultural exchanges with China, at the end of the Goryeo dynasty period. The Goryeo government, as part of its ongoing effort to address the Waegu(Japanese pirates) crisis and appropriately respond, attempted to import techniques to produce gunpowder through official channels from the Chinese Ming dynasty, but eventually failed as Ming refused to help. Then a Goryeo figure named Choi Mu-seon managed to develop necessary technical skills, through his own research and civilian exchanges.BR The gunpowder technology secured by Choi Mu-seon not only covered the area of production but the entire range of its applications as well. During his stay in Yuan(元) he acquired general knowledge of how to manufacture weapons using gunpowder, how to use those weapons in battle situations, and how to operate them in battles on the sea. Later he also conversed with Chinese technicians and obtained methods to refine niter as it was a crucial part in gunpowder production.BR Choi Mu-seon also proposed to the Goryeo government the establishment of Hwatong Dogam(火㷁都監), as an office to oversee gunpowder production and supervise related technical issues. His intention was to have all the technical expertise he earlier acquired put to good use in the government’s response to the Waegu problem of the time. Considering how the gunpowder manufacturing technique of Goryeo was developed, a group of technicians led by Choi Mu-seon were virtually in almost private (and exclusive) control of the technology, but the government was able to tap into that through a Dogam office, which was part of Goryeo’s unique governmental system.BR Later leaders of the Joseon government, who aspired to establish a centralized government system, dismantled all the Dogam offices including Hwatong Dogam. But the Joseon government also tried to absorb the technology by enlisting Choi Mu-seon’s son Choi Hae-san for governmental service. What ensued was the acquirement of new technology and the establishment of Joseon’s own technical manual for gunpowder production & usage during the reign of King Sejong. A new standard for state technology involving gunpowder was secured, and that meant the complete internalization of the technology as well as its new status as state asset and governmental property.

В поисках священных текстов: печатный буддийский канон в контексте японо-корейских официальных контактов в эпоху Муромати

The article is based on the first Japanese collection of diplomatic documents, Zenrin Kokuhōki (1470), related to official diplomatic correspondence between Japan and Korea for the period from 1392 to 1428, that is to say during the reigns of the 3rd and 4th Ashikaga shoguns. For Koreans the main themes were suppress of piracy (anti-piracy program) and repatriation of Koreans who had been captured by Japanese pirates. Japanese embassies were concerned with Ko­rean version of the Buddhist canon and repeatedly asked for the Koryŏ Tripi­taka and sometimes even for a set of printed blocks for the Korean versions of the Buddhist canon. Almost all documents refer to Japanese requests for Ko­rean printed copies of the Buddhist canon. Buddhist canon continued to be one of the top themes in Japan-Korea relations in the 14th and 15th centuries. It was not until the early 16th century that the number of such requests dropped dramat­ically. A total of eight documents for Japanese-Korean correspondence were in­cluded in Zenrin Kokuhōki for the specified period, while there were thirteen documents for Japanese-Chinese correspondence. The article quotes fragments of diplomatic documents that have not been translated into Russian, most of them have not yet been translated into European languages.

제주 『地誌』의 왜구 관련 기사－그 사료적 가치와 활용에 대하여－

여말선초의 왜구에 대한 연구는 『고려사』･『고려사절요』, 『조선왕조실록』의 왜구 침구 기사가 가장 중요한 근거사료가 되어왔다. 그런데, 특히 고려 말 왜구의 경우, 그 기록은 왜구에 의한 피해나 이를 격퇴했다는 내용이 대부분이다. 따라서 이러한 기록만으로는 왜구의 주체나 목적 등을 구체적으로 파악하기 어려운 면이 많다.BR 제주도는 지정학적으로 일본열도와 한반도, 중국대륙을 연결하는 중요한 위치에 놓여있다. 이 때문에 동아시아에서 왜구가 창궐했던 시기에 제BR주도에도 왜구사건이 많이 발생했을 것이라고 생각하기 쉽지만, 『고려사』의 기록은 실질적으로 단 1번뿐이고 조선시대에도 다른 지역과 비교해 그렇게 많은 편이 아니다.BR 그런데, 17세기에 간행된 서적으로 李元鎭(1594~1665)의 『耽羅誌』(1653년 간행)나 金尙憲(1570~1652)의 南槎錄(1669년 간행)에는 『고려사』･『조선왕조실록』에는 없는 제주도로의 왜구 침구 기록이 있다. 고려시대에는 충숙왕 후2와 후３년(1341･2), 충정왕 3년(1351), 공민왕 1년(1352)과 8년(1359), 우왕 2년(1376)의 6회, 조선시대는 태종시기의 5~6건, 문종 1년의 1건으로 총 12~3건의 기록이다. 이들 기록은 당시 제주도에 전해지고 있었다고 여겨지는 제주도의 지방기록인 『地誌』를 근거로 한 것이다.BR 『지지』의 기록은 간략하고 단순한 내용이지만, ‘정사’에는 없는 기록들이며, 왜구사건이 발생한 제주도의 구체적인 지역명이 나타나는 등 중요한 가치를 지닌다. 또한, 이들 기록을 통해 기존의 왜구에 대한 설명 및 주장을 재고할 필요성도 생긴다. 『고려사』의 기록만을 근거로 ‘제주도는 왜구가 목표로 했던 지역이 아니었기 때문에 왜구가 제주도에 오지 않았던 것’이라는 방식의 기존 설명은 더 이상 유효하지 않기 때문이다. 그리고, 『지지』의 기록 중에는 충정왕 2년(1350) 추자도의 주민을 제주도로 이전시켰다는 내용도 있다. 이것은 고려 말에 시행된 空島 정책이 추자도에도 적용되었다는 사실을 말해준다.BR 『지지』의 기록은 비록 한계성이 있지만, ‘정사’를 보완하는 자료로서 충분한 가치를 지닌다. 그리고 이와 같은 지방기록 혹은 개인문집에 실려 있는 왜구기록의 재발견은 아직도 많은 가능성이 남아있으며 이는 왜구의 기본 문제를 규명하는 데에서 큰 의의를 갖는다.

임진전쟁기, 중국 강남지방의 通倭案 -기록과 사실 사이에서-

In late 1593, young people from influential families in Suchou and Shanghai, located in the Jiangnan area of China were arrested under the suspicion of secretly communicating with Japanese, which was considered to be an act of treason. When the Imjin War broke out, they recruited soldiers and began training them in martial arts, because they believed that Japan’s target in the invasion was the Jiangnan area. In the mid-16th century, Jiangnan was suffering greatly from the damages caused by Japanese pirates. Since then, it had become common for local elites to raise troops and funds for self-defense.BR The local minister arrested the leading figures driving the secret collaboration with Japanese and sentenced them to death or exile. However, the central government intervened and closed the pending cases and chose not to punish anyone, as they were concerned about agitating the public during the ongoing war. Furthermore, the Chinese War Command intended to inform the Japanese military of its regional defenses and tried to use it to push a peace treaty.BR The historical records surrounding the sequence of events are ambiguous and often contradictory. This study investigates the records to not only validate their legitimacy but also to determine the societal implication of the internal collaboration with Japanese.

여말선초의 濟州와 倭寇

제주는 본래 탐라국으로서 삼국시대에 신라ㆍ백제 등에 내조하였으며, 고려전기에 이르러서야 군현이 설치되고 지방관이 파견된다. 제주는 변경지역으로서 지방관이 파견된 이후에도 오랫동안 차별을 받아 왔다.<BR> 14세기 왜구의 주요활동무대인 남서해안에 가까운 위치에 있음에도 제주에는 왜구에 대한 사료는 많지 않다. 이는 왜구 활동 자체가 적었을 수도 있지만, 역사ㆍ지리적 특성으로 인해 기록으로 남지 못했을 가능성이 있었다고 생각된다. 한편으로 근대 학자들에 의해 제주마 혹은 난수산의 난과 관련하여 제주민과 왜구와의 관계가 의심받기도 하였다. 일본학자들의 주장과 같이 제주민들이 증심이 되어 왜구가 일어났을 가능성은 희박하지만, 개별 사례로서 어느 정도의 제휴가 있었을 가능성 자체를 닫아둘 수는 없다고 생각한다.<BR> 조선 태종 대에는 왜구가 제주에서 백령도 등지를 소굴로 삼아 체류하면서 중국을 약탈하였는데, 이는 결국 기해동정을 야기하였다. 1443년(세종 25)의 제주공선 습격사건은 對馬島主 宗貞盛와 壹岐 왜구 출신 인물인 도쿠로의 협조에 의해 주동자를 체포할 수 있었다. 이것은 조선 초 倭人 유력자에 대한 기미정책의 성과라고 볼 수 있다.<BR> 왜구가 제주로 들어오는 항로는 남해의 도서를 따라 이동한 것으로 보이며, 그 입구는 서쪽의 우도였다. 제주에서 왜구의 교두보로 이용되었던 곳은 우도, 비양도, 죽도(차귀도) 등의 본도 인근의 섬이었다. 서쪽의 차귀도는 왜구가 중국 장강 하구지역으로 진출하는 출입구가 되기도 했을 것이다.<BR> 제주 출신으로 육지로 건너가 어로ㆍ채집을 일삼았던 두무악ㆍ포작인은 성종 대에 수적행위를 하였으며, 일부는 왜인으로 가장하기도 하였다. 하지만 이는 제주 출신 해민들이 가지는 일반적인 양상이 아니라 성종 대에 일시적으로 나타난 현상으로 보아야 할 것이다.<BR> 이상을 통해, 제주의 왜구 양상은 결국 제주의 역사적ㆍ지리적 요인에 큰 영향을 받아 육지와는 다른 전개 양상과 특징이 나타남을 확인하였다. 그리고 이러한 차이야 말로 여말선초 왜구 양상과 한ㆍ일 관계 변화를 읽을 수 있는 단서가 되고 있다.

무라이 쇼스케(村井章介)의 境界人설에 관한 비판적 고찰 －「倭寇とはだれか」 를 중심으로－

무라이 쇼스케(村井章介)의 境界人설에 관한 비판적 고찰 －「倭寇とはだれか」 를 중심으로－

1364년 김속명의 진해현 전투와 육전론(陸戰論)

1364년 김속명의 진해현 전투와 육전론(陸戰論)

The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves by Lúcio de Sousa

Reviewed by: The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves by Lúcio de Sousa Geoffrey C. Gunn The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves. By Lúcio de Sousa. Leiden: Brill, 2018. 594 pages. Hardcover, €180.00/$217.00. Slavery has taken different forms throughout recorded history and across cultures, though justifiably the traffic in slaves from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries across the Atlantic, from Africa to the New World, and the related plantation slave system have garnered the most attention. Among the European powers involved was Portugal, which indeed pioneered the traffic in Sub-Saharan slaves from the early [End Page 264] fifteenth century. Much less has been written about European slave trading across the Indian Ocean world and in the Western Pacific, and Lúcio de Sousa's study focusing on the Portuguese slave trade with Japan and Macau makes a long-overdue contribution toward filling this gap. The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan spans essentially the period from the arrival of Francis Xavier in Japan in 1549, accompanied by slaves and servants, to the late sixteenth century with the enforcement of proscriptions against missionary involvement in slavery/human trafficking by Catholic missionaries and Portugal's outlawing of the enslavement of Japanese in 1570. To be sure, any discussion of slavery touches upon issues of definition, and de Sousa notes early on the range of Portuguese euphemisms that sometimes disguised the slave trade, including terms referring more generally to children or racially or religiously inflected terms such as negro or cafres. He understands that the word "slave" carries different valences in different cultures and across time. Obviously Hapsburg terminology is hardly consistent with notions of human bondage in the Confucianized cultures of China, Korea, and Japan, and in the book's concluding chapter de Sousa brilliantly analyzes this clash of legal cultures and values. Readers can thus look forward to discussions of culturally specific and even emic terms covering a range of phenomena from servitude to feudal obligations, captured prisoners, gendered relations, and slavery as defined within Iberian/Catholic theology. Nevertheless, as I understood the book a world of difference separates the branded and dehumanized slaves (mostly African) sent off to New World plantations or mining economies from the Portuguese-trafficked, mostly female Asian Catholic converts sent into domestic servitude in Macau or even as far away as Portugal or Peru, and this should have been acknowledged. Sometimes, where the author highlights "slave trade"—as with the title of this work—other terminology incorporating words such as "bondage," "war captives," or "indentured labor" might also be just as appropriate. This is a large book, and larger still because at least 150 of its pages are dedicated to tables, which include lists of individuals identified in the text. It is divided into eight numbered chapters, with the first four devoted to Portuguese shipping to Japan and the Philippines and the accompanying increase in the volume of trade in Chinese, Japanese, and Korean "slaves." The latter four chapters focus on the business of "slave trade" at the Japan end, with case studies and life histories of a sampling of slaves transported to Europe, the Americas, and elsewhere. A concluding chapter takes up Hapsburg regulation of Japanese slavery and the trade's eventual decline, which is linked with the first anti-Christian edicts in Japan. Chapter 1 offers background on the first Portuguese mariners to arrive in Southeast Asia and China (early 1500s) and in Japan (1542–1543) and to establish a permanent settlement in Macau (1557). De Sousa devotes some attention to a supposed Portuguese partnership with local wokou (Jp. wakō), which "literally means 'Japanese pirates and bandits,' though many of them were in fact Chinese" (p. 12). Acknowledging that the Macau-Japan silk-for-silver voyages had been regularized between 1557 and 1568, the author makes the statement that "metal ore was not enough to fill the [End Page 265] spaces that had been previously occupied by silk and other merchandise; hence, the remainder was filled with slaves" (p. 23). This is an evocative statement that conjures up...

16世紀 對日貿易의 展開와 葛藤

This paper investigates the development and conflict of the 16th century trade with Japan. In the 16th century, around the very last year of King Joongjong’s reign, the large influx of Japanese silver into the Joseon Dynasty brought about an extensive shift in the trade with Japan. As a result the overall composition of goods imported from or exported to Japan changed, the price of domestic silver plummeted, and domestic silver productions ceased. Furthermore, private trade with China began to thrive with the use of this Japanese silver. In this period, the trade with Japan was mainly led by Gyeongsang and Gaeseong merchants. Their intermediary trade business linking China and Japan based on large-scale capital, which was formed by the assets of the joint partnership of the merchants was massively lucrative. Their main trade items were Japanese silver and Chinese luxury goods. Under the amicable environment formed by Ming-centric tribute trade system, Joseon monopolized the intermediary trade of the early Japanese silver. In the mid-16th century, however, the room for the trade and profits of the Joseon merchants reduced. It was due to the expansion of the merchants who directly linked Japan and China with trade ships after the enormous production of Japanse silver, and the infestation of the late-period Japanese pirates.

동해안의 왜구와 쓰시마 早田氏

14세기 고려를 습격한 왜구는 1380년을 전후하여 본격적으로 동해안 지역을 약탈하기 시작한다. 이는 고려의 조운이 육로화 혹은 폐지되고, 진포대첩·황산대첩 등의 패배로 인해 왜구들이 새로운 약탈루트를 찾는 과정과 관련이 있다고 생각된다.BR 동해안의 왜구는 기본적으로 對馬를 출발하여 동해안을 따라 영해부·축산도를 교두보로 삼아 내륙으로 진출하였다. 그들은 산맥을 넘어 충청·강원·경기 등 내륙지역까지 약탈하였는데, 고려시기에 정비된 역로를 따라 이동하였을 것으로 추측된다. 또한 이 시기 왜구가 울릉도를 일시적인 근거지로 삼기도 하였다.BR 동해안 지역에 왜구가 창궐하는 무렵에 가왜가 발생하기도 하였다. 그들은 영해 지역의 화척·양수척으로, 왜구의 일원이 아니라 지역적·신분적으로 경계적인 상황에서 독자적으로 생겨난 집단으로 보아야 할 것이다.BR 조선 태조 5년(1396) 왜구들이 동해안을 공격하였다. 그들은 조선군에 의해 진압당할 상황에 처하게 되자 조선에 항복하였다. 그 우두머리의 이름은 羅可溫이었다.BR 羅可溫의 정체는 바로 조선전기 쓰시마 도내의 실력자이자 교역자로 활동한 早田佐衛門太郞였다. 1396년 羅可溫의 왜구 활동을 1380년대 동해안의 왜구와 비교해보면, 동해안의 왜구는 早田佐衛門太郞가 주축이 된 집단으로 보인다. 早田는 그간 왜구의 우두머리로 지목되었으나 직접적인 해적 활동이 잘 드러나지 않았는데, 14세기 후반 동해안의 왜구가 바로 그의 소행이었던 것이다.