January 25th Research Articles

Did January 25th Egyptian Revolution Change the Medico-Legal Pattern and the Trend of Hospitalized Injuries in Upper Egypt? A retrospective study

Background and Rationale: Trauma is a wound or injury caused by mechanical or physical factors. Trauma is a medical case with legal implications. Revolution of Egypt in the 25th of January 2011 was accompanied by dramatic changes in the Egyptian community attitudes that certainly had legal implications. Aim of the study: was to assess the changes in the medico-legal pattern of hospitalized trauma cases with evaluation of the homicidal cases concerning the cause and the final outcome especially in the post-revolution period. Participants and Methods: This study was a retrospective one that included 1527 hospitalized trauma cases who were collected from Trauma Unit of Assiut University Hospital in the period between January 2010 and December 2016. All the needed data was collected from health information system database of the Trauma Unit after taking the official consent from the unit director. The collected data included basic demographic data, cause of injury, mechanisms, mode and outcomes of trauma in all hospitalized cases. Results: 1527 hospitalized trauma cases were collected; mean age was 25.39 ± 15.4 years, male: female ratio was (6.6:1). The annual number of trauma cases was almost equal in the first 5 years then decreased gradually after that. Homicidal mode (assault from others) was approximately doubled from 22.6% in 2010 (before revolution) to 40.5% in 2011 and 38.0% in 2012 (after revolution), then decreased gradually in 2014 till 2016, also firearm injuries increased from 9.6% before revolution (2010) to 14.3% in 2011 and jumped to 31.0% in 2012 and 37.3% in 2013 then, decreased gradually after that. The accidental mode road traffic accident decreased from 40% before revolution to 26% and 20% in 2011 and 2012 respectively (after revolution). Conclusions: January 25th Egyptian revolution clearly changed the medico-legal pattern of trauma; from accidental pattern (road traffic accidents & falls) before revolution to homicidal pattern (assault from others & firearm injuries) in the post revolution period.

An ‘alternative framework for development:’ state-citizen relations, urban revitalization, and Downtown Cairo’s passageways

ABSTRACTIn the years since the ‘January 25th Revolution’ of 2011, Egypt has fallen on hard times, wracked by ongoing state instability and the unraveling of its economy. Against the backdrop of this political and economic turmoil, Cairo has emerged as an object of renewed interest and attention. The resulting sociospatial interventions have ranged from restoration projects targeting Cairo’s numerous architectural legacies to mapping and documentation initiatives intended to generate reliable urban data. This article queries the reconstitution of the urban landscape via an exploration of the work of the Cairo Lab for Urban Studies, Training and Environmental Research (CLUSTER), an independent urban research group established after January 25th. I begin by locating the organization’s work in the broader context of sociospatial transformations in Downtown Cairo, a neighborhood that has long played an important role in the urban and national landscapes and which is currently undergoing rapid change. I then unpack the group’s activities in the district–especially those pertaining to the neighborhood’s so-called passageways–and the political ideologies underpinning them. I conclude by suggesting that CLUSTER's interventions are vulnerable to appropriation by other actors working in the area.

Seismic Event in the Komsomolskaya Mine on the 25th of January, 2018

On the 25th of January, 2018 within the limits of the Vorkuta urban district, the regional seismic stations recorded an event classified as a rock burst. The records of 17 stations at the epicentral distances from 260 to 1645 km were collected and analyzed. The epicenter was localized in the Komsomolskaya Mine field of the Vorkuta coal deposit. Parameters of this event hypocenter were calculated by the data of the mine seismic monitoring network GITS, Vorkutaugol, which greatly improved reliability of determination of the hypocenter as compare with processing results of he regional stations and offered a reference estimate of the localization. The 25th of January rock burst has one more time proved that the geodynamic control and safety enhancement in the important mining region in the Republic of Komi requires installation of seismic stations nearby mine fields in the Vorkuta district.

OPPORTUNITY WITHOUT ORGANIZATION: LABOR MOBILIZATION IN EGYPT AFTER THE 25TH JANUARY REVOLUTION*

Prevailing understandings of labor protest and strikes take as their focus stable democratic settings where autonomous trade union structures are an established component of the organizational resources available to workers. We extend the analysis of labor mobilization to a radically different context: Egypt in the year of the January 25th Revolution, when workers mobilized en masse in the absence of union leadership. For this, we use a catalogue of 4,912 protest events reported in Arabic-language newspapers. Our findings point to the importance of cross-sectoral demonstration effects in contexts of political disorganization—local and national mobilization advancing both labor and nonlabor demands inspired subsequent labor protest. This speaks to the value of understanding labor protest and strikes not as delimited domains of action but as parts of a wider universe of contentious politics. In addition, state-level signals of opportunity and shifts in economic conditions are also found to pattern the incidence of labor mobilization.

Detection and impact of land encroachment in El-Beheira governorate, Egypt

Mainly, the high fertile land of Egypt is limited and threatened by the problem of land dwindling. In this context, three temporal satellite imagers were utilized to generalize the land cover changes. This is to reliable monitoring the urban sprawl changes and its action on farming area in El-Beheira governorate, Egypt, after the revolution of January 25th. The two algorithms of supervised maximum likelihood and post-classification change detection were implemented through cross tabulation for monitoring the urban sprawl to achieve change detection. Implementing ancillary data, digital interpretation and the area expert knowledge further refined the classification results. GIS utilities assist to argue out the risk of urban expansion at the expense of highly productive units. The output results showed that the rapid imbalance changes occurred among three land cover classes (urban, desert and cultivated land). During the (1985–2013) period, the urban land cover area was increased from 137.9 to 579.4 km2 (23.8%). Nevertheless, in just 3 years (2010–2013) urban sprawl expanded from 381.9 to 579.4 km2 (65.9%) as a total loss of cultivated land, during the insecure situation of the 25th revolution. Exclusively, these changes strengthened the land fragmentation processes over the green land as a result of urban encroachment. Information on urban growth, land use/cover change are essential for local government and urban planners for the amelioration of future sustainable development.

Epidemiological pattern of influenza in Tunisia: season 2015-2016

Introduction : the Influenza is an acute viral infection transmitted by air. It`s a highly contagious disease that can cause serious complications, especially among vulnerable people, it presents a major public health issue with a considerable socio-economic impact. The purpose for this study was to review the epidemiological situation of influenza in Tunisia in the 2015-2016 season, determine if the A (H1N1) virus has a particular virulence in Tunisia during the 2015- 2016 season, make recommendations to overcome challenges. Methods : this retrospective study is based on data issued by the National influenza surveillance unit; it relies on a descriptive analysis of influenza surveillance data provided by the network of sentinel sites and national influenza center (NIC). Results : influenza surveillance in Tunisia has been in established since 1999 with the creation of network sentinel sites, but it significantly developed on March 2014, by the enhancement of the national influenza surveillance system. In Tunisia, clinical, epidemiological and virological surveillance of influenza began in week 40/2015 (1st of October 2015) and ended in week 18/2016 (30th of April 2016). During the period of study: 96,240 cases ILI (Influenza-like illness) were collected from a total of 1,394,782 patients seen at sentinel ILI sites, representing 6.9% of total patients versus 7.7% during the 2014-2015 season. The epidemiological surveillance of influenza on the Tunisian territory showed that the influenza epidemic was spreading in the winter season 2015/2016 during fourteen weeks from the 25th of January 2016 (2016/W4) to the 29th of April 2016 (2016/ W18) with an incidence rate of 10.3%. It started a little later than it did during the previous season and lasted relatively longer (14 weeks versus 8 weeks). During the 2014-2015 season, influenza reached its peak during the coldest weeks (S6 to S9) and there was an inverse trend of the monthly average temperature. This correlation has not been observed during this season having regard to the shift of the cold season. In fact, this flu season peaked during the week of 14 to 20 March 2016 (2016/S12), later than usual. These findings were also observed in Europe and in USA. All of the 24 governorates of Tunisia have been affected by the influenza and the incidence is higher in the most populated regions. Children 5 to 16 years are the most affected. Among the visits for influenza-like illness (ILI), 190 severe cases were hospitalized representing a comparable proportion to the previous season (0.19% versus 0.2%) and were mainly infected with (H1N1) pmd09 virus (57% of cases). The average age for these severe cases was 46.5 years, with extreme ages varying between 6 months and 73 years. Their lethality was significantly higher than that observed during the previous season (20% versus 3%) and was A (H1N1) associated in 73.7% of cases. During Week 12, there was an increased circulation of influenza viruses in Tunisia and subsequently there were the highest number of deaths (10 deaths representing 26.3% of all influenza deaths). 37.1% of influenza deaths had no risk factors. The co-circulation of the three influenza viruses began in late January (W4) with a gradual increase in the circulation of the type A (H1N1) pmd09 virus. During the week W12, the type A (H1N1) pmd09 virus was more common than the type B. The seasonal distribution of three types of influenza viruses was: Virus A (H1N1) pmd09 (57.4%), Virus A (H3N2) (38.5%) and Virus B (3.5%). The positivity rate for influenza was 24.4% versus 28.4% during the previous season. Conclusion : in Tunisia, the 2015-2016 flu season started little later than the previous season, marked by the co-circulation of three influenza viruses and the predominance of the virulent type A (H1N1) pmd09 virus, the impact of the epidemic in terms of ILI consultations and hospitalizations was comparable to the previous season, but the lethality rate of severe influenza was significantly higher. Viruses know no borders, contr

Domestic and Social Violence against Women during the Egyptian Uprising

AbstractThis study discusses how social and domestic violence against women increased during the period of political violence represented by the Egyptian Uprising of the 25thof January 2011. In this paper, the term political violence had been defined as any use of force practiced by governmental or anti-governmental groups to achieve political goals. Many scholars use the terms political violence and political instability interchangeably while the latter refers to a situation when a government had been toppled which was found to be strongly affiliated with political violence. Political violence includes uprisings and political transition of authority. Social violence is associated with sexual harassment, social norms and gender roles. Domestic violence refers to any physical harm among family members against women and domestic practices like early marriage and female circumcision. The article discusses first how the three types of violence interact and affect one another. The study in turn researches the increase of domestic violence rate against women in reaction to the political conflict resulting from the Egyptian Uprising of January 25th, 2011 through conducting interviews with abused women to investigate how the Egyptian Uprising had affected them socially and domestically. The study concludes that political violence had a direct impact on social and domestic violence against women.

Evaluating human resources practices in resort hotels during recession periods

This study aimed to assess the human resources practices adopted by a number of five-star hotels in Marsa Alam and Dahab during times of recession. Employee satisfaction is a significant challenge to human resource management (HRM) especially during valley periods. As a result of the revolution of the 25th of January 2011, employee satisfaction has decreased significantly due to hotels’ low occupancy rates that resulted in decreased salaries. To achieve the aim of the research, two research tools were used embracing the questionnaire and the interview. Fifty six questionnaires were completed by employees in a number of five-star resort hotels in Marsa Alam and Dahab, five properties in each to identify human resource practices experienced by them. On the other hand, ten managers were interviewed in the same hotels to identify their perspectives regarding human resources practices towards employees during recession periods. Research findings revealed the importance of developing employee loyalty and training programs to maintain high performance levels during recession. Doing this could lead to customer satisfaction, repeat business, and improved profitability.

Art and Cultural Identity

This paper analyzes aspects of Egyptian history, including unique qualities that influenced the Egyptian culture and gave it its identity that has developed throughout the years until today. It will also discuss Egyptian visual arts and its critical role throughout history, including how arts have appeared and developed over Egypt’s lifetime and influenced the Egyptian citizen. Furthermore, this research sheds light on the effects of every political change that took place in Egypt, and how that could be a mirror of the Egyptian civilization, its development and its decline while considering the role of visual arts throughout and after the revolution of 2011. Analyzing Egyptian culture, education, technology, internet and multimedia after the revolution can be imperative to understand the cultural identity and the role of visual arts in Egypt. Thus the mutual relationship between arts and the Egyptian cultural identity will be questioned, along with the way that they impact each other, and finally, how both of them could play a key role in developing Egypt after the 25th of January, 2011 revolution.

Can the Military Establishment Lead a Revolution? The Case of Egypt with Focus on Constitutional Law

This paper examines the two Egyptian revolutionary waves of 25th of January 2011 and 30th of June 2013 against Mubarak and the Muslim Brotherhood respectively. It analyses the role claimed by the Egyptian Army as a leader of these two waves, and the inherent contradiction between the Revolution’s ideals on one hand and the structural and behavioral organization of the Military Establishment on the other. It draws arguments from the 2014 Egyptian Constitution which bestowed upon the Army a privileged status incompatible with the march for democracy instigated by the Arab Spring, and concludes by affirming that change, intrinsically, is an object of refusal by the ruling mentality.

A study on legal improvement on Online P2P financial loan

Along with the recent growth of Fintech industry and low interest rate basis, one of the alternative investment technique for expecting higher investment profit, P2P loan using P2P financial system is greatly increasing. P2P loan can be referred to as a type of Crowdfunding that the law of Crowdfunding (adopted to revised Capital Market Act) enacted on January 25th 2016 only allows investment type Crowdfunding so that it can be used as a tool of raising fund for startup and venture companies. Also, it is true that Korean government could not make any legislative foundation related to P2P loan. At this moment, those online platform companies mediating P2P loan are not included as financial companies, expected to cause various legal arguments. Financial Services Commission has released a guideline in February of this year saying that limit of P2P loan is 10 million Korean Won per arbitrating company and 5 million Korean Won per borrower. However, what is more important is to make a law supporting this institutional system. If legislation on P2P loan is implemented without care, it may disturb growth of the field but it may result in the damage of investors if not clearly defined by law. As this is the case, first, “revision of execution regulations for loan business” should take place as soon as possible to intensify inspection of loan companies by registering them to Financial Services Commission. Second, saving customer fund separately in the their organization. Third, making law on protecting investors such as regulating exaggerative advertisement. Fourth, to have transparent and fair public announcement system, standardized agreement and guideline describing clear understanding on autonomous public information publication of P2P loan online platform business and information on the borrower.

A new marketing mix model to rescue the hospitality industry: Evidence from Egypt after the Arab Spring

After January 25th 2011 Egypt witnessed political, economic and social instability leading to drastic consequences in the hospitality and tourism industry. Thus unstable situation reflected on the deteriorated occupancy percentages that led to declined profit margins, higher employee layoffs and degraded quality of product and services. The objectives of this research is to examine how the Egyptian hospitality properties manage this dilemma through their marketing practices, and to propose a new marketing mix model that adds new layers of depth to the traditional marketing mix model. A methodological framework was designed to help in the assessment process of management practices pertaining to marketing initiatives during times of crisis. Results indicated the presence of tactical elements that assembled the traditional marketing mix model in the investigated hotels. However, these elements are not effectively used and the interaction between them not appears very clear. Results also indicated that the new proposed model would help in providing a framework for the Egyptian hospitality industry to maintain their competitive position during crisis time and avoiding undesired situations for labour force and decline of companies׳ revenues.

Reflections on CSR: the case of Egypt

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to review the corporate social responsibility (CSR) concept in Egypt via six sub-purposes which are the operational definition, activities, corporations’ strategic direction, budgeting and drivers for and obstacles against CSR alongside the implications of the January 25th 2011’s revolution on the concept.Design/methodology/approachThis research is a perception study adopting a mixed methodology. A sample of 20 corporate managers undertaking CSR activities had been interviewed. Results are analyzed using content analysis and non-parametric z-tests.FindingsThe research identified the prevalent hands-on definitions of CSR which highlight an identification problem, as well as the leading two activities undertaken that are highly linked to the lack of a corporate strategic direction. Also, it showed that budgeting was a vague undisclosed aspect and further highlighted the drivers for and obstacles against CSR before and in transition post January 25th 2011, revolution.Practical implicationsThis overview serves as a building block for practitioners to identify the CSR build-up in Egypt, to guide further current or future endeavors undertaken.Originality/valueThis paper provides a genuine contextualized review of CSR in Egypt that had been a reported gap in literature by identifying its operational definition, activities, budgeting, corporations’ strategic direction and drivers for and obstacles against the concept in light of the timeline pre and in-transition post the January 25th 2011 revolution.

PHD Defence: Networks of Memory: Vernacular Photography, (New) Media, and Meaning Making by Megan Robertson

Our dear colleague, Megan Robertson, will defend her PHD dissertation on Wednesday, January 25th, 2017 at Harbor Center Room 2245 (10:00 am – 13:00 pm). Here is the abstract of her dissertation “Networks of Memory: Vernacular Photography, (New) Media, and Meaning Making”.

Old Buddies and Same Old Stories: Argentina and US relations in the Trump Era

Old Buddies and Same Old Stories:Argentina and US relations in the Trump Era Mónica Farías On January 25th 2017 the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump, issued Executive Orders 13767 and 13768. The former commands Customs and Border Patrol to "secure the southern border of the United States through the immediate construction of a physical wall on the southern border." The latter enhances immigration officers' power to initiate deportation proceedings. Two days later, on January 27th, Trump issued EO 13769 suspending the refugee program as well as the entry to the United States of America of citizens from seven predominantly Muslim countries. On the very same day, Trump's Argentine counterpart, President Mauricio Macri, issued Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 (DNU - Decree of Need and Urgency) that reformed Argentine immigration statutes, lowering the requirements for the deportation of foreign residents while expediting the deportation process. This simultaneity could very well be just an unfortunate coincidence but what should call our immediate attention is that the content of these measures—the xenophobic targeting and racialized stereo-types [End Page 176] that they mobilize—are strikingly similar. According to the Center for Legal and Social Studies (CELS), Macri's DNU 70/2017 reinstates the same criteria that existed under the 1976-1983 Argentine dictatorship. Under the Law 22.439, also known as the Ley Videla (after de facto president of Argentina Jorge R. Videla) in place until 2004, undocumented immigrants were denied access to social services such as education and health care, both free and public in Argentina, and the right to legitimate legal defense. At the time of its implementation Congress had been dissolved and national security doctrines "justified" the establishment of a system of control and sanction of the immigrant population. But what can possibly justify a measure like this under a democratic government, where it is the prerogative of the Congress to legislate on immigration issues? According to CELS, DNU 70/2017 was neither justified on the basis of need, nor of urgency. "Immigration" was not a central issue of Macri's political campaigns neither as Mayor of the city of Buenos Aires, nor for President of Argentina. Yet, Macri's xenophobia is not new. During his tenure as the Mayor of Buenos Aires (2007-2015), he and members of his administration made several remarks linking immigration from neighboring countries with delinquency of all kinds, from petty crime to illegal occupation of land and drug trafficking. Furthermore, Macri, just like Trump, won his campaign and has built his policies by tapping into deep-rooted fears and grievances. For instance, his campaign tapped into middle class discourses about a lack of law and order in an urban space increasingly perceived as dangerous and ungovernable. This is not the only similarity between the two presidents. Macri's association with Donald Trump goes back to the 1980s when he and his father tried to close a deal with him in New York. In a 2005 interview Macri said of Trump and himself: "we remained buddies. Every time I go to New York, I visit him, and I have lunch with him and his wife" (Página 12 2016). That said, Macri did not support Trump's candidacy and instead bet on Hillary Clinton's continuation of Obama's diplomatic and economic policies. Yet, the morning after the election, Macri congratulated Trump on twitter, arranged to have a phone call that took place on November 14th and tried to secure a visit to the United States. In a public opinion poll undertaken a few days prior to the announcement of DNU 70/2017, the pollster Poliarquía (http://poliarquia.com/encuesta-nacional-sobre-politica-migratoria/) reported that the level of approval for at least two of the measures—the banning of immigrants with a criminal record and "deportation express" procedures—surpassed 80 percent. But this is not new, either. In Argentina, migrants have been scapegoated for the lack of jobs and the critical economic situation at multiple points throughout the 20th century (Grimson 2001, 2006; Guano 2003). For instance, in 1902, the Ley de Residencia (Residence Law) legalized the deportation of...

Analysis on the Contribution of SPEC in the Counter-Japanese War and Liberation War

This paper analyzes the contribution of SPEC (Sichuan Provincial Education College) in the Counter-Japanese War and the Liberation War. During Counter-Japanese War, SPEC launched a series of activities which centered on the theme of war, and wartime features were also strongly embodied in its teaching management. SPEC took advantage of the summer vacation to organize students to propagate the spirit of war of resistance in rural areas and carried out teaching activities which centered on the theme of war. During Liberation War, SPEC held the January 25th Demonstration, thus pushing forward Chongqing’s democratic movement. It protested against the US military atrocities, revealed the US and Chiang Kai-Shek’s plot, fought against hunger, civil war and persecution, fought for food and clothing as well as survival in the campaign known as the April 21th Movement, and launched campaigns to protect its campus and welcomed the advent of liberation. In conclusion, SPEC has made due contribution to accelerating the downfall of the Kuomintang government and laying solid foundation for a new China.

التصالح في جرائم العدوان على المال العام - دراسة تحليلية نقدية للقانون رقم 16 لسنة 2015

يلعب المال العام دور هام في حياة الدول والمجتمعات، بفضل دوره في تمکين مرافق الدولة من القيام بواجباتها في إدارة المرافق العامة، وتقديم خدماتها للجمهور. وقد کان المال العام محل استهداف کبير ممن سولت لهم أنفسهم الاعتداء عليه، وقد مکنت الصفة الوظيفية العديد من الأشخاص من الاستيلاء على المال العام ؛ ونظرا لخطورة هذه الجرائم فقد شدد المشرع العقاب على هذه الجرائم، تحقيقا للردع اللازم، وکان الاتجاه السائد على مستوى قانون الإجراءات الجنائية هو عدم التصالح في هذه الجرائم، إلا أن الظروف السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية التي مرت بها مصر عقب ثورة الخامس والعشرين من يناير 2011 و30 يونيو 2014 دفعت للمطالبة المستمرة بمحاسبة مرتکبي جرائم الاعتداء على المال العام، بما يضمن تحقيق العدالة في مواجهة مرتکبي هذه الجرائم من ناحية واسترداد الدولة لمالها العام المسلوب بطائفة من صور الفساد المالي والإداري ، ولصعوبة تحقيق هذه الأهداف مجتمعة، قام المشرع بإصدار القانون رقم 16 لسنة 2015 والصادر في 12 مارس 2015 الذي أجاز التصالح الجنائي بين الدولة والمتهم ، إذ أجاز بمقتضاه التصالح في جرائم الباب الرابع من الکتاب الثاني من قانون العقوبات الخاصة بجرائم الاعتداء على المال العام . وتسعى هذه الدراسة لتحليل هذا القانون ودراسته على نحو يبين مزاياه وعيوبه، وجدواه القانونية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية. A summary of the research public money plays an important role in the life of States and societies, thanks to its role in enabling the State facilities to carry out its duties in the management of public facilities and the provision of services to the public. The public money was a target to whom want to abuse it, the functional charterers for many people have enabled them to seize the public money. In view of the seriousness of these crimes, The legal lawmaker stressed the lawmaker impunity for such crimes, fulfilling the necessary on the level of Criminal Procedure, The general trend was no compromise in such crimes . The political, economic and social conditions experienced by Egypt after the revolution of the 25th of January 2011 and 30 June 2014 prompted the continuing demand holding accountable the perpetrators of the crimes of aggression against the public money, ensuring the achievement of justice in the face of the perpetrators of these crimes on the one hand and the recovery of the stolen public money ranged as picture of financial and administrative corruption, on the other hand. The difficulty of achieving these goals collectively, the legislature has issued the Law No. 16 of 2015 issued on 12 March 2015, which permits the criminal reconciliation between the State and the accused, which allowed the reconciliation in the crimes of four sections from the second book of the Penal Code on crimes of aggression on the public money. This study aims to analyze this law, advantages, disadvantages, and its legal, social and economic usefulness.

The Correlation between Common Stock Return and Price Earnings (PE) Ratio: Egypt Case

The present research aims to correlation between common stock return and Price Earnings (PE) Ratio; the population of the study is the Egyptian exchange; the period from 2008 to 2015 Through monthly data of EGX30 index. Finally, There is not a significant correlation between common stock return and earning per share; The researchers can justify it to Political risk during and after 25th of January 2011 and 30th of June 2013 revolutions; Decline in trading volumes and Foreign & Arab investors exit from Egyptian exchange.

Intellectuals and the People: Portrayals of the Rebel in the 2011 Egyptian Uprising

Apart from attempts to account for the massive support provided by Egyptian writers to President Abd al-Fatah al-Sisi, the 25th of January uprising was rarely explored from the standpoint of Egyptian intellectuals. Yet, during the uprising, some did take an active part in the events, such as forging an image of the revolution and its actors through opinion columns. However, by promoting what became an iconic image of the Egyptian protester—middle class youth, peacefully seeking liberty and rights—they drew on the same discourses as those adopted by their counterparts in the semi-official press: the belief that the uprising threatened to unleash the oppressed masses who would embark on the destruction of the State. This article attempts to shed light on the conditions associated with the 25th of January revolution by exploring op-eds published in several Egyptian private dailies during the first years of the uprising.

The January 25th 2011 "Revolution", 5 years later – a Balance

The struggle between the rebelling masses and the old regime is the fate of every revolution in history. This rebellion has mobilized mainly the forces of the counter- revolution, both the brutal violent force, as well as the delicate strategic thinking soft power, which I refer to as the class brain. In the case of Egypt 2011, this struggle was very clear from the first day. TheSupreme Council of Armed Forces” (SCAF) had sacrificed Mubarak to protect or evensave the whole regime from further radicalization by the popular movement. The military leadership has indeed theatrically saluted with military honors the martyrs of the great Revolution, but at the same time they have severely resisted any claims of this movement. Every achievement was only made possible thanks to massive combat missions. Two demonstrations with more than a Million demonstrators in March 2011 were necessary to overthrow the nominee of Mubarak's cabinet. Two more followed to arrest Mubarak’s sons and his clique and bring them to tribunal in April. And for that alone to happen, this revolutionary wave had to continue with undiminished momentum until July 2011. The maxim of the SCAF was therefore; make minimal concessions towards the revolutionary forces and retain maximum of old power structures. In order for this tactic to work, the SCAF has entered into an alliance with the political power, the only force in the class, which did in fact dispute the Mubarak regime about its share of the power, the Muslim-Brotherhood and all the other groups of political Islam.