Islamist Research Articles

"Sufism" is a teaching based on Islamic ideology and Islamic morality

"Sufism" is a teaching based on Islamic ideology and Islamic morality

The Main Factors of the Spread of Radical Islamist Movements in Afghanistan

The Main Factors of the Spread of Radical Islamist Movements in Afghanistan

Revisiting post-Islamism a decade after the Arab Spring

The Arab Spring uprisings marked a watershed moment in regional politics, significantly impacting Islamist movements in terms of strategies, ideologies, and organizational structures. Accordingly, this paper examines whether these dramatic events strengthened or weakened the post-Islamist evolution of traditional political Islam movements, focusing on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (E-MB) and the Tunisian Ennahda Movement Party (EMP) as case studies. The proposed hypothesis is that the Arab Spring has variably influenced Islamists. In Egypt, it initially weakened the post-Islamist turn of the E-MB. However, owing to the 2013 coup and subsequent repression, the E-MB was politically excluded and weakened, creating a vacuum that was filled by various forms of less political or non-ideological forms of Islamic activism. The Tunisian Islamists had a different story. The Arab Spring seems to have strengthened their transition to post-Islamism. In its tenth conference, the EMP declared its exit from political Islam, adopting the new concept of Muslim Democracy. Even after the presidential takeover in July 2021, which resulted in the political exclusion of the EMP, the Work and Achievement party that defected from it maintained clear post-Islamist features.

An In-Depth Analytical Study Of The Works Of Sayyid Qutb: Ideology, Influence, And Legacy

Sayyid Qutb, born in 1906 and executed in 1966, was a prominent Egyptian writer, educator, and Islamic theorist. He played a significant role in shaping modern Islamic thought and was a key figure in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood during the 1950s and 60s. Qutb’s writings, particularly his most famous book “Ma‘âlim fî al-Tarîq” (Milestones), published in 1964, became central to the ideology of Qutbism. In “Milestones”, he critiqued contemporary societies, arguing that despite their technological progress, they lived in a state of “Jâhiliyyah” (ignorance), disconnected from true Islamic principles. Qutb advocated for a resurgence of Islam through jihad to restore a purer form of the faith. His works have greatly influenced modern Islamic movements. After being convicted of plotting to assassinate Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Qutb was executed in 1966. His writings, including “Fî Ẓilâl al-Qur’ân” (In the Shade of the Qur’ân), continue to impact debates on Islamic governance and the role of religion in political life.

Weaving Modernity in Salafism

This study examines the parallels between Muhammadiyah, the oldest and largest modernist Islamic movement in Indonesia, and Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’a Wa Ikamatus Sunnah, also known as Izala, the most significant Islamic reformist movement in West Africa, which originated in northern Nigeria. Concurrently, these groups share a common focus on socio-religious reform and a commitment to puritan Islam. It is undeniable that various Islamic movements/groups have existed and continue to exist outside the Arab world, but relatively few studies have focused on Islamic groups operating in West Africa or Southeast Asia, for example. This study highlights the importance of examining Islamic movements in regions beyond the Arab world, particularly in West Africa and Southeast Asia. The large Muslim populations in Indonesia and Nigeria offer a rich context for exploring the dynamics of Islamic movements. The research reveals, despite the groups’ Salafi-inspired ideologies, they mediate socio-religious reform, indicating the modernising rather than conservative aspects of Indonesian and Nigerian Islam. Within their respective contexts, these groups represent forms of reconstructed alternative modernity, or distinctly Islamic interpretations of modernity, which they define through executing their reform activities within Islamic frameworks. They navigate the complexities of modernity by balancing adherence to traditional values with adaptation to contemporary developments. Notably, the study is driven by a belief that comparative studies across different Salafi-inspired groups in distinct contexts could provide broader understanding of the evolving relationship between Salafism and modernity.

Cultural Capital, Islamism, and Political Distrust in Pemilu 2019: An Ethnicity-based Community Engaged in Islamic Defenders Front (FPI)

Although there have been many studies investigating Islamist movements and their views concerning the relationship between Islam and politics, very rare studies examining the ways particular ethnicity-based Islamist group invent and revitalize their cultural capital in dealing with Islamism. Based on the case of the role of FPI (the Islamic Defenders Front) group in Jakarta rejecting the result of Pemilu 2019 (Indonesian General Election), this study aims to investigate the way a young Batavian community that is engaged in the FPI (a semi radical Islamist organization) interpret their Batavian values and tradition in dealing with Islamism. This research uses a case study approach that investigates cultural capital and its influence to a young Batavian community joining the FPI. This study relies more on in-depth interviews with the members as well as observation. Based on the fieldwork this article shows that tension in national political level in Pemilu 2014 and 2019 which polarized society had encouraged these young Batavians to be engaged in an organization connecting them to wider Islamic groups. Instead of Muhammadiyah or Nahdatul Ulama (NU), their cultural capital is more supportive encouraging them to be engaged with the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). Through this engagement in FPI and participation in political distrust rejecting the result of Pemilu 2019 they were not only involved with national issues, but also local issues dealing with their domination as an indigenous group living in an urban area.

Islamic State Utopia: Investigating Khilafatul Muslimin Movement in Contemporary Indonesia

This article aims to explore the contemporary Islamic state establishment movement in Indonesia namely Khilafatul Muslimin. Even though the Islamic state is strictly forbidden in Indonesia by the national constitution, such movements have been endless for a long time in the country. The phenomenon of Khilafatul Muslimin, which has recently emerged and surfaced in the realm of politics and religion in the country, indicates that some Muslims want to establish a Khilafah state under Islamic law. Utilizing qualitative methods with the library and documents research in a thorough and depth analysis, this article is designed to excavate and identify the anatomy of the Khilafatul Muslimin as the Islamic state movements, which were familiar to the archipelago since its independence. The study reveals that unlike the past similar movements, which mostly ended in the discourse, this organization has built a set of an Islamic state hierarchy and bureaucracy with complete personals. In addition, Khilafatul Muslimin linked its network to those radical-global Islamic state movements like the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which, in turn, challenges Pancasila as the national ideology. However, interestingly, the root of Khilafatul Muslimin is closely related to Darul Islam (DI) and Negara Islam Indonesia (NII, Indonesian Islamic State), the past and utopian Islamic state movement in a huge multicultural Indonesian society. This research will benefit the policymakers in Indonesia to treat other Islamic movements equitably, while still keeping the country in harmony. For further study, it will be fruitful to involve broader methods in gathering data to have more comprehensive results.

AFGHAN AND PAKISTANI TALIBAN: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THEIR POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS

The main aim of this article is to discuss several facets of the socio-political phenomena known under the general name of Taliban that swept Afghanistan and embroiled Pakistan in a regional conflict since the last decade of twentieth century. The focus of the discussion is on the emergence of Afghan and Pakistani Taliban as two separate and distinct movements, their organizational developments, and their similarities and differences in terms of political ideology, religious affiliations, and relationships with Pakistan. The organizational and political-religious transformation of the Taliban is examined in this article in three historical phases. First, the political-religious background in Afghanistan that led to the formation of the Taliban in 1994 and its rise to power in 1996 only two years after its existence as an Islamic movement. Second, the seven-year period 1994-2001 during which the Taliban ruled Afghanistan until they were ousted from power following the invasion of the country by the US-led coalition forces a month after the September 11 (2001) tragic event in New York. This article examines the transformation of the Taliban as a movement and as a government ruling in the name of Islam during this period. And third, the twenty-year period when the Taliban as opposition forces waged an insurgency against the US-installed puppet regime that successfully ended with them regaining power in August 2021. The article concludes with some remarks on the possible directions in which the Taliban could be heading in the post-2021 era.

BOOK REVIEW: Sri Lanka's Easter Sunday Massacre: Lessons for International Community by Rohan Gunaratna

Rohan Gunaratna's recent publication titled Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Massacre: Lessons for International Community tries to explore the “Easter Attack massacre” and its root causes in Sri Lanka. The work would indeed become one of the main references for those interested in exploring the sources and roots of the Easter Attack. Although the Easter Sunday massacre was a watershed event in Sri Lankan history as well as the ‘September 11’ of Sri Lankan Muslims, there has been a lack of detailed analysis on the subject thus far. In this sense, Gunaratna's work could be seen as the first detailed study of the tragedy, elaborating on the background of the bombers, their preparations, and the execution. In the aftermath of the attack, there has been a serious public debate on the nature of tragedy and its root causes. Participating in this debate, Imthiyaz Razak argued that the Easter attacks were a by-product of both “violence against Muslims since 2012”, unleashed by the Sinhala-Buddhist extremists and cultural exclusivism of Muslims, enabled by the political bargaining between the majoritarian state and minority political elites. For his part, Rajan Hoole argued in his work Sri Lanka's Easter Tragedy that the Easter Attack was the result of the entrenched phenomenon of the deep state that tries to manipulate religious extremists for their political ends. For him, the Easter Attack was more political than ideological. However, Gunaratna stressed the point that the Easter Attack directly resulted from the religious radicalization of a segment of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka, who embraced the Salafi-Wahhabism ideology of political Islam. The book elaborates this argument through a lengthy introduction and subsequent four chapters.

Visioning Pesantren Istana Quran as an Eco-Religious Edu-Tourism Destination in Indonesia

Abstract. This study aims to bridge the gap among the religious, environmental, and tourism aspects by suggesting a comprehensive framework for transforming Islamic boarding schools into environmentally friendly religious-based tourism destinations. Islamic boarding schools in Indonesia which are commonly known as “pondok pesantren” are pivotal institutions in providing education and religious guidance to the students (“santri”). However, the idea of transforming it into a religious-based edu-tourism destination is something new. Using qualitative field research, a participatory case study, and a survey, this research was run in Muhammadiyah-owned Pondok Pesantren Istana Qur’an (literally means “The Palace of Holy Qur’an”) located in Banjarnegara, Central Java. This study found that the idea of edu-tourism originally came from the stakeholders’ vision to create a distinct and attractive boarding school. Nevertheless, Muhammadiyah as a modern and progressive Islamic movement prefers to emphasize the futuristic image of distinction rather than the old-fashioned religious tourism destinations that rely on memories of their founders or the tombs of saints (“walis”). Therefore, the idea is developed to integrate three main dimensions: religious enrichment, tourism development, and environmental sustainability. Conclusively, this paper serves as a foundation for further research and practical initiatives aimed at actualizing the vision.

Islam and Socialism in Indonesia: The Influence of HOS Tjokroaminoto's Thoughts on Agus Salim

<p>This paper examines the intersection of Islam and socialism in Indonesia, focusing on the intellectual lineage from HOS Tjokroaminoto to Agus Salim. Both figures played pivotal roles in shaping Indonesia's political landscape during the early 20<sup>th</sup> century. Tjokroaminoto, a prominent Islamic scholar and nationalist leader, was instrumental in synthesizing Islamic principles with socialist ideals. His efforts sought to address socio-economic disparities and advocate for the rights of the common people. Agus Salim, a prominent diplomat and intellectual contemporary of Tjokroaminoto, was deeply influenced by the latter's thoughts on the harmonious integration of Islam and socialism. The type of research used is literature research, with data sources from the study of books related to Islamic socialism by Tjokroaminoto and Agus Salim. The research results show that there are three types of Tjokro's thoughts towards Agus Salim that are used as the outline of the Sarekat Islam movement: the first is the freedom of the people, the second is equality, and the third is love for the homeland and anti-capitalism. Leadership is an interpretation of its people, according to the leadership philosophy taught by Agus Salim to his political disciple Kasman Singodimedjo. Therefore, leaders must prioritize the people's interests above all else, or "leadership is suffering”.</p>

Transnational religious actors and international order – the case of the gülen movement

This paper seeks to illustrate how religion can affect international relations and international order. Given that religion has been neglected as an important factor in political science, and then in theories of international relations, this paper will try to provide a modest contribution to the study of religion in the theory of international relations by analyzing the influence of transnational religious actors on the existing international order. The transnational religious actor analyzed in this paper is the Gülen Movement – Hizmet Movement. Hizmet Movement is a transnational Islamic movement formed in the Republic of Turkey in the 1960s by the former Turkish Imam Muhammad Fethullah Gülen. Today, this Islamic movement has many institutions, organizations and members around the world. The Gülen Movement aims to create a transnational society - the Golden Generation of Ideal People (Altın Nesıl), and thus represents a challenge for the existing international order.

The Ideological Evolution of the Tunisian Islamist Movement Ḥarakat al-Nahḍa

Abstract This essay reconstructs and analyses the ideological evolution of Ennahda, from its beginnings in the mid-1960s to 1987, when the movement adopted an official document about its “Ideological vision” (al-Ruʾya al-fikriyya), confirmed in 2012 as the movement’s main religious, creedal and methodological text. The history of Ennahda’s ideological evolution and the analysis of its doctrinal platform shows how the movement had rich, articulated and often conflicting ideological components, which evolved over time through a continuous internal debate and in mutual interaction with the tradition of Islamic modernism and the domestic and international cultural and political context.

REGIONAL SECURITY: THE CURRENT SITUATION AND FUTURE TRENDS IN CENTRAL ASIA

In an interconnected world, the security of a nation is closely intertwined with the security of its neighboring regions. Regional security changes have the potential to significantly impact a nation's overall security. In the geopolitical and geo-economic scenario, the strategic position and possession of a state or region remains a challenging issue as evident from the evolving strategic scenario of 21st Century international politics. In this framework, the Central Asian region is considered to be of major strategic significance because of its geopolitical position. In addition, the region possesses some of the important energy resources, mainly oil and gas, and access to them is of strategic significance to all involved – regional as well as external players. This study aims to provide an overview of the current situation of Central Asian countries and their prospects in security. Geographically Central Asia, the central part of Asia, this region is directly bordered by influential players in international relations. Central Asia is bordered by the Caspian Sea in the west, China in the east, Afghanistan in the south, and Russia in the north. The region consists of former Soviet republics such as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan.
 Central Asia has been an area of geopolitical interest due to its strategic location and abundant natural resources. To understand the current situation and future trends in regional security, it is essential to consider a few key factors. First of all, the Political Stability: Central Asia comprises Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. While these nations have made progress in political stability since gaining independence from the Soviet Union, challenges persist. Authoritarian governance, limited political pluralism, and ethnic tensions have occasionally affected stability in the region. Next, Terrorism and Extremism: Central Asia has faced the threat of terrorism and extremism, primarily from groups like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), the Taliban, and now the Islamic State (IS). Also, it is Poverty, lack of economic opportunities, and political repression have contributed to the vulnerability of Central Asian populations to radicalization. The intricate balancing act of Central Asian states is examined through the concept of multi-vectors, a strategy used by these nations to diversify foreign alliances and resist domination by any single power.

Politik Islam dalam Konteks Tunisia Pasca Revolusi Jasmine: Analisis Pemikiran Rashid Ghannoushi Political Islam in The Post-Jasmine Revolution Context of Tunisia: Analyzing the Thoughts of Rashid Ghannoushi

Tunisia has a unique experience as the first Arab country to spark the Arab Spring. This uprising was filled with a series of anti-government protests called the Jasmine Revolution. In that situation, Rashid Ghannoushi, the head of the Islamic Movement in Tunisia (Al-Nahdah) was also involved in the situation by putting his perspective based on the party’s Islamic agenda. So, the objective of this article is to trace the political thought of Rashid Ghannoushi in achieving political goals through the framework of Islamic politics. This is because the results of his thought on political Islam show a significant difference with other Islamic movements especially in the context of managing power sharing. The results of the study found that his political views take into account local factors such as autocratic leadership and the secular doctrine of laicite, that inspired him to consider between the ideal of Islamic doctrine and the realistic of the atmosphere and situation in Tunisia.

Decolonizing Transnational Feminism

Abstract This article analyzes the Afghan and Iranian feminist uprisings of the early 2020s spurred by #MahsaAmini’s death and the return of the Taliban, and their predecessors, #MyRedLine and #MyStealthyFreedom. It assesses why these movements, which gained international traction and a huge global online and offline presence, are no longer in the mainstream media spotlight. The article examines the efficacy and dangers of these feminist movements, which attempt to redress the tide of Islamist ideology in both countries by building solidarity with international governmental and nongovernmental human rights organizations. It also highlights how Afghan and Iranian women’s activism is selectively recognized and appropriated by neo-imperial agendas and provides strategies for decolonization. Finally, the article argues that #MahsaAmini and #MyRedLine are exemplary instances of feminist transnational collaboration and global mobilization for women’s rights, whereas #MyStealthyFreedom and the lack of coverage of the Afghan women’s right uprising since Taliban 2.0 fall into the paradigm of imperial feminism.

HIJRA COMMUNITY AND RELIGIOUS MODERATION AMONG MILLENNIALS IN SOLORAYA

The development of the hijra community in Soloraya has significantly influenced all societal levels, particularly the millennial generation. This research aims to identify the model of religious moderation within the millennial generation in Soloraya, focusing on the hijra community, especially the Legawa and Bi-Adzab communities. Employing a descriptive qualitative approach, the analysis utilizes an interactive model encompassing data reduction, delivery, and conclusion drawing. The Legawa and Bi-Adzab hijra communities leverage public spaces for discourse, promoting a moderate, friendly, and welcoming interpretation of religion. Legawa and Bi-Adzab encourage Islam to enter deep into the public sphere so that it can access facilities properly so as not to threaten democracy and pluralism. These communities advocate for a deeper integration of Islam into the public sphere, ensuring proper access to facilities without compromising democracy and pluralism. Legawa and Bi-Adzab have become symbols of cultural resistance against Islamic movements advocating takfiri ideology and the Islamic caliphate, which are less accommodating of local traditions deemed laisa minal Islam. These communities prioritize local religious traditions in their activities, aiming to shape identity and enhance moral values. They serve as spiritual spaces that strengthen faith and promote a universal respect for local customs. The ultimate goal of Legawa and Bi-Adzab is to elevate the spirituality and religious devotion of the millennial generation.

The Islamic Political Identity in Indonesia: A Study on Rejecting The Establishment of the Christian Church of Indonesia Yasmin

The polemic of the Christian Church of Indonesia (GKI) Yasmin establishment, located in Bogor, has raised various kinds of new problems structurally and culturally. One of the problems at the structural level is the administrative polemic over the permit for the place's establishment of worship from the government of Bogor. On a cultural level, it is the emergence of conflict and intolerance between fellow Muslims—Islam vs. Islam or Islam vs. Christianity—whether social, political, legal, religious, or faith conflicts. The theoretical frameworks used to analyze the research questions are religious roles consisting of ideology, identity, social ethics, political Islamic movement theory, and human rights. The approach used in this documentary is qualitative. This research combines two methods of collecting data: primary and secondary. In-depth interview and cover In-depth Interview. This research determines the role of religion and politics owned by Islamic mass organizations (HTI and FORKAMI) in rejecting the establishment of GKI Yasmin in Curug Mekar Village, Bogor Barat Bogor. According to the research findings, religion has three roles: religion as ideology, HTI and Forkami as pressure groups (soft and complex pressure groups), and social-ethical. In the political context, the political roles of HTI and Forkami are structural Islamic political movements and cultural Islamic political movements.

Perjalanan Syaikh Ahmad Khatib dalam Melahirkan Tokoh Pergerakan dan Pendidikan Islam di Nusantara

This article will discuss a Nusantara scholar who became a Grand Teacher in Mecca, contributing to the emergence of figures in the Islamic movement and education in Nusantara, namely Syaikh Ahmad Khatib Al Minangkabawi. It will explore his journey to becoming a significant scholar in Mecca, along with his various students, particularly those from Nusantara. Furthermore, it will delve into his influence on the thoughts of independence movements among his Nusantara students and the scholarly impact he had on the renewal and Islamic education in various regions of Nusantara. Lastly, the article will highlight his renowned and influential works in the Islamic movement and education in Nusantara.

Decolonialization of Contemporary Science According to Professor Syed M. Naquib al-Attas as the Aufklarung Movement in Islam

Through education, science is expected to be able to provide good and significant changes to human life. In realizing this, Muslim scholars are trying to develop established scientific theories in various fields based on the Islamic worldview. However, in the era of modernization and post-modernization, the Islamic scientific tradition is slowly losing the fundamental aspects of science, worldview and empistemology. In practice, epistemology is separate from theology, this separation is the impact of the secularization of science. Syed Naquib al-Attas is one of the contemporary Muslim scholars who initiated the Islamization of science as a response to the secularization of science, where he returned science to the Islamic scientific tradition. By using library research methods, furthermore, it is hoped that this research can elaborate on the concept of Islamization of science as an era of enlightenment (Aufklarung) developed by al-Attas became the basis of Islamic knowledge. This research finds that decolonialization of secular science is an important step in elaborating al-Attas towards the Islamization of contemporary science.