Iran Relations Research Articles

Political and economic aspects of Iran's relations with Central Asian countries

Central Asia holds economic and political significance for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Their cooperation has great potential for both sides. However, Iran's practical role in economic and political relations within the region remains limited. Currently, Iran does not have a significant position among the top ten economic partners of regional countries. Iran’s foreign trade with Central Asia is less than 2% of Iran’s total foreign trade. The most important reasons for this are the lack of priority given to economic development domestically, resulting in Iran's weakness in investment, technology, and the private sector, the lack of diplomatic priority for the region, and sanctions limiting Iran. Some developments in recent years have given hope for the expansion of cooperation between Iran and Central Asian countries. In this regard, we can refer to the preferential trade agreement between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union from 2019, the free trade agreement from 2023, Iran's membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from 2022, the neighborhood policy and the eastern policy of the new government from 2021. All these economic and political communications have been leading to an increase in development of relationships between Iran and Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Although bilateral relations between Iran and Kyrgyzstan are not particularly dynamic, but relations between Iran and Uzbekistan are the most complex in the region among the CA countries. All in all, Iran and Central Asian countries have taken important steps towards each other in order to have political stability and economic development over the last decade. Thus, Tehran has enormous potential for cooperation with the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, but its implementation is closely connected with the geopolitical situation around Iran.

İran’ın Avrupa ile İlişkilerinde Şiilik Boyutu: Almanya-Fransa-İngiltere Örneği

The phenomenon of religion appears as a multidimensional element in terms of individual, society and state. It has effects on people individually as well as in the context of social and international relations. In terms of states, religion appears as a phenomenon that affects and determines the domestic and foreign policies of states. Especially in the 21st century, we see that religion has begun to affect international relations in various areas. Another area where International Relations has begun to establish relations in recent years has been religion. Especially when foreign policy decision-making processes are examined, it is seen that religious beliefs, religion-based organizations and non-governmental organizations are effective in the decision-making processes of state administrators. The issue of Islamic Sects, and Shi’ism in particular, has been a much-discussed phenomenon in recent years due to its global and regional effects. Along with the Persian perspective inherited from the Persian Empire, Shi'ism has significantly influenced and continues to influence the geopolitical and geocultural education of today's Iran. With its politicization, Shiism has become one of the factors that play an important role in the creation and preservation of Iran's national identity, perhaps the most important. In this context, Iranian Shiism, which creates a socio-cultural system different from other civilizations around it, has become the main determinant on the security and foreign policy of today's Iran by intertwining with Persian nationalism since the reign of Shah Ismail. Iran has influenced Shiite communities in various regions - the Middle East, Africa - Central Asia - through its Shiite proxies, or has worked to Shiite the promising masses in the political field. Iran also has an influence on Shiite Muslims in Europe. Its relationship with the Shiite communities here appears as an important element in Iran's relations with European countries in the context of foreign policy. Shiite activities in Germany are carried out through an association in Hamburg, where Iranian business people have been living for many years. The Islamic Center of Hamburg describes itself as the "case representative" of the Shiites in Europe, especially in Germany. The concentration of Shiites and organizations in Germany in a single center is entirely in line with Iran's aim of "uniting the Shiites of the world under its rule and spreading Shiism (the belief in velayat-e faqih) from a single center". Approximately 200,000 Shiites live in France. Ten associations and cultural centers, which have been identified as carrying out religious activities on the basis of Shiism, are active in the country on behalf of Iran. Shiites currently constitute 10% of the total number of Muslims in the UK. Persian community centers have been established in the UK since the 1980s. Iranian individuals have established associations in the UK in many fields such as trade, health, culture and religion. It is estimated that these associations aim to spread Shiism among Muslim communities in the UK. Iran is trying to be active in Europe through these groups and Shiism is an important element in its relations with Europe.

From Sanctions to the JCPOA: Russian Foreign Policy towards Iran

AbstractThe nuclear deal between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries is an important political event at the regional and even international levelsthat could overshadow Iran's relations with many governments. This event, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, is ahistorical agreement that has provoked many countries' reactions, especially the great powers of the international system. GivenRussia's direct presence in the Iranian nuclear case and its unique role as one of the five permanent members of the UN SecurityCouncil in proceeding with this case, this descriptive-analytical article examines Russia's policies and orientations towards the nuclear deal.The main question of this article is what approach has Russia taken to the Iran nuclear deal and what has been its orientation towardsIran in the post-JCPOA period and during the recent Vienna negotiations?While optimistic about the nuclear deal, it is hypothesized that Russia maintains its economic and political position and interests bothin Iran and in the regional and global arenas, with a pragmatic and cautious approach to bilateral and multilateral cooperation withIran, and therefore has developed its relations in various dimensions with that state.The theoretical foundations related to the foreign policy orientation of governments and economic sanctions will be first analyzedwithin this article, and then Russia's policy toward the Iranian nuclear deal and the factors influencing its formation will be examined.

Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An unfolding engagement

AbstractSince the ancient Persian empires, Iran has been the key local actor in the Persian Gulf. In the modern era in particular, it has been engaged in periodic struggles for power with the great powers in this region. Therefore, it would be crucial to ask how Iran would evaluate China's increasing engagement in the Persian Gulf, especially its close ties with Iran's archrivals. As history suggests, Iran's relations with great powers in the Persian Gulf, coupled with the dynamics of transition in the international system, may be the most critical factors shaping the Sino–Iranian relations in the Persian Gulf. These two factors shape the emerging Iranian perception of China's presence in the region in three areas. Geostrategically, Iran views China's increasing presence in the Persian Gulf as a new window of opportunity to alleviate its security dilemma. Although Iranian leaders have concerns about military cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia, they trust that China could be a new balancing force against the United States. In the geoeconomic sphere, Iran seeks cooperation with China in two areas to overcome its regional rivals, that is, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates: it wants to become China's number one trading partner in the region and participate as much as possible in China's energy security. Finally, in terms of connectivity and transit, Iranian leaders hope to define their zones of influence in Iraq and Syria as the main route for the Belt and Road Initiative.

Examines Iran-China Trade Relations: COVID-19 Challenges, Sanctions, and Positive Potentials

Article in English. In the field of international relations, governments use different tools to advance their national goals and interests, some of which are tangible and some of which are immaterial. In a way, these tools mainly indirectly affect the important interests of rival governments and cause them to change their behavior. At a time when the use of force in international relations has diminished or at least governments are more cautious in relying on this tool, the impact on sensitive areas has taken another form, which is a manifestation of sanctions. Sanctions imposed on Iran in recent years over its nuclear program have affected Iran's relations with other countries and thus its interests. Following the sanctions, Iran lost ties with many countries, especially European countries, and thus accelerated Iran's growing relations with China, especially in the fields of economy and trade. Therefore, in this paper, we investigated the positive capacity for cooperation between Iran and China and suggest seven effective criteria based on the objectives of this study.

Iran’s Look to the East Policy in the Framework of Bounded Rationality Model

Doğu’ya Bakış politikası; İran’ın, Batı ile yüzleşmek için Doğu ülkeleriyle ilişkilerini güçlendirmesini hedefleyen bir dış politika vizyonudur. İlk kez Cumhurbaşkanı Mahmud Ahmedinejad Dönemi’nde İran’ın maruz kaldığı yaptırım ve izolasyonu kırmak amacıyla uygulanmaya başlanmıştır. Ancak Hasan Ruhani’nin 2013 yılında cumhurbaşkanlığı görevine gelmesiyle birlikte izlediği Batı ile yapıcı angajman politikası kapsamında Doğu’ya Bakış politikasının Batı’yı dengeleme yönü ön plana çıkmıştır. ABD Başkanı Donald Trump’ın Mayıs 2018’de Kapsamlı Ortak Eylem Planı’ndan (KOEP, Nükleer Anlaşma) çekilerek İran’a karşı sert yaptırımlar uygulamasına istinaden İran dış politikasının yönü bir kez daha Doğu’ya dönmüştür. İran’da daha çok muhafazakâr cephe tarafından desteklenen Doğu’ya Bakış politikasının, İbrahim Reisi’nin Cumhurbaşkanı olmasıyla birlikte yeniden İran dış politikasında öne çıktığı görülmüştür. Ancak Reisi hükûmetinin uyguladığı şekliyle Doğu’ya Bakış politikası, çeşitli kısıtlama ve çıkmazlarla karşı karşıyadır. Bu makalenin amacı, söz konusu politikayı dış politika analizi modelleri arasında yeri olan sınırlı rasyonellik modeli perspektifinden değerlendirmek ve bu politikanın esasen mutlak bir rasyonel tercih olmadığını, dış politika karar alıcılarının sınırlı alternatifler arasından en uygun olanını seçmesiyle oluşan zorunlu ve kısıtlı bir tercih olduğunu ortaya koymaktır.

Fields and trade economic cooperation between Iran and Tajikistan after independence from the Soviet Union to the present

Trade between countries today plays an important role in international relations and is one of the indicators for measuring the level of development of countries. Some countries have even re-exported in order to have a good position in the world rankings. Iran's economic relations with Tajikistan have had ups and downs, and over the years many Iranian companies have been involved in development projects - dams - roads - tunnels ....Tajikistan. This article examines trade relations between the two countries after Tajikistan gained independence

Pragmatism of the Ideological State: Main Aspects of Armenian Policy of İran [İdeolojik Devletin Pragmatizmi: İran’ın Ermenistan Politikasının Ana Hatları

The South Caucasus region has become one of the important directions of Iran's foreign policy since 1991. Iran is closely interested in the processes taking place in the region. Because Iran is connected with the countries of the region by historical ties, neighborly relations and many common security interests. In the first years after the countries of the region regained their independence, analysts predicted that Iran would be able to establish closer ties with Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus. Such predictions were based on the fact that the Islamic Republic of Iran is a Muslim state and prefers an ideological approach to foreign policy. However, it soon became clear that Iran's foreign policy is undergoing a transformation. There are elements of the transition from idealism to pragmatism in the country's foreign policy. Contrary to expectations, Iran's relations with Christian Armenia began to develop better than Muslim Azerbaijan. The article examines the place of pragmatism in the foreign policy of Iran in the context relations with Armenia. At the same time, an analysis was made of the effectiveness of the idealist approach in the foreign policy of Armenia, as a secular state. The article proposes that, although the conceptual foundations of Iran's foreign policy are defined by the principles of idealism, they are pragmatic in their relations with Armenia.

Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)

The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.

Saddam Sonrası İran’ın Yeni Irak Politikası: Sosyolojik Dinamiklerden Politik Gerçeklere

Relations between Tehran and Baghdad, from the Baath Party's coup in 1968 to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, were neither neighborly nor normal. Therefore, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein can be considered as one of the turning points in the course of Iran-Iraq relations. With the invasion of Iraq by the US, Iran got rid of an enemy like Saddam, while Iraq quickly entered Iran's influence area. However, the US presence in Iraq has also caused serious security concerns for Iran. During this period, while Iran accelerated its nuclear program due to security concerns, it also maintained its priority of ending the US occupation in Iraq and withdrawing its troops. The new political environment that emerged in post-Saddam Iraq brought risks as well as opportunities for Iran. In addition to the historical and sectarian ties between the Iraqi Shiites and Iran, the search for external support in the power struggle in the country caused the Shiites to get closer to Tehran, while Iran's relations with the Kurds, with whom Iran had cooperated against Baghdad for many years, deteriorated relatively during this new period. While this study analyzes Iran’s relations with Shiites and Kurds, which are the main parameters of its policies towards Iraq, it also claimes that Iran has increased its effectiveness in Iraq with the Shiite population's increasing presence in the Iraqi administration, though local and regional dynamics will prevent Iran from continuing this activity for a longer period of time. Consequently, Iran's policies towards post-Saddam Iraq are analyzed in this context.

Iran's Policies Towards Kurds in Northern Iraq (KRG)

Regional geopolitical conditions shaped after the First World War enabled Iran to establish close relations with Iraqi Kurds. During this period, the relations between Iran, who wanted to protect its interests in the region against Iraq, and Iraqi Kurds who wanted to rule themselves, were shaped within the framework of Iran's general relations with the Baghdad administration.After the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, relations transformed. As a result of the fall of Saddam Hussein, Iran's priorities in the region have changed and the power in relations with Iraq has shifted from Kurds to Shiites. After 2007 Kurds began to develop relations with Western States, especially Turkey. This forced Iran to support Shiites even more in order to protect their interests in the region. While blocks were forming in the region, ISIL, which was a major threat to the region, emerged in 2014. Western powers supported the Iraqi Kurds against this organization that destroyed the security mechanism. The Erbil administration, which expanded its domain with support from the Western Bloc, decided to hold an independence referendum in 2017 and carried it out despite the difficulties. On the other hand, Iran hardened its policies towards the Kurds, and made some decisions in regard to sanctions. This study examines the change in Iran's policies towards the Iraqi Kurds.

Iran's Reconstruction Jihad—Rural Development and Regime Consolidation after 1979

Iran's Reconstruction Jihad—Rural Development and Regime Consolidation after 1979

The Role and Reason Why Armenians Were Selected as Iranian Businessmen During the Shah Abbas's Era

The main purpose of this paper is to examine the function of the Armenians merchant during the Safavid period. Shah Abbas turned to Armenian merchants to implement a silk monopoly policy. This approach also turned to Armenian personal and social experiences and characteristics. The abundance of silk production and its importance as export and strategic commodity, it has led to the adoption of its monopoly policy by Shah Abbas I. (1588-1629). (Falsafi, 77) Followed by the use of qualified Armenian merchants were implement this policy. Hence, it is a question of how the Armenian merchants played a role in the economy and politics of the Safavid. For a closer look at this role, after looking at the little silk collection bag, it has been tried to explain the reasons for the silk monopoly policy as well as the reasons for the use of Armenian businessmen as executors of this policy. Armenian merchants with their individual and group capabilities have been able to find new markets for Iranian silk in global markets. Accordingly, the study of the Armenian merchants shows that they not only affected Iran's foreign relations and foreign policy but also expanded foreign trade, increased imports of money and goods, the establishment of a balance in foreign trade and the economic situation the social business of the merchants also promoted silk work.

Peace or War? Intelligent Development of Iran Environmental Diplomacy

The issue of environment is one of the most important axes of a country's development, in other words, Sustainable development of a country is in its environmental group. Attention to the natural environment of the country, water resources, forests and pastures, protected areas and national parks, sensitive habitats. All of them is considered as a key component of a set of neighborhoods, regional and international sustainable development. Economic, industrial and social progress in the past few decades in Iran has caused the environment to be exploited beyond its resource capacity, an issue that left devastating consequences in this area. Iran's strategic position in the Middle East and the world and its financial, economic and political relations have made it more sensitive to environmental issues. Water issues with neighbors, Issues related to environmental pollution and resource constraints, import of various products, Chemical pollution, dust and fire in the eastern, southern and western part of the country, requires strong environmental diplomacy for the country. In this regard, Iran's relations with neighboring countries are the first priority. The main question is whether we are in an environmental war or we are at peace. The purpose of this study is to express multilateral environmental issues with neighbors and create a framework for environmental diplomacy in the country. In this regard, reviewing the process of environmental diplomacy in Iran and providing scientific and strategic frameworks can be a great way for Iran's future in the region.

Iran's regional relations after 2000 (Study in relation between Iran and Arab countries)

Relations between Iran and the Arab countries have seen a real fluctuations ranging from support, if not the coalition to tension limit the severance of diplomatic relations, and then the war, since the success of the Islamic revolution in Iran, and fears of the spread of Shiism, and export it to neighboring Arab countries, which are dominated by Sunnis. If the Iranian politics before the Islamic revolution has been characterized Bastbdadah Shah (Mohammad Reza Pahlavi), the leader of the pro-Western, this policy after the Islamic revolution had known Jdida.ovi turning point of this study to review these policies in the two pre-Revolution and Beyond two sections.

Main Characteristics of Bilateral Trade between Iran and South Korea: Focusing on Trade Diversification

Although bilateral trade between Iran and South Korea reached a maximum of more than 12 billion USD in 2017, the withdrawal of the US from the Iran nuclear deal on May 2018 and its new plans for re-imposing sanctions on Iran may affect Iran-Korea bilateral trade. This demonstrates how Iran's trade relations are somehow fragile against sanction, and due to this fact, the expansion of non-oil exports can be considered as a major goal of Iran's development plans in trade and business. In this regard, it is essential to identify prospective areas to enhance non-oil exports and diversify trade between Iran and its trading partners like South Korea. Hence, this paper explores the main characteristics of bilateral trade between Iran and South Korea with a special focus on trade diversification. The implication of this study is that lifting embargos is not as important as addressing the technology gap when it comes to diversifying Iran-Korea trade relations. A policy of deep cooperation in investment and technology transfer is recommended in this respect. This paper specifically suggests to develop a deep level of cooperation in the two countries' SME activities in order to reduce the existing technology gap and promote trade diversification.

Geo-Economic Explanation of Iran's Relations with Kazakhstan

Introduction and Background: The collapse of the Soviet :::::::::union::::::::: and the formation of new republics have further enhanced the geo-economic position of Iran in the region and the world. The Republic of Kazakhstan is enclosed in the land, and it needs short and reliable communication routes to open water for supplying diverse demands and supplying its oil and gas to world markets. The geostrategic position of Iran in the heart of the Middle East region is a valuable but potential reality that can create diverse geopolitical and geopolitical capacities and, as a result, increase national income, development and even security for the country. But the causes and factors such as the vacuum of power resulting from the collapse of the Soviet :::::::::union:::::::::, regional geopolitical rivalry, the important position of Iran near the intersection of Asia and Europe, the existence of large reserves of energy in the region and the desire of Central Asian countries to the presence of foreign powers, The presence of major powers in Central Asia has created serious barriers to Iran's more effective presence in the region. Aims: This article seeks to answer the question of what role Kazakhstan can play in the presence of Iran in Central Asia. Methodology: This applied research has been done by descriptive-analytical method and its data have been compiled by library method. By providing other statistics and other documents, Kazakhstan's geo-Kazakhstani weight in Central Asia and the role that can be played in facilitating penetration and presence Iran has estimated in the region. Conclusion: The result of the research shows that Kazakhstan plays a key role in geo-economic relations. Islamic Republic of Iran has Central Asia and can create the potential and potential for Iran to enter Central Asia.

Shiitskiy factor v otnosheniyakh arabskikh stran Persidskogo zaliva i Irana

The author studies the influence of the factor on the relations between Iran and the Gulf Arab countries. In most countries of the Persian Gulf, there are Shia communities that constitute a significant part of the population. After the Islamic revolution of 1979 relations between Iran and most Arab countries have become particularly tense. In the 1980s, the Gulf monarchies also became wary of exporting the Islamic revolution in their countries. This was due to the fact that, being inspired by the success of the co-religionists in Iran, the Arab Shiites became more involved in politics. It should be noted that the way the Arab Gulf countries treat the Shiites in the region is influenced by the fact that Iran and the Arab Gulf countries compete for political and economic predominance in the region. Often the Shia Muslims are discriminated by the authorities of the Arab countries, and are regarded as the so-called fifth column of Iran. In the author's opinion, the policy of oppression of the Shia Muslims in the Persian Gulf monarchies not only worsens the political situation in these countries, but also complicates relations with neighboring Iran. This policy is not constructive. Moreover, the mythical Iranian does not go to any comparison with the threat posed by the Islamic State. According to the author, although after the execution of the Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia at the beginning of 2016 Iran's relations with Arab countries became even more strained, the further escalation of the conflict is not in the interests of Iran. Especially now, at the initial stage of removing sanctions against Iran's nuclear program, the military operations against the Shiites in the Arab countries may slow down the process. As for Saudi Arabia, in the event of the outbreak of hostilities Riyadh may seriously damage relations with the United States. This is because Washington sees no benefits in involving Saudi Arabia, its biggest ally in the region, into another armed conflict in the region.

Linkage of Domestic and International Policies: Asian Experiences

Linkage of Domestic and International Policies: Asian Experiences

Iran's strategic penetration of Latin America

Iran's Strategic Penetration of Latin America Edited by Joseph M. Humire and Ilan Berman Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014 142 pages $75.00 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Iran's influence in Latin America and its national security implications have finally caught attention of US policy makers in Washington. This greater interaction would go unnoticed were it not for partnerships established between Iran and some of Latin American countries. Ahmadinejad's political goal was to establish a policy toward Latin America that was anti-American. As he has publicly stated, Tehran is pursuing a strategy that promotes its own ideology and influence in Latin America at Washington's expense. This foreign policy posture creates what late Hugo Chavez referred to as the axis of unity foreign policy against United States' imperialist foreign policy. In one of Ahmadinejad's many trips to Latin America in 2009, Chavez referred to him as a gladiator of anti-imperialist struggles. In Iran's Strategic 'Penetration of Patin America, Joseph M. Humire and Ilan Berman call our attention to what they consider to be most complex security challenge in Western Hemisphere today, which is how deeply Islamic Republic of Iran has penetrated internal affairs of Latin America and what it means from a foreign policy perspective to United States. The book is divided into fourteen chapters, each addressing Iran's relations with a specific country in Latin America. Within book authors focus on organization known as Bolivarian Alliance for Peoples of Our America (ALBA) founded by late Hugo Chavez. Humire and Berman argue Iran's expansion into areas not traditionally associated with its sphere of influence requires a global response since it represents an imminent threat to rest of world. America should play particular attention to Iran's expanding influence since most of Iran's diplomatic meddling is taking place in US's backyard. Iran's Latin American partners are part of so-called pink tide that came to power between years of 1998 and 2009. The pink tide nations are united by their strong contempt of Washington's policies and anti-American sentiment. Despite fact that pink tide did not have a clear-cut ideology, they were united in opposition to Washington Consensus, a laundry list of demands imposed by World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) and its economic policy toward region. An alliance between pink tide nations of Latin American and Iran represents an alternative to United States and its intrusive foreign policy dictates. The book highlights how Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Cuba, and Colombia have become pawns in Iranian chess game in its attempt to find an alternative to its economic and diplomatic isolation imposed by United States resulting from passage of Countering Iran in Western Hemisphere Act of 2012. Berman argues in chapter What Iran Wants in Americas, Iran's goal in Latin America is to build support in Americas for its diplomatic isolation as a rogue nation by establishing a presence in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Uruguay, and Venezuela. …