Intra-party Relations Research Articles

РОЛЬ КОММУНИСТИЧЕСКОЙ ПАРТИИ КИТАЯ В ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОМ УПРАВЛЕНИИ КИТАЙСКОЙ НАРОДНОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКИ

The article describes the role of the Chinese Communist Party in ensuring the political stability of the country. The authors note that in order to understand the specifics of the political system of the People's Republic of China, it is necessary to pay attention to the works of classical Chinese philosophers Confucius, Meng-tzu, Shang Yang. It is noted that the political system of China is quite specific. It includes a lot of different bodies, the main one of which is the Communist Party of China. According to the basic law of China-the Constitution, it is this party that is the force that directs and governs the entire life of the country. Getting party membership is a sure way to the top of your career, because in China they try to take party people to leadership positions. The article points out that intra-party relations are based on the ideas of hierarchy, paternalism, mass character. According to the Chinese, paternalism is manifested in the fact that the party tells the ordinary population whose interests they need to protect, as well as the fact that the party governs the country not on the basis of the universal free will of the people, but on the basis that only the party can know the real interests of the people. The principle of the mass line implies that the partapparat is in constant contact with the ordinary population. The task of party members is to accept ideas that come from the ordinary population to improve some issues, properly process them, and then present them to the population. The scope of the Chinese Communist Party is extremely wide, which is necessary to retain power. It is the party that puts people in leadership positions in the army, political authorities, and security agencies. The party also has a huge influence over the mass media that are published in China. It is important to note that officially the party is separated from the power structures, in practice it is not. As a rule, all the top people in the political life of China also hold high party positions. This makes it possible for the party to completely lead the political life of the state.

Are cartels going private? Italian parties’ organizational faces since the golden age of public financing

ABSTRACT Political finance is an important aspect of the study of how power is distributed among the organizational faces of political parties: the party on the ground (POG), the party in central office (PCO) and the party in public office (PPO). The end of the state finance era in Italy (between 2013 and 2017) may have affected intra-party relations, moving political actors towards the (re-)discovery of the financial potential of grassroots and volunteer support. This article contributes to the analysis of parties’ resilience since the party finance reform adopted in Italy in 2014. It focuses on the resources activated and used by different political actors seeking new ways to survive since the public financing regime was dismantled between 2013 and 2018. The impact of political financing reform should contribute to reshaping how power is distributed within parties: as the PPO becomes increasingly unimportant in providing financial resources, party organization is moving beyond the cartel party model.

Польська партійна система в період пострадянської модернізації

The current socio-political situation in the European region and in the world is characterized by profound and qualitative changes. The party system of the Republic of Poland is also undergoing significant transformations, objectively related, first, to the logic of the political party system in the country with the beginning of democratization in 1989-1990 and the functioning of political parties, on the other - to European features of political and party systems. For Ukraine, the experience of transformations and peculiarities of the development of the Polish party system is relevant and useful due to the similarity of political, economic, and socio-cultural situation at the beginning of the development of party systems and opportunities to adapt the Polish experience to Ukrainian realities. The object of research is Polish political parties, and the subject of research is the peculiarities of the transformation of the Polish party system. The chronological boundaries of the study cover the period from 1989-1990, when the country began the process of modernization of the party system, to 2019, when the last parliamentary elections took place in the country. The analysis of current publications related to political transformations in Europe and the problems of the Polish political party system shows an active academic discussion about the functioning of the Polish political party system and the factors influencing its functioning. As a result of our research, we have made a number of important conclusions. The transformation of the Polish party system took place in a cycle of modernization - the institutionalization of parties - return to power of the left parties - return to power of the right parties. Voters' sympathies for left-wing parties are explained by the social guarantees they promise to the electorate. The consequence of the institutionalization of the Polish party system is a tendency towards bipartisanship, at least the functioning of large, mass parties, as well as active party competition of political parties for power. The process of building a party system in post-communist Poland was a competition between communist and liberal-democratic forces. The dualistic principle of party division, which is based on the division into "left" and "right", was one of the reasons why the two most dominant political parties in Poland today are the «Civic Platform» and «Law and Justice». It has been established that today's Polish party system is in a cycle of sympathy for the right-wing forces. The victory of the political party "Law and Justice" in the 2015 and 2019 elections and the formation of a majority government, without coalitions with other political forces, led to the destruction of the relative political balance provided by coalition agreements between political parties. Also in the functioning of political parties was found widespread use of manipulative technologies: in intra-party relations, during election campaigns and community service.

Fracciones y relaciones intrapartidarias en el último gobierno neobatllista (1954-1956)

En 1954 el Partido Colorado gano las elecciones para la conformacion del Poder Ejecutivo colegiado y parlamentarias, con mayorias en el Parlamento. Sin embargo, Luis Batlle Berres —lider de la Lista 15, una de las fracciones coloradas batllistas— asumio la presidencia del Poder Ejecutivo colegiado en 1955, luego de una dura negociacion intrapartidaria para garantizar el apoyo en el Parlamento a la mayoria de su partido. A partir de un analisis de la formacion de este gobierno, se dialoga con la literatura que ha caracterizado las relaciones intra e interpartidarias en el proceso, a la vez que se reconstruye un momento historico clave para comprender la crisis del Uruguay batllista, dado que luego de este periodo de gobierno, en 1958, el Partido Colorado seria derrotado electoralmente por el Partido Nacional.

Отражение политической культуры социал-демократов Сибирского союза в публикациях второй половины 1930-х - 1950-х гг.

The article examines historiography of ideological positions and intra-party relations as phenomena of the Siberian social-democrats’ political culture before and during the First Russian Revolution. The author identifies conditions, peculiarities and contradictions of the historical science development in the USSR in the second half of the 1930s - the 1950s. Influence of these factors on the process of studying the Siberian social-democrats’ political culture is revealed. The paper considers why the Soviet historians of that period neglected the problem of opportunism in the Siberian social-democratic movement.

Towards Structuring and Updating the Typology of Semi-Presidentialism Based on the Peculiarities of Dualism, Party Affiliation and Responsibility of the Executives and the Composition of Legislatures

The article clarifies that the typology of semi-presidentialism, which outlines the real powers of political institutions and the peculiarities of relations among them in the triangle “president–prime minister/cabinet–parliament”, was initiated to place the institutions of president and prime minister in the environment of the distribution of powers and responsibilities in the executive and party composition of legislatures. Thus, it was recorded that semi-presidentialism can be represented in the form of the systems of both unified and divided government, as well as their variational derivatives. Accordingly, it was found that the functionality and dynamics of semi-presidentialism are dependent both on constitutional norms and political factors. Simultaneously, the study primarily focuses on the updated and expanded theorization of the typology of semi-presidentialism based on the peculiarities of dualism, party affiliation and responsibility of the executives and the composition of legislatures. As a result, it argues that semi-presidentialism (based on presidential party positioning against the types of cabinets and the parameters of inter-party and intra-party relations) should be typified on the fully or partly unified majority systems, fully or partly unified minority systems, divided majority systems and divided minority systems, which provide various political implications. In addition, the study shows that such a logic and construction of different types of semi-presidentialism is of utmost importance, since it allows to recognize the various effects and consequences of the analyzed system of government, including its prevalence and statistics, stability and conflicts, as well as correlations with different types of political regimes.
 Keywords: semi-presidentialism, system of government, dualism, party affiliation and responsibility of the executives, composition of legislature, unified and divided systems.

Theoretical Approaches to the Concept of Responsibility of Members of Political Parties and its Correlation with Legal Responsibility

The paper proposes the author’s understanding of responsibility of members of political parties provided by the political parties’ constitutions and other intraparty documents (intraparty responsibility). Also, the paper demarcates intraparty responsibility, legal and other types of social responsibility. It is concluded that the responsibility of members of political parties is a subspecies of social and statutory responsibility. The study has determined the tendency of convergence (diffusion) of internal party and legal responsibilities; the analysis has been carried out concerning perspectives of treating the responsibility of members of political parties as positive; the author substantiates the conclusion about the need to study intraparty responsibility exclusively in retrospective aspect. The author elucidates the thesis concerning expediency of enforcement of intra-party penalties as the subject matter of responsibility of members of political parties. Also, the basic properties of intra-party responsibility are revealed and analyzed. The study has investigated the influence of ambivalent nature of political parties and peculiarities of intra-party relations regarding the properties of responsibility of members of political parties.

Fight Clubs: Media Coverage of Party (Dis)unity and Citizens’ Selective Exposure to It

News media play a key role in communicating information about political parties to the American public. However, our understanding of how media depict relations between elites and the broader party coalitions remains limited. Moreover, while research suggests that forced exposure to such information can affect political attitudes, it remains unclear whether citizens are willing to selectively expose themselves to such communications. To address these two interrelated questions, this study first employs a content analysis to explore patterns in news coverage of inter- and intra-party relations throughout the Obama presidency. Next, two survey experiments investigate the degree to which such relations affect citizens’ self-exposure to such information. Taken together, the analyses uncover two important asymmetries. First, throughout Obama’s presidency, mass media depicted a Republican coalition virtually always against the president, yet substantial discord within the Democratic Party. Second, though partisans show no propensity to consume news depicting inparty unity (vs. disunity), both Republicans and Democrats exhibit a strong tendency to consume news stories depicting disunity in the outparty. Insofar as partisans’ self-exposure to such information is a necessary precondition for attitudinal and behavioral change, these findings have notable implications for how mass media stand to shape partisanship in the United States.

Mulheres, PCB e Feminismos: Disputas e tensões (1930-1937)

O artigo analisa a militância feminista de mulheres do Partido Comunista do Brasil, atualmente denominado Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) entre 1930 e 1937, bem como as relações estabelecidas com outros grupos feministas do período. A preocupação central é evidenciar a forma como as pecebistas concebiam a luta e as críticas que fizeram a outros grupos feministas. No início do século XX, tornou-se crescente o número de mulheres organizadas em prol de mudanças político-sociais para o gênero feminino. No período, surgiram organizações coletivas formais que lutaram por mais direitos para as mulheres, que costumamos chamar feministas. A luta pela emancipação feminina era permeada por tensões. Para as mulheres do PCB, o feminismo era entendido como um movimento “pequeno-burguês”, por isso, inadequado para as mulheres que estavam verdadeiramente preocupadas com a emancipação feminina. Não se assumir feminista não significava, necessariamente, falta de engajamento com as pautas comuns aos feminismos. Afora todas as tensões, a luta das mulheres dentro do PCB e as relações intrapartidárias também foram marcadas por tensões e contradições. Nesse sentido, o texto visa refletir sobre as diferentes formas de organização, tensões e contradições existentes nas lutas feministas na primeira metade do século XX, especialmente aquelas ligadas ao PCB.

Подолання олігархізації політичних партій як індикатор реалізації національних інтересів України.

The aim is to prove the link between the internal party organization, democratization and the realization of national interests.It is emphasized that the effectiveness of realization of national interests of the state depends on many factors. One of them is the activities of political parties and their influence on the political system’s development. Political parties are one of the main institutions in modern political systems. It is the parties that are called to serve as mechanisms for aggregation and articulation of the public interest, selforganization of the population, to be a specific link for the interaction of the state and society. But for an effective activity of a political party an adequate organizational structure is required that corresponds to the ideological principles, principles and functional purpose of a particular party.Considered signs of oligarchization by R. Michels: the emergence of leadership; the emergence of professional leadership and its stabilization; the formation of a bureaucracy, that is, a designated apparatus; centralization of power; reorientation of goals from finite to other; strengthening the ideological regime; the difference between the interests and the ideological position of the leaders and party members; reduction of the role of party members in decision-making; co-optation of leaders of the party opposition in the ranks of the current leadership; the orientation of the party in support of all voters, not their class. A comparative analysis of oligarchic and democratic tendencies within parties was conducted based on the criteria of the French scientist M. Duverger. The indicated essence and content of the category «the political parties architectonic management». The typology of intraparty relations is outlined on the basis of such criteria of classification as the nature of goals, means of their achievement, priorities of activity, incentives for unification and the nature of the social base. On the basis of intraparty relations, the types of political parties are analyzed according to the classification of domestic researchers.It is noted that democratic and oligarchic tendencies are strongly intertwined within parties, in particular Ukrainian ones. This is due to the transformation and modernization of the political regime, the lack of experience in effective party building and the need to combine party discipline and possible openness. The index of intraparty democratization proposed for use. Some recommendations for reducing the tendencies of intraparty oligarchization in the context of the national interests realization of Ukraine are given.

Party Institutionalization and the Removal of Presidential Term Limits in Latin America

An explanation of the recent wave of constitutional changes in favor of more permissive reelection rules in Latin America is presented based on a principal-agent model of intraparty relations within the presidential party. The theoretical model suggests causal mechanisms through which institutionalized presidential parties constrain the decision to scrap term limits. The theoretical implications are tested using both quantitative and qualitative evidence. Results from logistic regression suggest that the likelihood of removing term limits in Latin American countries (1990-2013) significantly declines with the level of presidential party institutionalization. Case study evidence illustrates the operation of the theoretically-derived causal mechanisms.

Inter- and intra-party relations in the formation of the Benkirane coalition governments in Morocco

This article analyses inter- and intra-party relations in the formation of coalition governments in Morocco after the elections held in November 2011, and presided over by Abdelilah Benkirane. Although coalition theory has been applied in democratic contexts, we consider that the study of government coalitions, and in particular of party relations, is also important in hybrid political systems, in which there is significant room for political competition and participation. The methodology of the study is principally based on interviews carried out with members of the Moroccan Government, among them the Head of Government, and also with leaders and members of the parties in the government coalition and in opposition. The comments of these actors are discussed with reference to the academic literature. The results of the research show that despite the limits on democracy in Morocco, there are important interactions between the political parties, which can be seen in the form of alliances, consensus building, the distribution of power, and splits. In this political manoeuvring, ideology plays a secondary role. The context of the Arab Spring does not affect the coalition building, even though the national interest is found in the parties' political discourse for justifying their entry to the government. Thus, the most significant aspect of participation in Government is the acquisition of power and party's strategic interests. Looking at internal party dynamics, we also see that internal factors affect decisions as to whether to participate in government or not. Lastly, despite the reforms carried out in the wake of the Arab Spring, Mohammed VI continues to exert his influence on the formation of the Government. Nevertheless, the parties participating in the government coalition show their acceptance of the current rules of the political system, in which a significant executive role is reserved for the Monarchy.

Multilevel relations in Japanese political parties at the beginning of the post-war period: Hokkaido as a case study

The recent political turmoil challenges one to study the function and form of the post-war Japanese political parties. The obvious differences in the spatial and temporal contexts do not change the fact that many of the organizational behavioral patterns that are topical in the analysis of the current situation can be found in the parties that were established during the erratic years following Japan’s defeat. With a focus on intra-party relations and on the multilayered institutional environment in which the political parties operate, this article focuses on Hokkaido, a region which analysts of Japanese political parties have often ignored. While demonstrating (a) the interconnectedness of different spheres in the political system, (b) the varying roles of central party organs in the development of local party branches, and (c) the personal relations prevailing over the official organizational channels, the analysis of the control and granting of autonomy pays special attention to the first gubernatorial elections in Hokkaido. This is because the electoral competitions and the creation of electoral products are recognized as moments when the relations between local branches and central leadership are defined.

The evolution, logics, variations and improving of the actual (political and behavioral) typology of semi- presidentialism: the organization and manifestations on the example of the European countries

Semi-presidentialism is a very common and heterogeneous system of government, since it can be typified both formally (institutionally and procedurally) and actually (politically and behaviorally), but the dynamics of semi-presidentialism is less dependent on institutional and constitutional normsthan on political and behavioral factors. These typological factors (in particular, the dualism, legitimacy, party affiliation and responsibility of the executive and the compositions of legislatures) create the grounds for the mediation of semi-presidentialism on the basis of political and behavioral models of the evaluation of norms and manifestations. Therefore, the study primarily focuses on the updated and expanded theorization of the actual (political and behavioral) typology of semi-presidentialism and on the practical consequences, risks and prospects for its operationalization within the framework of the European cases (from the moment of semi-presidentialism’s introduction and as of December 2017). As a result, it is argued that semi-presidentialism (based on a presidential party positioning against the types of cabinets and the parameters of inter-party and intra-party relations) should be alternatively typified on the fully or partly unified majority systems, fully or partly unified minority systems, divided majority systems and divided minority systems, which provide various political implications.

Activist–Leader Relations and the Structure of Political Parties: ‘Exchange’ Models and Vote-Seeking Behaviour in Parties

This article examines how party organization affects, and is itself affected by, the objectives pursued by parties in liberal democracies; it focuses on vote-seeking behaviour by parties. It argues that it is a mistake to model activist–leader relations in the past as having been primarily the product of particular kinds of ‘exchanges’ between leaders and activists in a party. Such models limit our understanding of intra-party relations in four important respects – by focusing exclusively on the idea of ‘exchange’ and not examining the role of ‘gifts’; by not considering the role of solidary incentives; by omitting an analysis of loyalty; and by not taking account of the role of habit. However, the article also argues that ‘exchange’ is becoming now a far more significant element in intra-party relations and that this development will constrain party leaders and influence the goals pursued by parties. Greater reliance on exchange between leaders and activists may lead to parties becoming generally more policy-seeking in their behaviour and also to their becoming less manageable than in the past.

Does Approval Voting Elect the Lowest Common Denominator?

damaged intra-party relations. In almost every campaign observed, campaign workers had developed a dislike for the other campaigns and candidates within their party. A Babbitt volunteer developed tremendous antipathy toward Dukakis, Gephardt, and Simon during his stay in New Hampshire. A Babbitt staffer complained that the Dukakis people had engaged in dirty tricks at the state Democratic convention. A Dole volunteer accused a Bush volunteer of tearing down Dole signs on election day. At Bush's election-night party, heard a Bush supporter call Dole a crybaby. Of course, General Haig's dislike for George Bush was evident throughout the campaign. Message: Finally, Pat Robertson had the firmest, most coherent message of any candidate. heard Robertson speak three times: to a small group in Laconia, to the students of Manchester Central High School (where he spoke solely on the INF treaty), and to a huge rally in Concord. At the Concord event, four signs were on the walls: Improve our schools, Restore family America first in defense, and No aid to Communists. Robertson was greeted by thunderous applause for a full minute, and was interrupted with standing ovations for around 30 seconds for speaking in favor of God, family values, and neighbors who care, for opposing abortion, world government, and Quadaffi, and for declaring I am a conservative, No deals against conservatives, No one has any hooks in me, and I'm riot a politician. At the Robertson office in Manchester, a picture of Ronald Reagan hung on the wall.

Intraparty Relations in Oregon

Intraparty Relations in Oregon