Interstate Relations Research Articles

THE FUTURE WAR AND THE STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENT OF THE SOUTH ATLANTIC: AN ANALYSIS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAZILIAN DEFENSE INDUSTRIAL BASE

This work aims to analyze the Future War, focusing on a scenario extending to 2039, and Brazil's interstate relations, with emphasis on the strategic environment of the South Atlantic, while observing classical geopolitical studies. Considering that the stability of the South Atlantic fundamentally depends on processes occurring on the western coast of Africa, this explains why Brazil's strategic environment extends to the other side of the Atlantic. This perspective also clarifies why Brazil contributes to the development of the African countries bordering the Atlantic Ocean. The study further extends its analysis to the Rio Grande Elevation Project. The entire context will serve as a foundation to examine the impacts on the development of the Brazilian Defense Industrial Base (BID). To carry out the research, the methodological approach is mixed: a qualitative perspective based on existing academic literature and field research, along with a quantitative structure, measuring data related to the BID and assessing the impacts of interstate relations on it. The direct result intended by this study is to produce new knowledge (scientific, doctrinal, and technological) in the field of defense through high-quality research, contributing to state policy. Indirectly, it aims to generate insights into Defense Studies and improve the decision-making process associated with the use of force, particularly as it relates to the BID.

Development of Economic Cooperation Between Russia and China in the Condition of New Geopolitical Threats and Challenges

The purpose of the study is to analyse the state and directions of development of foreign economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in conditions of growing macroeconomic instability. During the study, the following tasks were set and solved: the prerequisites for the formation and content of the global foreign economic initiative ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) were analysed (Belt and Road Initiative [BRI]), as well as Russia’s participation in the implementation of transnational infrastructure projects; the advantages and risks of implementing the strategic initiative ‘BRI’ for the state of the economy of Russia and China have been identified; an analysis of the dynamics of indicators of trade and economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China was carried out; the main directions of development of Russian–Chinese foreign economic relations have been identified. It was determined that the sanctions restrictions imposed on Russia by a number of unfriendly states confirmed the validity of the decision on the need to expand foreign economic contacts with China. Dynamics of indicators of trade, economic and investment cooperation between Russia and China in the period from 2013 to 2023 indicates the steady growth of its indicators and the mutually beneficial nature of interstate relations. The analysis showed that the prospects for trade and economic cooperation between Russia and China within the framework of the strategic initiative ‘OBOR’ are determined by the projected sustainable growth rates of macroeconomic indicators of the participating countries, as well as the effectiveness of foreign economic policy instruments.

Small but Salient: The Securitization of Ukraine’s Ethnic Hungarian Minority

Abstract This article analyzes the key factors behind the securitization of Ukraine’s small ethnic Hungarian minority in recent years and how they affect local interethnic as well as interstate relations. It draws on elite interviews conducted in the Ukrainian-Hungarian borderland, and other sources including speech acts. Four underlying factors were identified. The first two are Hungary’s kin-state aid and dual citizenship law, which have empowered Ukraine’s ethnic Hungarians, with the community appearing larger and potentially more threatening in the eyes of the majority population than its mere size justifies. The other two factors are Ukraine’s language policy and Transcarpathia’s future being subject of conspiracy theories in light of Russia’s invasion of eastern Ukraine, which have negatively affected interethnic ties, although somewhat less in the borderland than between Hungary and Ukraine at large. In Transcarpathia, our different informants had diverging perceptions of who is stirring tensions but agreed that actors from outside their region were to blame. Overall, what has emerged is a clash of Hungary’s kin-state politics and Ukraine’s nation-state-building efforts. The article ends with more general implications for kin- and host-state relations in times of conflict.

Westphalian System of International Relations: Formation Dynamics and Disintegration Factors

This article explores the formation and evolution of the system of international relations, asserting that the principles established by the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which marked the conclusion of the Thirty Years’ War, fundamentally transformed inter-state relations and laid the groundwork for the entire framework of international relations. The author conducts a comprehensive analysis of the core principles of the Westphalian system, identifying criteria and universal indicators of traditional state-centric international relations within this model. The study emphasizes the significance of examining the transformative processes within international relations, tracing subsequent variations from a state-centric to an institutionally-political framework. Each reconfiguration of the Westphalian system is described with attention to its temporal and spatial characteristics. The driving forces behind the genesis and functioning of all models of traditional inter-state relations are delineated. Furthermore, the research investigates the primary causes behind the disintegration of the Westphalian system, highlighting critical international political conditions that facilitate restructuring and the emergence of new systems. The author concludes that the system of international relations is transitioning into a qualitatively distinct phase, diverging from the traditional state-centric paradigm.

Impact of International Law Fragmentation on the Development of Integration Processes

This article analyzes the relationship between the phenomenon of fragmentation of international law and integration processes aimed the modern global transformations. Various approaches to understanding the fragmentation of international law are considered, including its causes, forms, and consequences. The article examines how fragmentation impacts the functioning of international integration entities, the development of interstate relations, and the effectiveness of international legal regulation. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of fragmentation as a conducive factor for the advancement of international integration and the establishment of specialized legal regimes within integration associations. Consequently, the degree of fragmentation in international law within established regions correlates with the level and depth of integration. In the current context, the fragmentation serves as a favorable element for participating states in fostering their integration interactions. In addition, international law functions as a crucial instrument for regulating these integration processes. The methodological foundation of this article comprises well-established general and specific methods of scientific research. The article’s purpose and objectives are to investigate the degree of influence and the nature of the interaction between the fragmentation of international law and modern international integration processes.

Three Interpretation Paths on Understanding Political Relations between Southeast Asian Kingdoms and China from the Mandala System’s Perspective

In the late 1960s, some scholars started using the constituent elements of the mandala system, the traditional interstate relations model in Southeast Asia, to explore the official relationship between China and Southeast Asian Kingdoms and gradually formed three interpretation paths. The first is to use the mandala in the geopolitical sense to locate bilateral political relations. The second is about how the political culture with the universal monarch as the core enables Southeast Asia monarchs to join the tribute system. The third focuses on the different understanding of tribute in Southeast Asian countries. They supplement or revise the traditional view that the tributary relationship between ancient China and Southeast Asian Kingdoms was political. However, these three interpretation paths have their limitations. The review shows that scholars ignore the universal kingship of Southeast Asian Kingdoms’ discourse system to China. The unilateral policy design and understanding could not convincingly interpret the unique political relationship formed by bilateral interaction. Therefore, the universal kingship claimed by the Chinese emperors and Southeast Asian Kingdoms monarchs must be examined. It should study how the centers of the mandala system smoothly transited between claiming universal kingship and pursuing equality in real politics. It also explores what diplomatic strategies could maintain the subjectivity of the monarchs of Chinese dynasties and Southeast Asian Kingdoms.

Position of Persia on the problem of «Russian transit» in the XVI–XVII centuries: a plot about Shirvan cities

The article attempts to consider the position of the Persian Safavid state on the question of using the territory of the Muscovy empire for the development of the European-Asian relations in the period of the XVI–XVII centuries with the use of the method of diachronic analysis and historical periodization. The aforementioned problem is studied as a separate aspect of scientific topics related to the place of the then Russia in the process of the European expansion into the countries of the East. The object of the analysis is the practical activities of the Persian administrations, which had both a direct and indirect relationship to the conventional topic of «Russian transit». Nowadays the experience of the comprehensive and conceptual study of this issue is absent not only in the domestic, but also in the foreign historical science. The specific subject of the study is related to the repeated promises of official Iran to transfer control over the largest centers of the historical region of Shirvan to the Russian tsars. The source base for this work was an array of diplomatic documents on the history of Russian-Persian interstate relations of the XVI–XVII centuries. These materials, in particular, reflected Moscow’s reaction to the Safavid proposals for territorial concessions. The scientific works of Russian-speaking and foreign specialists, including the largest representatives of classical and modern historical Iranian studies, were also used. The analysis made it possible to fit the diplomatic issue about the fate of the Shirvan cities into the context of the general problem of «Russian transit». It is hypothesized that the Persian government deliberately initiated this discussion taking into account the economic potential of the Volga-Caspian trade route. It is concluded that if the appropriate agreements between the two states were reached, the Russian empire could in the future produce a certain revolution in the intercontinental trade, especially in the silk market.

Normative and Security Challenges of Transborder Ethnic Kinship in Africa: The Case of Ethiopia

Abstract This article extends the study of securitization of cross-border ethnicity beyond its conventional European focus, by analyzing ongoing security challenges surrounding ethnic Somalis in Ethiopia and their relationship to neighboring Somalia. In methodological terms, it looks beyond the irredentist prism through which this case is usually considered, applying newer conceptual and normative frameworks on cross-border ethnicity developed in a European context and assessing their applicability to Africa. Applying Brubaker's “triadic nexus' concept to the Ethiopian case, I discuss how the conclusion of the Ethiopia-Somalia war and Somalia's collapse as an external kin state did not end the securitization of cross-border Somali kinship, but merely repackaged it in new forms. In this regard, the article highlights a continued need to ensure the human security of Somalis in Ethiopia by recognizing and accommodating them as a cross-border ethnic group. From the standpoint of contemporary norms on the regulation of minority issues in interstate relations, the federalization model adopted by Ethiopia after 1991 seems to provide a promising foundation. Thus far, however, the hegemonic nature of the federal project has failed to grant Somalis an appropriate measure of internal self-determination.

Особенности военно-технического сотрудничества России и Индии: динамика, риски и перспективы партнерства

This article analyzes the specifics of military-technical cooperation between Russia and India, as well as the dynamics, risks and prospects of the partnership in the first quarter of the twenty-first century. In their inter-state relations, the Russian Federation and the Republic of India adhere to the concept of a long-term privileged strategic partnership in the field of security and defense that dates back to the Cold War years. Despite high competition on the military equipment market and a significant increase in military-industrial capabilities in New Delhi, Moscow remains the main supplier of military products to India. The range of Russian military products is quite broad and includes a variety of weapons and equipment to meet the growing needs of India's army and navy. However, there are risks associated with the current dynamics of military-technical cooperation and the increasingly complex geopolitical situation in the region and the world. The article presents the main problems, threats and challenges to bilateral relations in the field of military-technical cooperation, which are associated with India's desire to diversify arms supplies, growth of political and economic risks caused by the sanctions policy against Russia from the collective West, changes in the intensity of geopolitical processes and increased competition from other military suppliers. In addition, prospects for future military-technical cooperation between the two countries are examined, including technological advances, opportunities related to India's Make-in-India program, and potential strategic areas of cooperation between Russian Federation and Republic of India, such as unmanned systems, cybersecurity, and joint research to develop more advanced weapons systems. The bottom line is thatproductive military-technical cooperation between Russia and India can be achieved in the future if a number of measures are taken, mostly related to eliminating risks and creating good conditions for both sides. Such measures could include expanding the boundaries of military-technical cooperation, ensuring mutually beneficial economic conditions, strengthening institutional ties, and bringing together scientific and technical experts in the field.

Analysis of demand for managerial and teaching staff (with knowledge of the Russian language) in the economy of the United Republic of Tanzania

The analysis and economic evaluation of the prerequisites of demand for Russian language teachers in the education system in Tanzania show the Russian and Tanzanian interstate projects growth, which require not only political and legal, but also educational support. The activities of domestic structures (Rossotrudnichestvo, Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation, and business structures) in Tanzania create economic prerequisites for demand for the Russian language in the country’s economy. Considering the increased level of interstate relations between the two states, due to the changes in Russia’s foreign policy course, it is possible to predict increasing demand for specialists in the field of Russian language, as well as knowledge of the language as a competitive advantage in Tanzania’s labor market. As a result of the analysis of the presence or planned presence of the structures associated with Russia, it is advisable to open centers for Russian language teachers training in the administrative districts of Tanzania, such as Zanzibar, Kigoma, Pemba, Rukwa, Mbeya, Arusha, and Mwanza. In these administrative units the interaction between the two countries is carried out or is planned, which will lead to an increase in demand for specialists speaking the Russian language, whose training is carried out as part of the main professional activity by Russian language teachers from among locally trained specialists.

взаимодействие внутригосударственного и международного права в Таджикистане в условиях глобализации и мировых вызовов

The interaction of international and domestic law being a central issue of legal doctrine and practice has always attracted the attention of legal scholars, which indicated the relevance of its study both within the framework of international and national legal systems. The relevance of their interaction is doubly increased when, in the conditions of international legal crisis and conflicts, the influence of international law on interstate relations is minimized, and politicians, diplomats, scientists and the world community in general began to doubt its legal effectiveness in regulating international relations. In modern conditions in the process of interaction between international and domestic law, the state begins to proceed from national interests and primarily in the regulation of social relations began to rely on national legal systems. Hence, there is a need to reconsider the forms and mechanisms of interaction between international and domestic law, which were formulated in the middle of the last century and as it seems to us are no longer able to regulate the new social relations of not only the new century, but the new millennium.

An Examination of The Alliance System and Its Effective Attraction in Conducting Modern Diplomacy

The quest to maintain a balance in interstate relations, achieve collective security, and mutual support in case of war led to the formation or the emergence of the alliance system. As such, the alliance system was an unsteady and delicate system of interstate relation which started in Europe during the period of the evolution of state formation roughly between 1500 and early 1900. Although the alliance system sometimes prevent war, it was used most times to tilt the balance of power in favour of the allies. Consequently, the alliance system began to define several activities in the world ranging from economic, social, political, to cultural life. Attempts have been made to examine the alliance system and its effective attraction in conducting modern diplomacy. The study was carried out with the aid of secondary sources and internet materials. The result of the findings in this study shows that the main idea underpinning the alliance system was collective security for it was believed that since all the major European powers had strong allies, a major war could not break out since an attack on one power would lead to a counterattack not only by that country, but their allies. The paper concludes that the alliance system has had an effective attraction in conducting modern diplomacy.

Beyond Borders A New Analysis of External Challenges of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor

A new Global Order is emerging, along with new (re)alignments taking place in interstate relations between Pakistan and China towards the eastern camp. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project is US$62 billion, and it will combat persistent instability, leverage Pakistan's strategic location, build economic development zones, support social infrastructure, and address Pakistan's energy deficit. CPEC will give China another entry point into the Indian Ocean through the Gwadar Port in Balochistan and Pakistan, which will provide a massive opportunity to improve its dire economic situation. However, to make the CPEC a successful reality, the state of Pakistan must confront and overcome a number of difficulties. Pakistan is clearly moving away from geostrategic concerns and towards geo-economics cooperation, emphasizing solid relationships with key regional players. Conversely, the CPEC has faced considerable international scrutiny and criticism since its launch in 2013. However, both countries face external challenges, both regional and global. This article aims to analyze the external challenges that Pakistan has been facing since the beginning of the CPEC and its economic lifeline. Pakistan is trying to balance relations with its neighboring countries and balance the power, which can resolve the external challenges of CPEC.

The origins of Russophobia: on the issue of social and political culture of interstate relations

The article examines the concept and implementation of the principle of «Russophobia» as a type of socio-cultural intolerance. The relevance of addressing this topic is justified by the modern realities of the socio-political confrontation of Western countries in relation to Russia. Particular attention is paid to the causes of Russophobia and the main trends in its manifestation in the modern world. The research was carried out using the method of socio-historical analysis, the epistemological method of analyzing literary, journalistic and scientific sources. The research examines concepts formed in different periods of history that comprehend this phenomenon. Based on reflections on Russophobia by authoritative Russian philosophers, writers and publicists, it has been proved that the Russophobic narrative, starting from the 16th century, became a stable ideological trend reflecting the expansionist interests of Western elites. As Russia strengthened on the world stage, Russophobia intensified. The ideological «crusade» against Orthodox Rus' was launched by European travelers of the 17th-19th centuries, who created a negative image of our country in the Western world. Currently, the countries of the united West have declared a «sacred war» against Russia. A powerful propaganda campaign was launched, directed against Russia and everything Russian. The authors of the article give a moral and ethical assessment of the sociopolitical processes of a new surge of Russophobia in modern conditions. It is suggested that in the current conditions it is necessary to carry out an open international fight against Russophobia and create a system of our own channels of influence in the Western information space, as well as counteract internal Russophobia using cultural and educational methods.

Современные российско-филиппинские отношения: вызовы и возможности

This article is devoted to the main areas of cooperation between Russia and the Philippines in the present.It discusses the prerequisites for the development of bilateral relations along with the results of interaction in the spheres of interstate relations, economy, security, culture over the past decade and a half. The article also examines the problematic aspects of bilateral relations, reflects the impact of the American factor on the nature of Russian Philippine interaction, primarily in the context of strengthening of the US military and political presence in the Western Pacific and the involvement of the Philippines in the policy of containing China. The paper presents proposals and arguments regarding the rapprochement between Russia and the Philippines, indicating the reasons that may affect the establishment of stable relations between the two countries. The methodological basis of the work is the analysis ofthe research findings of both Russian and international scholars, as well as materials and documents that are available on the topic of research.

The Evolution of Mediation in International Conflicts from 1940s to 2020s

The article analyzes the evolution of international mediation from the middle of the 20th century to the present day. How do changes in international environment influence mediation and research on it? The paper’s hypothesis is that the transformation of international order and political organization of the world, the dynamics of (de)globalization and changes in the nature of international conflict determine the specifics of international mediation and shape the relevant research. Over the last 80 years international mediation evolved through three stages. During the first stage, shaped by the cold war, conflicts were mostly of interstate nature and were settled by states and international organizations. Meanwhile, the growing activity of non-state actors led to the emergence of mediation via “track II diplomacy”. At this stage, the study of international mediation becomes an established research area. The second stage, since the end of 1980s to the beginning of the 21st century, witnessed a rapid progress in the settlement of many protracted regional conflicts, aided by the mediation efforts of the USSR and the United States. In Russia, research on international mediation, previously fragmentary and legalistic, developed into a separate subfield of international studies. During the third stage, in the 21st century, the political organization of the world has been undergoing a turbulent transformation at all the three levels: Westphalian system, the system of interstate relations, and political systems of individual states. The all-encompassing nature of this change increases conflict potential and changes the nature of international conflicts, which become multidimensional and involve a variety of actors. Responding to the demand for managing complex conflicts, new trends in mediation emerge, such as the growth in mediation attempts by developing nations, engagement of peacekeeping missions in mediation, the use of digital technologies for mediation purposes. At the same time, the erosion of the old political organization of the world triggers the rise in identity-based conflicts that involve disagreement over values. As parties to such conflicts are less likely to seek interestbased compromises, the likelihood of successful mediation decreases.

ANALISIS GEOGRAFI POLITIK FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMPENGARUHI KEBIJAKAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN ANTAR- NEGARA

The aim of this research is to find out what factors can influence political policies and relations between countries within the scope of political geography. The method used in this research is literature study and descriptive qualitative. The results of this research found that geographic and political factors influence political policies and inter-state relations, and understanding how the geographic and political environment influences state structure, political policies, and inter-state interactions is crucial in making more accurate predictions and create more effective political policies.

Foreign Policy of Germany towards Kazakhstan

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a large number of newly formed states appeared on the geopolitical map of the world, some of which are located in Central Asia. As one of the largest and most influential countries in Europe, Germany sought to establish strong economic, political and cultural ties with these countries. The author pays attention to the stages of development of bilateral relations from the early 90s to the present.Aim. The aim of this study is to identify key aspects of German foreign policy in the region, focusing on relations with Kazakhstan.Tasks. Study the main stages of the development of diplomatic relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Identify the current state of relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Explore possible expansion of economic ties and prospects for future cooperation. Show the importance of studying the foreign policy of Germany in relation to Kazakhstan for the Russian Federation.Methods. The research methodology is based on historical analysis, which helped to identify the stages of development of international relations between the two states. The comparative analysis defines the differences in the foreign policy line of Germany towards Kazakhstan at different stages. Regular summit meetings were the objects of event analysis.Results. By examining historical context, economic partnerships, and geopolitical considerations, it is possible to investigate the dynamics shaping German engagement in Central Asia.Conclusions. The genesis of the development of interstate relations was the collapse of the USSR, which served to form sovereign states in the post-Soviet space. The development of bilateral relations is characterized by several stages: some of them were characterized by stagnation, others, by an increase in the attention of Germany to Kazakhstan. The beginning of 2022 served to intensify Germany’s foreign policy in the region. At the present stage, Germany uses a multi-pronged approach that includes diplomatic, economic, cultural and educational components. Germany’s foreign policy in the region is aimed at protecting its national interests. Secondly, the partnership with Kazakhstan is a symbol of Germany’s shared foreign policy goals, emphasizing the importance of cooperation, dialogue and joint development efforts in the heart of Eurasia.

Historicising the unchanging face of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Thrust from 1960 to 2015

Foreign policy is a tool. It is a means to an end, but not the end itself. What a nation gets from foreign policy on the international scene is dependent on its skill in negotiating, applying force and bargaining appropriately. In Nigeria for instance, foreign policy is seen as definitional or doctrine, and as such, using foreign policy thrust to advance the wellbeing of the country remains problematic. Since independence, the guiding principle of Nigeria’s foreign policy thrust has remained a reflection of its perception of the international political system. A constant feature that has remained central to Nigeria’s foreign relations posture has been Africa, with pre-occupations concerning fighting colonialism, then obnoxious apartheid policy in South Africa and the discrimination of black peoples in the African continent and elsewhere in the world. Nigeria’s foreign policy like those of countries all over the world is geared towards attaining the foreign policy objectives of the country’s leadership and its teeming population. Unfortunately, this expectation by the judgement of many informed Nigerians is yet to be fully achieved. The Nigerian Federal Government has often been accused of Big Brotherism and a Father Christmas outlook with little or no reciprocity. It must be noted that states relate globally in the conduct of inter-state relations. In this relationship, the international system provides a potent stage and theatre for Nigeria to come up with defined goals and collective concerns. Despite its clear goals and strong points, there is still a general feeling that Nigeria’s foreign policy plank is punching below its expected weight. Between 1960 and 2015, different foreign policy thrusts have been adopted with little or no reasonable result. This paper therefore examines the various foreign policy thrusts adopted from 1960 to 2015. And attempt to identify reasons why each of these Foreign Policy Planks could not live up to expectation, bring out why each of these foreign policy plank could not live up to expectations. Historical methods will be used in the collection and collation of data.

CPEC As a Game Changer for Pakistan: A Critical Analysis

There is a shift in the global order and a realignment of interstate relations occurring, with Pakistan firmly positioned to move towards the eastern camp, led by China. The tilt is through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which offers China another entry point into the Indian Ocean through the Gwadar Port in Balochistan and tremendous prospects for Pakistan to improve its ailing economic situation. To make the CPEC a successful reality, the state of Pakistan must, nevertheless, confront and overcome a number of difficulties. With the Gwadar Port, the CPEC gives China access to another opening in the Indian Ocean and presents Pakistan with a wealth of commercial options to alleviate its financial hardship. It proposes to upgrade Pakistan's infrastructure and increase connection both inside the area and outside, connecting the Middle East, Europe, and Africa with the Chinese province of Xinjiang. Pakistan is clearly moving away from geostrategic concerns and towards geo-economics cooperation, emphasizing solid relationships with key regional players. Conversely, the CPEC has faced considerable international scrutiny and criticism since its launch in 2013. Close friendship exists between China and Pakistan. And the world sees this China-Pakistan economic corridor as unique because, for the first time, the focus of their relationship and devotion has moved from geopolitical to geo-economics issues. The fact that this endeavor benefits both nations equally and is not biased towards either is, however, of paramount importance.