Interregional Organizations Research Articles

Закордонний досвід стимулювання та вирівнювання регіонального розвитку

decades. The need to effectively build relations with the regions, which is facing not only national governments but also the supranational institutions created by them, was noted.It is determined that regional issues require a comprehensive study, given that the experience of such interactions can be used to some extent in Ukraine. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to study the foreign experience of stimulating and equalizing regional development, the role of integration processes in the formation of regional science,identified the main forms of interregional cooperation within the EU, namely the association “Euroregion”, working communities and interregional organizations and identified the main problems that arise in improving the management system of regions in the context of equalization of their development. Results. This research showsthat the relevance of regional issues (as well as the degree of activity of the regions) is different in the EU member states, the contribution of the regions of different countries to the development of regional movement is asymmetric.It was noted that the initiation of structural policy and EU funding has given impetus to the economic development of the regions, strengthening their financial position.This paper researched the main forms of interregional cooperation within the EU - associations such as “Euroregion”, working communities and interregional organizations, identified their main differences.It has been proven that interregional associations of various types contribute to the creation of consolidated interest and its promotion among national governments and supranational institutions of the EU. It is determined that in their development the organizations of interregional cooperation are guided by two strategies - firstly, it is investment in the development of skills of members, which will later bring dividends in the form of additional profits, and secondly - the impact on institutions in order to change the existing rules of the game in the European economic arena. The basic principles of activity of regional associations are defined. The change of mechanisms of realization of EU regional policy is noted, namely transition to regionalization of management and transfer of functions and resources to the lowest territorial level of management.The most important directions of modern regional policy of developed countries aimed at modernization of the economy are considered. Conclusions. This research shows that the role of regions in the political system of Europe has increased significantly in recent years.Considering the role of regions in cooperation with all decision-making bodies (both national and supranational), we can conclude that the regions have taken their own niche in the political system of the European Union, which resulted in the emergence of a new theoretical approach that characterizes the system of government in the EU – «multilevel governance».The paper identifies the conditions under which Ukraine can use the European experience of regional development.

Rwanda - Burundi: Political Dialogue as a Method of Achieving Agreement

The article analyzes the problem associated with the deterioration of relations between Rwanda and Burundi, which, according to various resources, are due to Rwanda’s interference in the internal affairs of Burundi. Special attention is paid to the role of political dialogue in the search for agreement between the two states. Thus, relations deteriorated further after the Bujumbura regime accused Rwanda of involvement in destabilizing the Bujumbura regime as a result of an attempt to support and arm Burundian refugees fleeing Burundi after the failed coup on May 13, 2015, committed against Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza. Rwanda also accuses Burundi of supporting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). This diplomatic crisis requires a regional effort to bring both countries to the negotiating table. In this way, the role of interregional organizations, especially the East African Community (EAC), is more significant in order to encourage both countries to engage in dialogue, taking into account that current diplomacy requires multilateralism to discuss and solve the problem. Political dialogue will help relieve tensions and remedy the situation. However, historical, cultural and linguistic rapprochement, are the basic prerequisites that allow both countries to come to their senses and coexist peacefully. The current situation between Burundi and Rwanda is a time bomb, which poses a threat to the security, political and socio-economic stability of the entire Great Lacs region of Africa. For this, regional communities must ensure that Member States respect the principle of good neighborliness and peaceful coexistence, all in the interest of preventing the risk of any conflict and ensuring geopolitical stability.

GUIDELINES FOR ACTION AT THE REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL LEVEL

International co-operation among governmental and non-governmental, regional and interregional organizations can play a very important role in supporting the move towards inclusive schools. Based on past experience in this area, international organizations, intergovernmental and non-governmental as well as bilateral donor agencies, could consider joining forces in implementing the following strategic approaches. Technical assistance should be directed to strategic fields of intervention with a multiplier effect, especially in developing countries. One important task for international co-operation is to support the launching of pilot projects aimed at trying out new approaches and at capacity building.

Современные тенденции развития и совершенствования судебной процедуры экстрадиции лиц, совершивших преступления террористического характера, посредством ее унификации

The article considers the modern trends of development of mechanisms of regulation of international relations on the example of the judicial extradition procedure of persons who have committed crimes of a terrorist nature, which is one of the key instruments to counter international terrorism. So, the author identified the harmonization of the national legislation of the EU Member States as the main trend as well as in other interregional organizations. A typical example is the European arrest warrant (EAW), introduced by the Framework decision “On the European arrest warrant and the surrender procedures between EU Member States” of 2002. The author analyzed the regulatory counter-terrorism documents of the main interregional organisations and came to conclusion that harmonization of national legislations on issues of legal support of the extradition of persons who have committed the terrorist crimes, is a really necessary measure to ensure international cooperation between different States, including at the level of law enforcement, in matters of anti-terrorist activities. In addition, the article provides relevant examples from law enforcement practices relating to extraterritorial terrorist activities. The author analyzed the motivations of the State to unify their national legislations on improving the effectiveness of legal measures to counter international terrorism.

Achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (2016-2030): International Legal Dimension

Background/Objectives: In 2015 the international community adopted a new agenda for sustainable development for the period of 2016–2030- Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In the article, authors critically analyzed some of SDGs. Methods: The article used scientific methodological approach, which facilitates to determine the whole canvas of the research, identify the main aspects and concepts of the study. The research used scientific methods of cognition, i.e., dialectics, analysis, and synthesis, the method of generalization and system-structural method. The article also practiced special methods of science such as legal and technical, historical and forecasting methods. Findings: In this article, the authors critically analyze the SDGs with a view to determine problematic aspects of their implementation in the field of human rights protection, environmental protection, disaster risk reduction and management of migration and suggest ways to overcome these obstacles. Authors made many recommendations in these spheres. At the present stage, in the framework of global efforts aimed at the implementation of the SDGs, it is important to pay more attention to the mechanisms for monitoring the achievement of the goals. In this sense, a compliance review at the level of inter-regional, regional and sub-regional organizations can make a significant contribution and provide diversified, reliable and proven tools to assess progress in achieving the SDGs. Such reviews will identify regional trends, causes of problems, and similarities; they will facilitate the exchange of best practices, lessons learned and development of solutions and measures of mutual support at the global level, taking into account specific regional and sub-regional needs. Application/Improvements: The results could be used by UN bodies, inter-regional, regional and sub-regional organizations, ministers of States and other relevant stakeholders, which implements SDGs.

Interregional Organizations (IROs) in Europe: New Subjects

Interregional organizations appeared in international relations and consequently in international law quite recently. The development of technology in the previous decades enabled not only the public and private law subjects including individuals from different States to co-operate directly across the States’ borders, but in the same time it led to the enlargement of the scope of international issues that central governments have been faced with. This situation has resulted in the co-operation on the sub-State, i.e. inter-regional level i.e. between regions and other sub-State entities from different States. Such a process resulted in creation of numerous interrregional organizations, particularly in Europe. Nowadays, these organizations already participate in international legal relations with States and other subjects of public international law. For these reasons, the topic of this paper is an analysis of some aspects of international legal personality that might be achieved by these organizations.

Interregional Organizations (IROs) in Europe: New Subjects

Interregional organizations appeared in international relations and consequently in international law quite recently. The development of technology in the previous decades enabled not only the public and private law subjects including individuals from different States to co-operate directly across the States’ borders, but in the same time it led to the enlargement of the scope of international issues that central governments have been faced with. This situation has resulted in the co-operation on the sub-State, i.e. inter-regional level i.e. between regions and other sub-State entities from different States. Such a process resulted in creation of numerous interrregional organizations, particularly in Europe. Nowadays, these organizations already participate in international legal relations with States and other subjects of public international law. For these reasons, the topic of this paper is an analysis of some aspects of international legal personality that might be achieved by these organizations.

Democratic governance at times of crisis: rebuilding our communities and building on our citizens

Crises have opened avenues to change and have often shown the way to progress and reform. Examples abound world-wide. Crises have proved beneficial when citizens and governments have taken pains to explore the lessons they may yield and listen to the messages that they contain. The goal in this article is to open a debate which sheds some light on the sources of our current deep malaise and tries to make some sense of the direction which international agencies, and governments at large, would be advised to follow. This article represents the outgrowth of the experience of years of public service on both the national level and, since January 2009, at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Though it does not pretend and should not be construed to represent the views of the UNDP on major global issues, it inevitably reflects the fruit of long hours of work on its behalf, in several parts of the world. Unlike some other inter-regional organizations, the UNDP encompasses all Member States in its remit. For obvious reasons, however, its workaday operations are more directly related to the concerns of developing countries. In democratic governance, which is a major area of UNDP activity, the countries and the regions that are currently undergoing a rapid course of change stand out for consideration. The author of this article has been intensely involved in consultations over this process. Accordingly, what follows reflects, to some extent, the sum of this experience. It happens that my watch has seen years of deep crises, both natural and man-made. Indeed, some of these crises have also demonstrated the measure and the progress of globalization. Events in one part of the world were soon replicated in others. Thus, the uprising in Tunisia soon spread to Libya and Egypt. The financial meltdown, which began in the US, in September 2008, has already migrated to Europe and has not stopped there. In the words of Timothy Geithner, the American Treasury Secretary, addressing the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum in Hawaii, in November 2011, ‘We are all directly affected by the crisis in Europe’ ( New York Times, 2011c: A7). Though so far its effects have not been evenly felt across the board, this and other crises have shown that the countries that fared better and have been better able to weather the storm but also reap the benefits that come with globalization, were those whose state authorities and local government structures displayed a higher degree of competence, preparedness, commitment and professionalism.

European Interregional Organizations: Lobbying Through the EU Institutions

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Philippines and South Asian Relations

Foreign policy of a country is an important aspect to let the international community know where the country stands on various issues. Through foreign relations, economic and social development is achieved, gaining more friends than foes. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's Third Reality - The international Islamic Community will continue to be important for the Philippines; and the Fourth Reality - The growing importance of Multilateral and inter-regional organizations to promote common interests; should be pursued at all times. At these crucial times, the Philippines needs to further strengthen its relations with South Asian countries since it's the region of emerging economic giant. The country could gain support on various aspects with good ties with the numerous states. Trade could be a surplus agenda in this ever dynamic growing region of the world.

Law Without Links: Re-Locating International Economic Law within the Sphere of Law and Society

This article argues that, in order to understand economic now and in the future, it is necessary to relocate it squarely within rather than as a subgroup at best, or an almost separate entity at worst. The reason for this argument is the author's belief that attempts to create or define economic as occupying a separate space in relationship to ignore the intertwined nature of these areas of law, threatening to undermine their ability to work in tandem - and with other areas of - to create an overarching legal regime. In this article, the term international economic law is given an expansive meaning and incorporates trade, commerce, and other matters that indirectly affect these laws in the context - such as customs and tariffs practices. In this article, the term international economic law includes actions, policies and decisions made by organizations involved in trade and commerce law, as well as its regulation. It also includes the actions, policies and decisions made by regional and inter-regional organizations, as well as regional banks, because of the abilities of these entities to affect and be affected by the system. While this definition of economic is inherently reflective of public principles, it does embrace private concerns as well.In order to explain the legal and societal pillars upon which this argument is founded, Part II examines the historical evolution of contact for trade and commerce. It establishes a symbiotic relationship between - and the social/political views it expressed - and commercial activities that were regulated by formal and informal between state actors and their citizens. In this Part, the point will be made that, although important to and economic law, the 1944 Bretton Woods agreement, and the system that grew out of it, should not be regarded as the birthplace of economic law, as is so often the case in teaching and writing on economic law. After reviewing this evolution, Part III examines the state of economic-related organizations and trade agreements since World War II. The organizations studied are grouped into the categories of organizations, inter-regional organizations, regional organizations, and regional banks. Although some of these organizations are not truly international, their actions and decisions have an impact on the system. What emerges from this study is that, with few exceptions, every organization discussed exists for reasons beyond the sole focus of economic law. The lessons of Parts II and III combine to form the arguments in Part IV. This Part argues that the relationship between economic and is of such symbiosis that they must be located in the same sphere in order for each to make sense for state and society alike. Once this relocation occurs, one can then reexamine the idea of linking economic with other areas of law, such as human rights and environmental law. A holistic view of the history of economic and makes it clear that connections between other areas of already exist and that, as such, there is no need to them. Part IV goes on to argue that, when freed from the need to link these and other related areas of law, each area of - and itself - is allowed to serve its full and complete role for and society.

Sectoral Versus Territorial Regional Planning and Development in Norway

New regional policies in Norway and many other countries try to empower their regions through creating a balance between central governing with emphasis on redistribution of activities and resources, and local mobilization with emphasis on self reliance, innovation and learning by doing. In Norway municipalities and counties have for a long period had this double function, but we now see that the vertical policy of implementing national welfare policy has grown and become dominant. As a consequence, the horizontal policy of social mobilization has been neglected, and has to some extent been taken over by inter-municipal and interregional organizations. Normally, these organizations are in practice organized as regional development agencies. They seem to be vulnerable political institutions that seek legitimacy from--and need acceptance and support from--both territorial and sectoral governments. The regional planning process is regarded as an important tool in their political institution building process. In this paper I want to explain how regional planning and institution building in Norway in practice have moved towards a two-parallel system.

The Rise of Election Monitoring: The Role of Domestic Observers

The Rise of Election MonitoringThe Role of Domestic Observers Neil Nevitte (bio) and Santiago A. Canton (bio) The 1980s and 1990s will be remembered as remarkable decades of political change. Citizens in country after country have turned their backs on oppressive regimes and embraced more open governments and more transparent electoral processes. Free and fair elections are important benchmarks in the democratic life of a country. Thus elections in transitional democracies attract international attention for a combination of good reasons: they not only constitute a litmus test of a regime’s devotion to a variety of democratic values and procedural norms, but also provide critical opportunities for voters to weaken or break the grip of authoritarian governments. Indeed, such international organizations as the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) have long-standing traditions of active involvement in such elections— mounting observer missions, supplying and training observers, providing technical and logistical support, and rendering judgment as to whether a particular election qualifies as “free, fair, and transparent.” 1 The last decade or so has seen at least two important developments in election monitoring. First, election observations have become far more sophisticated, and their scope has expanded to encompass a far wider array of activities than before. The roles of the media, political parties, and election commissions are coming under closer and more systematic scrutiny. Increasing attention is being paid to the accuracy of voter-registration lists, and audits of electoral registries have become the norm rather than the exception. Electoral laws as well as campaign rules are now evaluated in far greater detail than ever before. [End Page 47] As in the past, the presence of observers at polling stations remains the centerpiece of most observation efforts. But there have been significant changes in how observers are deployed, in what they are asked to do, in what they report, and in how those reports are analyzed. These shifts reflect both a greater appreciation of the importance of environmental factors in shaping electoral competition and a keener understanding of the need for more systematic evaluation of the quality of the electoral process. The establishment of benchmarks has improved observers’ ability to evaluate the adequacy of a host of election-day activities, including the opening and closing of polling stations, the performance of polling-station officials and party agents, procedures for securing ballot boxes, voter-identification protocols, the management of unregistered voters, and the counting and reporting of votes. Greater precision in the documentation of violations and the development of more sensitive indicators for evaluating the electoral climate surrounding polling stations have been accompanied by refinements in the quantitative tools available to monitors. Parallel vote tabulations, or “quick counts,” have become faster and more accurate as a result of more finely honed statistical-sampling procedures, better technology, improvements in observer training, and refinements in analytical approach. Such counts are now routine. 2 Thus election monitors now have at their disposal observation instruments that are more wide-ranging and more discriminating than ever before—and hence more powerful. And as election monitoring has become more systematic, observers have become increasingly adept at developing and deploying multiple strategies for detecting, and deterring, the subtler efforts at electoral manipulation and theft. 3 The second important development has been the shift in the identity of the key agents who organize election-monitoring activities. Election observation was once almost the exclusive domain of international and interregional organizations. In the last ten years, however, there has been a surge of interest among domestic groups in mounting observation efforts in their own countries. Internationally driven election observations, such as those undertaken by the UN and the OAS, rely primarily on the resources, personnel, and accumulated expertise of the international community. In the increasingly popular “domestically driven” observation efforts, typically mounted by civic organizations or networks of domestic nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), domestic groups provide the organizational infrastructure and logistical support for the observation; recruit and train observers; and gather, communicate, and analyze the qualitative and quantitative data essential to the systematic evaluation of transitional elections. Perhaps most important, domestic groups themselves make the final determination as to whether an election is “free and fair” and then relay...