International Trade Union Confederation Research Articles

Country of Origin of Medical Products and Risk of Labour Rights Abuse: A Cross-Sectional Analysis Using Four Procurement Datasets.

Background Case studies have highlighted labour rights abuse in the manufacture of several healthcare products, but little is known about the scale of the problem or the specific products involved. We aimed to quantify and compare the overall and product-specific risks of labour rights abuse in the manufacture of healthcare products supplied to high-income settings using multiple datasets on the product country of origin (COO). Methods Public procurement data from South-Eastern Norway (n=23,972 products) were compared to datasets from three other high-income settings: procurement data from Cambridge University Hospitals, trade data from UN Comtrade, and registry data from the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA). In each dataset, the product COO was matched to the International Trade Union Confederation risk rating for labour abuse and deemed high-risk when rated 4, 5, or 5+. Results In the Norway data, 55.4%of products by value had a COO declared, 49.1% of which mapped as high-risk of labour rights abuses. COO was identified for 70/100 products in the Cambridge data, with COO matching high-risk at 59.9% by value. The level of risk for specific medical product categories varied between the Norway, US FDA, and UN Comtrade datasets, but those with higher proportional risk included medical/surgical gloves and electrosurgical products. Conclusion Evidence of high-risk of labour rights abuse in the manufacture of healthcare products present in these data indicates a likely high level of risk across the sector. There is an urgent need for global legislative and political reform, with a particular focus on supply chain transparency as a key mechanism for tackling this issue.

23Committee on Freedom of Association (cfa) of the International Labor Organization (ilo): Complaint against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No 3184, Interim Report – Report No 397, March 2022

23Committee on Freedom of Association (cfa) of the International Labor Organization (ilo): Complaint against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No 3184, Interim Report – Report No 397, March 2022

Legal regulation of the status of a teacher in international acts and legislation of foreign countries

The article is devoted to the analysis of the legislative regulation of the status of a teacher in various legal systems and international law. In particular, universal and regional specialized acts in the field of fixing the status of a teacher and his social guarantees, as well as the features of such regulation in some foreign legal systems are considered. The author in his scientific study analyzes the international acts of the United Nations, the International Labor Organization, UNESCO in the field of registration of the teacher's status. Particular attention is paid to the countries whose education systems occupy leading positions in the ranking of countries: Finland, China. The Finnish education system occupies a leading position in terms of the level of school education, the experience of which is analyzed by the world educational community as a “Finnish phenomenon”. A scientific study of the teacher's status was carried out using data from international ratings, such as the Global Teacher Status Index, PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment). The author focuses on the activities of independent professional associations for the protection of teachers' rights in foreign countries and their role in strengthening the status, providing social guarantees, and protecting rights. A critical analysis of the principles of the activities of the Kazakhstan Branch Trade Union of Educational and Scientific Workers for compliance with its generally accepted standards of the International Trade Union Confederation has been carried out. The article assesses the law of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On the status of a teacher” from the position of compliance not only with international law standards, but also with the requirements of modernity

Green jobs as an ethical alternative to achieve a low carbon economy

The world has increasingly demanded work alternatives that allow the combination of human capacities and potentials aimed at sustainable development and the decarbonization of business activities. Elaborated as a sustainable alternative, finding environmental protection and raising decent work, Green Jobs emerges as an ethical solution supporting a low carbon economy. Initiatives by global entities such as the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), the International Labor Organization (ILO), the International Employers' Organization (IOE) and the International Trade Union Confederation (CSI), present elements that are essential for the discussions and the articulation between contemporary concepts, in order to direct sustainable economic progress and social well-being. Therefore, the present work has shown initiatives that are moving towards a transition to a low carbon economy, based on economic activities that favor decarbonization, with a focus on the renewable energy sector in Brazil. The research method is characterized as qualitative with documentary procedure. As a result, the potential generation of green jobs stands out, especially in emerging countries, highlighting the possibilities of it to this sector in the Brazilian context. It was concluded that economic activities based on the green economy can generate new forms of production intended towards sustainable development, covering more dimensions than just the environmental one

COP 26, a Just Transition, trade unions and a movement of movements

COP 26, a Just Transition, trade unions and a movement of movements Declan Owens (bio) Chico Mendes was a Brazilian rubber tapper, trade union leader and environmentalist. He fought to preserve the Amazon rainforest and advocated for the human rights of Brazilian peasants and indigenous peoples. He was assassinated by a rancher on 22 December 1988. He coined the memorable phrase that, 'Ecology without class struggle is just gardening'. When the international trade union movement mobilised ahead of and during COP 26 in pursuit of its goal to achieve a Just Transition it sought to ensure that there was more than a mass gardening exercise in Glasgow. This sentiment was reflected and reinforced in the growing 'movement of movements', which aligned trade unionists with environmental NGOs and community groups, as demonstrated during the successful events held by the COP26 Coalition in Glasgow. Environmentalists joined the GMB pickets in Glasgow and GMB members even provided Greta Thunberg with a 'human shield' as she passed through the streets of Glasgow on the Global Day of Action on 6 November 2020. I was present at events in Glasgow and there was a tangible sense of progress and hope amongst trade unionists and environmental activists despite the failures of their governments. Just Transition The International Trade Union Confederation set up its Just Transition Centre in 2016 in the aftermath of its success in securing the ILO Guidelines for a Just Transition towards Environmentally Sustainable Economies and Societies for All (2015) and reference to the term, 'Just Transition' within the Preamble to the Paris Agreement, which stated that its provisions were formulated, Taking into account the imperatives of a just transition of the workforce and the creation of decent work and quality jobs in accordance with nationally defined development priorities … The phrase 'Just Transition' itself was coined in the US trade union movement by Tony Mazzocchi, leader of the Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers union (OCAW), who worked to bring trade unionists into the 'ban-the-bomb' peace movement, alongside a campaign to protect atomic workers in the transition to nuclear disarmament. He served as Vice President of the OCAW from 1977 to 1988, and as secretary-treasurer from 1988 to 1991. 'Just Transition' has been watered down as a concept by its co-option by some corporate interests and it is important that trade unionists retain a focus on the principles behind the adoption of the term and fight for its implementation. The COP 26 Coalition In the run up to COP26 it was clearer than ever that global problems need global solutions as anticipated by the International Trade Union Confederation and others, such as Trade Unions for Energy Democracy. The decisions made at COP26 will continue to shape how governments respond (or not) to the climate crisis. Their decisions determine who is to be sacrificed, who will escape and who will make a profit. The COP26 Coalition was a UK-based civil society coalition of groups and individuals mobilising around climate justice during COP26. It brought together movements from across the world to build power for system change for climate justice-indigenous movements, frontline communities, trade unions, racial justice groups, youth strikers, landworkers, peasants, NGOs, grassroots community campaigns, feminist movements, faith groups. Therefore, the COP 26 Coalition put indigenous, frontline and Global South communities front and centre of their campaign and extensively platformed them at their People's Assembly, a parallel series of meetings and workshops where there was an 'inside and outside' strategy to link activists with negotiators at the COP. As trade unionists know in relation to inadequate laws protecting workers in the workplace on health and safety issues, governments have done too little too late to address climate change and its impact on workers. Governments have colluded with corporations, hiding behind green washed 'solutions' that do not exist yet, that do not address the scale of the problem, and in many cases rely on more exploitation of people and the planet. Trade unions have long recognised that justice will not be handed to workers by world leaders or delivered by corporations. Only workers and communities can imagine and build the future that works for all of us. Trade unionists know...

11 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association, Complaint against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No 3184, Interim Report – Report No 392, October 2020

11 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association, Complaint against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No 3184, Interim Report – Report No 392, October 2020

Workplace performance: a sustainable approach

AbstractOrganisations face major disruptions and transformative change as a result of developments in the contexts in which they operate and the COVID‐19 crisis. These dramatic changes highlight the need to reassess the emphasis on financial and economic outcomes at the national and organisational level. International organisations recognise the urgency of explicitly acknowledging a variety of performance outcomes as ends in themselves. Organisations need to be seen as meeting the needs of a number of stakeholders who have varying interests. There could be tensions between the desired outcomes in the financial, social and human, and ecological areas. These tensions need to be managed in a number of ways. Movement towards a broader range of performance outcomes also requires a long‐term view, acknowledgement of the Sustainable Development Goals and International Labour Organisation Declarations and Initiatives, and International Trade Union Confederation recommendations. Processes of dialogue between stakeholders are essential. Human resource management (HRM) activities can contribute to these performance outcomes through a Sustainable HRM approach.

Qatar: The strange case of Malcolm Bidali

12 | International Union Rights | 28/2 OPINION | DEFENDING THE RIGHTS OF LABOUR ACTIVISTS Qatar: The strange case of Malcolm Bidali Last summer, the international trade union movement was celebrating the news from Qatar. The country which is slated to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup had come under enormous pressure to respect the rights of workers, especially migrant workers, who were getting the country ready for such a high profile event. The headline on the website of the Brussels-based International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) could not have been more gushing: ‘A new dawn for migrant workers in Qatar’. The article went on to say that ‘new laws adopted today by the State of Qatar are a game changer in the protection of workers’ rights’. And just to be clear: the focus was on the rights of migrant workers. The ITUC’s general secretary was quoted as saying that ‘these changes are a break with the past and offer a future for migrant workers in Qatar underpinned by laws which respect workers, along with grievance and remedy systems’. But events in recent weeks in the gulf state have raised questions about how much has really changed. On 4 May, Qatari security services arrested a 28year -old Kenyan man employed as a security guard by GSS. His name is Malcolm Bidali and at first no one would confirm that he was being held and under what charge. Bidali has become known in recent months as an outspoken proponent of migrant workers’ rights in Qatar, writing regularly — under a pseudonym — for various blogs, but also speaking publicly at events. A few days after his disappearance, a number of global civil society organisations stepped forward demanding to know his whereabouts. These included Migrant-Rights.org, FairSquare, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre. No unions were in the group sending that message. The Qatari government was forced to confirm that Bidali was being held on the charge of violating Qatar’s security laws and regulations. Several days later, on 21 May, one of the global union federations — UNI Global Union — which represents security guards, announced that it had sent a letter to the Qatari government. UNI demanded Bidali’s immediate and unconditional release. ‘We believe that Mr. Bidali is imprisoned for his documentation of inhumane housing and working conditions, such as crowding ten people into a room, gruelling schedules, and cuts to income’, wrote Christy Hoffman, UNI’s General Secretary. Finally, a few days ago, word got out that Bidali had been released. But the threat of imprisonment still hangs over him. According to the Qatari government, Bidali was ‘formally charged with offences related to payments received by a foreign agent for the creation and distribution of disinformation within the State of Qatar’. As in similar cases in other countries, the message being sent by the Qatari government could not be clearer: the arrest of Malcolm Bidali, who spent nearly a month in solitary confinement, was designed to strike fear into the hearts of any other migrant workers in Qatar. It’s great that organisations like Amnesty International put pressure on the Qatari regime to release Bidali. But — with the notable exception of UNI — where were the unions? The last reference to Qatar on the website of the ITUC is from August last year, hailing the ‘new dawn for migrant workers’ in the country. Migrant workers are workers, and they have the same rights as all workers — including the right to speak out about their working conditions and their lack of rights. Even if they are not formally members of a registered trade union, they deserve the support of trade unionists everywhere. The ITUC, as well as the International Labour Organisation (ILO) have been involved in a yearslong dialogue with the Qatari regime. Having invested so much in that dialogue, perhaps they hesitated to speak out publicly on behalf of Malcolm Bidali. Whatever their reason, at a time when groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty came to the defence of this brave young workers’ rights defender, the main institutions of the global labour movement were nowhere to be seen. It’s great that organisations like Amnesty International put...

Qatar: The strange case of Malcolm Bidali

12 | International Union Rights | 28/2 OPINION | DEFENDING THE RIGHTS OF LABOUR ACTIVISTS Qatar: The strange case of Malcolm Bidali Last summer, the international trade union movement was celebrating the news from Qatar. The country which is slated to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup had come under enormous pressure to respect the rights of workers, especially migrant workers, who were getting the country ready for such a high profile event. The headline on the website of the Brussels-based International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) could not have been more gushing: ‘A new dawn for migrant workers in Qatar’. The article went on to say that ‘new laws adopted today by the State of Qatar are a game changer in the protection of workers’ rights’. And just to be clear: the focus was on the rights of migrant workers. The ITUC’s general secretary was quoted as saying that ‘these changes are a break with the past and offer a future for migrant workers in Qatar underpinned by laws which respect workers, along with grievance and remedy systems’. But events in recent weeks in the gulf state have raised questions about how much has really changed. On 4 May, Qatari security services arrested a 28year -old Kenyan man employed as a security guard by GSS. His name is Malcolm Bidali and at first no one would confirm that he was being held and under what charge. Bidali has become known in recent months as an outspoken proponent of migrant workers’ rights in Qatar, writing regularly — under a pseudonym — for various blogs, but also speaking publicly at events. A few days after his disappearance, a number of global civil society organisations stepped forward demanding to know his whereabouts. These included Migrant-Rights.org, FairSquare, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre. No unions were in the group sending that message. The Qatari government was forced to confirm that Bidali was being held on the charge of violating Qatar’s security laws and regulations. Several days later, on 21 May, one of the global union federations — UNI Global Union — which represents security guards, announced that it had sent a letter to the Qatari government. UNI demanded Bidali’s immediate and unconditional release. ‘We believe that Mr. Bidali is imprisoned for his documentation of inhumane housing and working conditions, such as crowding ten people into a room, gruelling schedules, and cuts to income’, wrote Christy Hoffman, UNI’s General Secretary. Finally, a few days ago, word got out that Bidali had been released. But the threat of imprisonment still hangs over him. According to the Qatari government, Bidali was ‘formally charged with offences related to payments received by a foreign agent for the creation and distribution of disinformation within the State of Qatar’. As in similar cases in other countries, the message being sent by the Qatari government could not be clearer: the arrest of Malcolm Bidali, who spent nearly a month in solitary confinement, was designed to strike fear into the hearts of any other migrant workers in Qatar. It’s great that organisations like Amnesty International put pressure on the Qatari regime to release Bidali. But — with the notable exception of UNI — where were the unions? The last reference to Qatar on the website of the ITUC is from August last year, hailing the ‘new dawn for migrant workers’ in the country. Migrant workers are workers, and they have the same rights as all workers — including the right to speak out about their working conditions and their lack of rights. Even if they are not formally members of a registered trade union, they deserve the support of trade unionists everywhere. The ITUC, as well as the International Labour Organisation (ILO) have been involved in a yearslong dialogue with the Qatari regime. Having invested so much in that dialogue, perhaps they hesitated to speak out publicly on behalf of Malcolm Bidali. Whatever their reason, at a time when groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty came to the defence of this brave young workers’ rights defender, the main institutions of the global labour movement were nowhere to be seen. It’s great that organisations like Amnesty International put...

Oinarrizko errenta eta ekonomia sozial eta solidarioa

The basic income, understood as universal and unconditional, is a measure that requires differentiation from other conditional incomes, such as the new minimum living income approved by the Spanish government, since they are sometimes confused. After explaining its concept, I will explain the benefits it brings, given that in itself, as a concept, it allows for the elimination of situations of poverty; it automatically implies a significant reduction in the inequality of the distribution of wealth; it eliminates the poverty trap, which occurs in many conditional incomes; it favours the improvement of employment conditions; it makes it possible for women to be more autonomous; and, it does not stigmatise the recipients. Furthermore, I will include some of the latest statements that prove that basic income is a measure that is currently in use. Later, I will relate basic income and the social and solidarity economy, stressing the need for a distribution of employment and how basic income would contribute to the proliferation of social and solidarity economy enterprises. I will end with some conclusions, where I endorse what the International Trade Union Confederation has said.

Multi-level Disputes Relating to Freedom of Association and the Right to Strike: Transnational Systems, Actors and Resources

This article examines disputes regarding the connection between freedom of association and the right to strike, occurring at multiple levels, within international, regional and national legal orders. It focuses on the period from 2007 to 2019, when a challenge was made to norms longestablished at the International Labour Organization (ILO) that was subsequently continued in European and national court proceedings. These events raised the potential for normative fragmentation and conflict between legal systems. This article interrogates the roles played by two key actors in these processes: the International Organization of Employers (IOE) and the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). Drawing on sociological insights into collective action offered by Offe and Wiesenthal, transposed to the transnational level, an analysis is offered of the power dynamics that motivated IOE attempts to alter the content and influence of ILO norms, alongside the scope for ITUC resistance, given its resources.

WHO Knew. How the World Health Organization (WHO) Became a Dangerous Interloper on Workplace Health and Safety and COVID-19

The World Health Organization's (WHO) workplace health and safety guidelines on COVID-19 are unacceptably complacent in parts, patently dangerous in others, and contain serious gaps. Omissions include no mention of the essential role of labor inspection and enforcement, and a lack of recognition of potential interactions with other workplace hazards. WHO also omitted discussion of the necessity for wider employment protections to make safety and safe behavior a realistic prospect. Potential risks in outdoor work and the need to address the impact of job segregation related to inequalities in health outcomes are also absent. WHO's advice influences national practice, official guidance, and binding rules.The International Trade Union Confederation has assessed the flaws in WHO's arguments and has prepared a critique so they are understood and can be challenged.

12 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No 3184, Interim Report - Report No 391, October 2019

12 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No 3184, Interim Report - Report No 391, October 2019

Where Help Is Needed Most? Explaining Reporting Strategies of the International Trade Union Confederation

How do international non-governmental organizations select countries for naming and shaming? I argue that three focal actors influence non-governmental organizations’ shaming decisions: inter-governmental organizations, governments, and non-governmental organization members. Moreover, drawing on existing research, non-governmental organizations might respond differently to focal actors’ preferences, by either targeting states that have been criticized by focal actors or, alternatively, targeting those who have escaped their scrutiny. To test these propositions, the article conducts multiple interviews and gathers original data on shaming within the International Trade Union Confederation during period 1991–2011. The main findings are threefold. First, focal actors, except governments, have a significant influence on International Trade Union Confederation shaming. The members’ preferences regarding which states should be singled out have the strongest impact. Second, the International Trade Union Confederation is likely to adopt a bandwagoning strategy by shaming states that have been targeted by focal actors, rather than focusing on states that have escaped their criticism. Third, as a result of the bandwagoning approach, the International Trade Union Confederation mainly targets states with poor labor rights conditions.

3 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint against the Government of Bangladesh Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No. 3263, Interim Report, Report No. 388, March 2019

3 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint against the Government of Bangladesh Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc), Case No. 3263, Interim Report, Report No. 388, March 2019

A Renewed Call for a Robust Labor and Human Rights Agenda

Research Article| March 01 2020 A Renewed Call for a Robust Labor and Human Rights Agenda Cathy Feingold Cathy Feingold CATHY FEINGOLD is a leading advocate on global workers’ rights issues. As director of the AFL-CIO’s International Department, Feingold is a committed and passionate advocate, strategic campaigner, and policy expert. In 2018, Feingold was elected deputy president of the International Trade Union Confederation, the organization representing 200 million unionized workers worldwide. She has more than twenty years of experience in trade and global economic policy, and worker, human, and women’s rights issues. Her work in both global and grassroots fora reflect her commitment to strengthening the voice of working people in global policy debates. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Labor (2020) 17 (1): 113–121. https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7962864 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter Email Permissions Search Site Citation Cathy Feingold; A Renewed Call for a Robust Labor and Human Rights Agenda. Labor 1 March 2020; 17 (1): 113–121. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7962864 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter Books & JournalsAll JournalsLabor Search Advanced Search In his recent book Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World, Samuel Moyn argues that the modern human rights movement has failed to challenge the neoliberal economic model and the growing economic inequality of the past decades. His thesis underscores tensions that have existed between a human rights movement that has focused mostly on addressing individual civil and political rights versus the conceptions of collective economic and social rights proposed by unions and allied labor rights organizations. While some traditional human rights organizations continue to argue that social justice remains outside their mandate, other smaller human rights organizations are shifting resources to increase their work on economic rights and strengthen transnational partnerships between human, labor, women’s, and social rights movements that challenge the current economic model and call for new economic rules that promote the well-being of workers and... Copyright © 2020 Labor and Working-Class History Association2020 You do not currently have access to this content.

En el laberinto de la violencia: los sindicatos en la guerra civil colombiana

En ningún otro país del mundo los sindicatos han sido golpeados tan duramente por la violencia física en las últimas décadas como en Colombia. Entre 1977 y 2015, más de 3000 miembros fueron asesinados. Incluso mayor fue el número de personas secuestradas, amenazadas de muerte, detenidas ilegalmente, expulsadas o sometidas a otros actos de violencia (ENS/Sinderh 2015).La Confederación Sindical Internacional (CSI) ha etiquetado a Colombia como uno de los “Peores países del mundo para los trabajadores”. Este documento aborda la pregunta en qué medida la guerra civil colombiana y la tremenda violencia física contra los sindicalistas en Colombia están conectadas. En resumen, esto plantea dos preguntas. En primer lugar, ¿en qué medida la violencia puede explicarse por la dinámica del conflicto dentro de las relaciones laborales colectivas? En segundo lugar, ¿puede la violencia contra los sindicalistas remontarse a la violencia general, derivada de los conflictos sociales?

11 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint Against the Government of the Republic of Korea Presented by – the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc) – the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (kctu) and – the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (fktu), Case No. 3238, report in which the Committee Requests to be Kept Informed of Developments – Report No.

11 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint Against the Government of the Republic of Korea Presented by – the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc) – the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (kctu) and – the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (fktu), Case No. 3238, report in which the Committee Requests to be Kept Informed of Developments – Report No.

12 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint Against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc) Case No. 3184 – INTERIM REPORT No. 383, 8 November 2017

12 ilo Committee on Freedom of Association: Complaint Against the Government of China Presented by the International Trade Union Confederation (ituc) Case No. 3184 – INTERIM REPORT No. 383, 8 November 2017

Australian workers' climate action: Constraints and opportunities

10 | International Union Rights | 26/4 FOCUS | CLIMATE CHANGE & TRADE UNIONS Australian workers’ climate action: Constraints and opportunities Workers’ voice in the development of climate change strategies is both necessary for implementation and a right. At the workplace workers may exercise this voice collectively through union or non-union forms of representation. They may also act politically to influence government policy. In Australia all these forms of worker voice over climate change are evident, notwithstanding major political constraints. The Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) The national peak union body has played a policy leadership role since 1991, when it adopted a policy advocating regulatory action to reduce greenhouse gases and government leadership in international negotiations over climate change. In 1992 it published a policy booklet emphasising the importance of workers and unions becoming active in the transition process to a carbon neutral economy, since they would bear many of the costs and much of the responsibility for implementing changes, highlighting the associated issues of employment, industry development and social equity. In 2007 the ACTU linked climate change with creation of decent jobs and raising living standards. It also created a subcommittee on climate change and jobs, providing website resources for union climate activists. The ACTU has also developed climate action coalitions with other community and business groups. In 1993 the ACTU and Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) established a program promoting ‘green jobs’, funded by the federal Labor government. In 2008 they produced a report predicting that, with the right policy settings, substantial numbers of new jobs could be created by 2030, and launched Union Climate Connectors, an accessible online forum providing training and resources for union members. The ACF joined the ACTU and other community and business organisations in the Southern Cross Climate Coalition to promote a policy of a targeted economic stimulus and ‘green jobs’ growth in the wake of the global financial crisis. Additionally the ACTU participated in International Trade Union Confederation and ILO activities to develop ‘just transition’ policy and gain acceptance for unions as stakeholders in the Conferences of the Parties of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Just transition links sustainable development with rights at work, decent work, green jobs and social protection. This policy includes a role for participation by workers and unions in developing climate mitigation policy and practices through social dialogue at the national level and collective bargaining at sectoral and workplace levels. Union divisions The concept of ‘just transition’ has varied in emphasis between unions, largely reflecting different employment circumstances for the industries of their membership. The Amalgamated Manufacturing Workers’ Union (AMWU) has advocated carbon pricing, state assistance for industry development, income support for displaced workers and inclusion of environmental policies in collective enterprise bargaining agreements (EBAs). However, the Australian Workers’ Union (AWU) supports compensation and protection for highly pollutive industries such as mining, with its support for climate action dependent on no job losses. The Construction, Forestry, Maritime, Mining and Energy Union (CFMMEU) is internally divided: Its Forestry Division has opposed policies to mitigate climate change, whilst the Mining and Energy Division has supported such policies. Yet, in the 2019 federal elections when the Liberal/National Party Coalition promised to support new coalmines in the state of Queensland, CFMMEU mining members helped the Coalition win marginal seats and re-election to government. Some of the most proactive unions for climate action are in the education and public administration sectors. The most prominent example is the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU), which has developed a range of strategies, including creation of university workplace environmental committees, bargaining for environmental clauses in EBAs, and reduction of its own energy usage. Political environment The current political environment denies the critical elements for just transition: strong climate policy and opportunities for significant workers’ voice. The Labor governments of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard prioritised climate action, culminating in the 2011 carbon price. However a concerted anticarbon price campaign by business and the Liberal/ National Coalition helped the latter to victory in 2013, leading to the abolition of carbon pricing and substantial winding back of climate policy. The government’s expressly pro-carbon, anti-climate action political stance recently led the Prime Minister to speculate...