International Security Assistance Force Mission Research Articles

Role-theoretic discourse analysis of German security policy: a case of German parliamentary debate on the mission in Afghanistan.

This article combines linguistic discourse analysis with role theory to create a role-theoretic discourse analysis framework for German security policy. To illustrate this, we employ topos analysis on 30 plenary minutes of parliamentary debates regarding the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan, conducted by German Members of Parliament between 2001 and 2014. We interpret their perception of Germany's roles in light of key behavioral norms related to German security policy. The parliamentary discourse, shaped by topoi, sets the stage for decisions on German military operations abroad. The use of topoi is influenced by dominant thought patterns, particularly the perspective on Germany's role in security policy held by the political elite. Political decisions, in turn, reflect behavioral preferences guided by these viewpoints. Our research reveals how changes in German security policy are mirrored in the discourse. This discourse is structured around five categories of topoi for legitimizing or delegitimizing military operations abroad: necessity, obligation, self-interest, capability and preparedness, and solution. An evaluation of the use of topoi through the lens of role theory indicates that perceptions of Germany's role have evolved over time, encompassing roles such as a "civilian power," a "normal state," and an "agenda-setting role" in sync with its foreign military engagements.

Danish military fatalities in international operations 2002–2018

IntroductionThis study describes deaths among Danish soldiers in international operations 2002–2018. Having been part of UN and later NATO forces in ex-Yugoslavia, in 2002 the first Danish contingent took part...

Can you hear me Major Tom? News, narratives and contemporary military operations: the case of the Italian mission in Afghanistan

ABSTRACTThis research explores the relationship between public narratives and the Italian military contribution to the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan (2001–2014). Despite attracting little attention in the literature, Italy has been one of the most crucial contributors of multilateral military missions around the world in the post-bipolar era. Italy has remained consistently engaged militarily in Afghanistan over the entire period of the ISAF mission. However, the country’s involvement has been characterised by differing and controversial views and perspectives among Italian political actors and the media. This study aims to reconstruct the core features of the strategic narratives and the media frames around the military intervention and it does so through a Qualitative Content Analysis on a collection of almost 200 articles published by four main Italian national newspapers. The goal of this paper is twofold: on the one hand, we systematically retrace the main discursive patterns and frames employed by the newspapers on the ISAF. On the other, we evaluate whether in the case of military interventions, the Italian media unveil critical inconsistencies and competitive arguments or whether they function as a repeater of the dominant political discourse. Thanks to the case study, we find that the Italian media supported the mainstream narratives.

Does Electoral Proximity Affect Security Policy?

How do approaching elections affect the security policy states conduct? We build on classic political economy arguments and theorize that one problem likely faced by democratic policy makers near elections is that of time inconsistency. The time-inconsistency problem arises when the costs and benefits of policy are not realized at the same time. We develop an application of the argument to the case of allied troop contributions to Operation Enduring Freedom and the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan. In that case, we argue that the expectation should be one of fewer troops committed close to elections. The exogenous timing of elections allows us to identify the effects of approaching elections on troop levels. Our finding of significantly lower troop contributions near elections is arguably the first identified effect of electoral proximity on security policy.

Impact of explosive devices in modern armed conflicts: in-depth analysis of Dutch battle casualties in southern Afghanistan.

The patterns and mechanisms of injuries of all Dutch battle casualties (BCs) were analyzed to improve the care for injured service members. We performed an in-depth analysis of all Dutch BCs during the participation of The Netherlands as lead nation in the International Security Assistance Force mission in southern Afghanistan. Participants were selected from the trauma registry at the Dutch Role 2 Medical Treatment Facility if they met the criteria for Dutch BC between August 2006 and August 2010. The trauma registry query resulted in 199 Dutch BCs. The battle injuries were predominantly caused by explosions (83.9%). The case-fatality rate was 9.5%: 16.5% were killed in action, and 1.1% died of wounds. The wounding pattern was as follows: head and neck (32.2%), thorax (7.8%), abdomen (12.7%), upper extremity (17.6%), lower extremity (29.7%). The mean Abbreviated Injury Scale and Injury Severity Score were 3 (range 0-5) and 11 (range 1-43), respectively in the wounded-in-action group. Explosive devices accounted for almost 85% of the casualties-much higher than in previous wars. Knowledge of the management of these injuries is also valuable in treating casualties from natural disasters or (terrorist) mass casualty situations. An integral multinational joint approach is highly recommended to develop more effective protective equipment and body armor. Prospective registration in a standardized system of data collection that encompasses all echelons of the medical support organization should be implemented.

Predispositions, Mission-Specific Beliefs, and Public Support for Military Missions: The Case of the German ISAF Mission in Afghanistan

This article analyses the nexus of public attitudes toward military missions abroad, specific beliefs about the respective missions, and political predispositions. While some studies have argued that specific beliefs such as success expectations are the most important explanatory factors of attitudes, others have stressed the role of party-related predispositions in shaping both beliefs and attitudes. Using the case of German citizens’ attitudes toward the German participation in the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan, we argue that scope conditions determine the relative merit of these perspectives. With data from a representative survey conducted in 2010 we show that in this late stage of the military mission, success expectations had a substantial effect on German citizens’ mission support that was not merely mediating the influence of predispositions. At the same time, foreign policy predispositions also had a substantial impact on mission support, while party identifications had only minor effects. We discuss the more general implications of these results for statements on the relative importance of predispositions and specific beliefs as explanatory factors in public opinion formation on the use of military force.

Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The Search for Security in the Heart of Asia

On November 26, 2013, National Security Advisor Susan Rice left Kabul in frustration as President Hamid Karzai refused to compromise in negotiations over a bilateral security agreement that would govern U.S. military forces remaining in Afghanistan following the conclusion in late 2014 of the NATO International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission. President Karzai's intransigence-several senior Afghan political leaders and advisers had urged him to reach an accommodation on the agreement-was likely due to a misreading of the appetite within the United States for continuing to provide high levels of support for Afghanistan, despite the shortcomings of the Karzai government and its episodic intemperate outbursts toward Washington. Stephen Biddle likened the situation to a game of chicken, in which each side expected the other to swerve at the last minute to avoid a damaging collision.1The U.S.-Afghan negotiations over a security agreement in the fall and winter of 2013-14, still ongoing as this roundtable went to press, have taken place against a growing chorus of voices assessing the impact of the long Afghanistan campaign on U.S. national security interests in the heart of Asia. These analyses range from discussions about how a decade-long focus on counterinsurgency operations has affected U.S. military readiness to critical assessments of the costs and benefits of the ISAF mission and whether the United States should cut its losses and seek a definitive departure from the region.2A prevailing assumption in many of these assessments is that the United States is likely to shift its focus away from the region toward other security challenges in Asia, such as China's increasing assertiveness in the East and South China seas or the threat of instability in or provocations from North Korea. In this Asia Policy roundtable, Xenia Dormandy and Michael Keating review the history of U.S. engagement in Afghanistan and argue persuasively that other issues in the Asia-Pacific will most likely capture Washington's attention following the conclusion of the ISAF operation in 2014. Certainly there are many within the U.S. policy community who seem to agree with the notion that providing billions of dollars a year to Afghanistan, perhaps for another decade or more, is no longer feasible.In the event that the United States does pull back, other powers will continue to vie for strategic influence in the region, and the outcome of that competition could have significant implications for broader U.S. objectives in Asia. The purpose of this roundtable, which comprises nine national and regional assessments, is to examine the range of strategic interests and priorities that Afghanistan's neighbors and other regional powers possess. Developed fully in the pages that follow, these interests can be grouped into three broad categories.The first is the search for security, and in particular the desire to prevent a resurgence of the Taliban for fear that Afghanistan will once again provide refuge to terrorist groups such as al Qaeda. This motivation, of course, first drove the U.S. intervention in 2001, and it remains a key concern for U.S. national security managers. Security is also a primary motivation for leaders in Russia, as Mark Katz points out; in the front-line states of Central Asia (namely, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan), which Kathleen Collins argues are preparing for a coming Afghan spillover of conflict, refugees, Islamist extremism, and drug trafficking; and in Iran, which, as Sumitha Narayanan Kutty notes, backed the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance during the civil war of the 1990s and was one of the earliest supporters of the U.S.-led intervention. China, too, has significant concerns about Islamism, which Beijing views as a key driver of the ethnic and religious tensions it is struggling to contain in Xinjiang. 3A second category revolves around economic interests and the protection of investments that have been or are being made in major energy, natural resources, and transportation projects in Afghanistan. …

New media and the war in Afghanistan: The significance of blogging for the Swedish strategic narrative

The new media situation gives fuel to increased competition between narratives. In the sphere of security this poses challenges to government strategic narratives. Scholars, drawing on findings from the Anglo-Saxon sphere, suggest that the new media activism gives rise to counter-hegemonic narratives that thrive on and through social media sites. We argue that the emergence of counter-narratives in the sphere of security depends upon a few key dynamics that might vary with political context such as political culture, the size of the blogosphere, the debate in mainstream media and socialization processes within the military organization. Our case study of Swedish blogging about Sweden’s military contribution to the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan suggests that blogs are mainly used to sustain – and not to challenge – the governmental narrative. This invites us to question the significance of new media platforms as counter-hegemonic forces in communities beyond the Anglo-Saxon sphere.

Operational defense sourcing: organizing military logistics in Afghanistan

PurposeThis paper aims to present a study on the organization of military logistics under “hot” conditions in an expeditionary crisis response operation. The authors' main research question is: in what way is armed forces logistics sourcing organized in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan?Design/methodology/approachTo answer their research question, the authors conducted a case study including field research at military sites in Afghanistan. The case study is focused on military organizations that operate in a hostile and ambiguous environment. The authors compare sourcing of three categories of support services, i.e. facilities management, maintenance & logistics and security.FindingsThe authors' results include a systematic overview of the organization of command, logistic and accounting (sourcing) in the ISAF mission, involving multinational military partners and contractors. Second, the authors show how Canada, NATO, The Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the USA sourced the three categories of services mentioned in terms of sourcing profiles. Focusing on contracting, the authors outline which strategies NATO and the countries mentioned used in practice. And finally, differences and similarities are highlighted in the area of funding and accounting.Research limitations/implicationsWhile the authors' study provides insight in the use of sourcing profiles identified in this paper, more research is necessary to identify criteria for explaining sourcing decisions of armed forces.Practical implicationsThe paper provides a systematic overview for practitioners and scholars and enhances manageability and policy development relevant for those who prepare, execute, monitor and evaluate missions.Originality/valueThe authors' paper is one of the first to provide a systematic overview in operational defense sourcing relying on first‐hand field data. This area of study is fragmented and remains mostly closed for non‐military researchers.

Prevalence, incidence and determinants of PTSD and other mental disorders: design and methods of the PID-PTSD+3 study.

Investigation of the prevalence, incidence, and determinants of post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD) and other mental disorders associated with military deployment in international missions poses several methodological and procedural challenges. This paper describes the design and sampling strategies, instruments, and experimental procedures applied in a study programme aimed to examine military deployment-related mental health and disorders (prevalence and trajectories) and to identify vulnerability and risk factors (e.g. age, gender, type of mission, rank, and duration of deployment and a wide range of neurobiological, psychological, social, and behavioural factors). The study comprised two components. The first component, a cross-sectional study, included 1483 deployed and 889 non-deployed German soldiers (response rate, 93%) who served during the 2009 International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission. A standardized diagnostic instrument (Composite International Diagnostic Interview, CIDI) coupled with established questionnaires was administered to detect and diagnose PTSD and a broad spectrum of mental disorders and mental health problems. The second component, a prospective-longitudinal study, included 621 soldiers examined before (2011) and after return (2012) from the ISAF mission. In addition to the CIDI and questionnaires, several experimental behavioural tests and biological markers were implemented to probe for incident mental disorders, mental health problems and risk factors. Our methods are expected to provide greater precision than previous studies for estimating the risk for incident deployment-related and non-deployment-related disorders and their risk factors. We expect the findings to advance our understanding of a wide spectrum of adverse mental health outcomes beyond PTSD.

THE JUST WAR INDEX: COMPARING WARFIGHTING AND COUNTERINSURGENCY IN AFGHANISTAN

Is the use of armed force by international forces in Afghanistan ethically justified? The answer is one of degree: the fighting is neither completely just nor completely unjust. To evaluate the extent of justification, a novel Just War Index (JWI) is introduced. It is a composite indicator: the average of estimated values for seven criteria from the long-standing Just War tradition – Just Cause, Right Intent, Net benefit, Legitimate Authority, Last Resort, Proportionality of Means and Right Conduct, each of which are evaluated on a 7-point scale. Because the two international missions using armed force in Afghanistan – the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) – have different mandates, different histories and different approaches to the use of force, they are evaluated separately. The ISAF mission is found considerably more justified than OEF though still ethically deficient.

Soldiers' Physical, Emotional And Cognitive Sustainability During The ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) Mission

During military missions, soldiers are exposed to specific events like assaults, contact with locals, limited food, insecurities and limited sleep (EVENTS). Simultaneously, soldiers have to cope with homesickness, a new environment, limited privacy and limited contact with family and friends. War conditions and stress are known to be responsible for combat stress reactions and diminished cognitive, physical and emotional performance. However, the influence of the experience of different types of EVENTS on soldiers' sustainability is unknown. The impact might be different when EVENTS are experienced during combat compared to being in a safe and secure environment. Furthermore, some EVENTS are more related to stress reactions then others. PURPOSE: Gaining insight in the influence of EVENTS on soldiers' physical, emotional and cognitive sustainability. This knowledge can be used to optimize soldiers' care, health and to increase operational effectiveness. METHODS: The study was conducted in Afghanistan during ISAF. Two groups of soldiers were investigated; a compound group consisting of 20 soldiers with duties solely at Kamp Holland and a patrol group consisting of 47 soldiers who were on patrols during the testing. During three weeks the patrol group filled out a diary with questions (items of the Stress Questionnaire, REST-Q, CSASS, own judgement, most important EVENT and its impact) twice a day. The compound group filled out the same questions on a laptop and were tested cognitively (N-Back, VigTrack), emotionally (Emotional Stroop) and physically (Harvard step test). EVENTS were categorized in positive and negative EVENTS (Event valence). A Multilevel Analysis was conducted to determine the variables predicting positive or negative EVENTS. Significance was set at p<.05. RESULTS: Little variation was found in the scores of the variables due to the absence of extreme EVENTS. Multilevel analysis identified the variables 'impact score' and 'Event valence' as predictors for the occurrence of a positive or negative EVENTS (compound group: Chi-square difference 65.60 (df=2), p<.01, patrol group: Chi-square difference 29.44 (df=2), p<.01). CONCLUSIONS: Event valence and the impact of an Event are variables that are useful to predict the type of EVENT experienced by soldiers.

German military neurosurgery at home and abroad

For many years, the experience of neurosurgeons from the German Armed Forces was limited to the peacetime care of patients in Germany. In 1995, German military neurosurgeons were deployed abroad for the first time. Since the beginning of the International Security Assistance Force mission, there has been a rapidly increasing number of opportunities for military neurosurgeons to broaden their experience during deployments abroad. Since the first deployment of a neurosurgeon to the German field hospital in Mazar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan, a total of 140 neurosurgical procedures have been performed there. Sixty-four surgeries were performed for cranial or spinal neurotrauma management. During the entire period, only 10 International Security Assistance Force members required acute or urgent neurosurgical interventions. The majority of neurosurgical procedures were performed in Afghan patients who received acute and elective treatment whenever the necessary infrastructure was available in the field hospital. Fifteen patients from the Afghan National Army and Police and 115 local patients underwent neurosurgery. Sixty-two procedures were carried out under acute or urgent conditions, and 78 operations were elective.

Enhancing the Footprint: Stakeholders in Afghan Reconstruction

Afghanistan is so clearly demonstrating, one reconstructs during conflict and stabilization, not after it. Reconstruction is in many ways the essential process that bridges conflict and stabilization. (1) The necessities of reconstruction have frequently drawn the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) into activities that go well beyond its originally intended mission of providing direct security. Examples include contributing security sector reform such as restoring the rule of law or training the national police and army; delivering essential services such as health care, education, or food; and supporting the functioning of the Afghan authorities. Although most military forces would readily agree that they are not the appropriate actors be performing nonsecurity-related tasks within the traditional humanitarian domain, in many areas such as the southern Afghan provinces of Helmand, Zabul, and Uruzgan, tenuous security conditions prevent humanitarian organizations from establishing presence. In some instances these organizations are deliberately targeted by insurgent groups in an effort prevent them from gaining foothold or becoming effective in assisting the local populace. (2) In such situations, the debate on specific domains (3) becomes less relevant, and military involvement in nonmilitary activities is necessary provide temporary gap and gain momentum for reaching the primary military goal: the creation of stability. (4) Based on his deployment as commander of the Australian Reconstruction Task Force in Uruzgan, Lieutenant Colonel Mick Ryan stresses: Consultation with local officials and other interested parties will be critical aspect .... It is worth establishing formal mechanism, involving all stakeholders, facilitate community and government consultation. This interaction should include regular meetings with officials and local inhabitants work out the details of individual projects, ensuring that what will be delivered is what the locals need. (5) The issue of participation by local stakeholders in ISAF's stability and reconstruction activities will be the main focus of this article. As the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) are typically tasked to cover reconstruction within ISAF, they form the basis of this analysis. (6) Since other ISAF units are also confronted with local participation, however, their experiences are lesser extent included. This article's objectives are threefold. First, explain why participation of local stakeholders is essential for the overall success of the ISAF mission. Second, identify the challenges ISAF encounters in local participation. Third, formulate measures improve future participation. Local Participation Reconstruction is fluid process, where social relations and the meaning of institutions are renegotiated while people carefully probe their room for maneuver, waiting see if the conditions of relative peace will hold. (7) It is process driven by local actors: residents, government employees, organizations, and businesses; reestablishing relations; and reconfiguring hierarchies. Within this context, experts distinguish four related areas of meaning regarding participation, namely: (1) participation as right be involved in decisionmaking, (2) participation as autonomous action, (3) participation as development based on local knowledge, and (4) participation as transfer of power. (8) These four elements seem merge in the World Bank's definition of participation as a process through which stakeholders influence and share control over development initiatives and the decisions and resources which affect them. (9) In reality, the extent which local stakeholders do influence and share control over areas that affect them varies between almost none full participation, as illustrated in Figure 1, an example of different types of participation by farmers in an agricultural project. …

Threats from Within: Four Challenges Inside the NATO Alliance

Common wisdom is that NATO's future hinges solely on the outcome of the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan. While the state of Afghanistan will impact the future of the Alliance for better or for worse, it will not be the sole or even primary factor to influence the future of NATO. In many ways, Afghanistan has become an excuse for the Alliance to ignore some of the in-built problems of the organisation. The allies' inability to define clearly the nature of the Alliance and its core missions, a lack of capability and poor funding, topped off by exceedingly weak and troubled relations with other international organisations, particularly the European Union, all pose significant challenges that the alliance must address to remain relevant, coherent, and equipped to engage effectually in future operations.