International Leverage Research Articles

Backsliding versus Backlash: Do Challenges to Democracy in East Central Europe Threaten LGBTQIAP Empowerment?

If third-wave democratization propelled gains in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersexual, asexual, and pansexual (LGBTQIAP) empowerment globally, does the contemporary wave of democratic backsliding imperil those gains? To what extent does the potential threat from such institutional erosion depend on the presence of right-wing populists in government, i.e., backlash? Can both threats be moderated by international pressure? Here, I present a theoretical framework for analyzing the interaction of backsliding, backlash, and international leverage as they impact LGBTQIAP empowerment. I then empirically probe this model’s plausibility by analyzing annual changes in LGBT empowerment through 2020 in fourteen new democracies in east central Europe. (The empirical analysis uses the narrower category “LGBT” because of data limitations.) I find that when neither backsliding nor backlash is present, LGBT empowerment expands regardless of international leverage. When both are present, however, international leverage is critical. If leverage is low, I find that LGBT empowerment declines, and the magnitude of losses in empowerment is greater than the magnitude of gains when neither is present. If leverage is high, simultaneous backlash and backsliding are associated with gains in LGBT empowerment. Even if the latter gains may be seen more as “pink-washing” than as sustainable and genuine change, these findings underline the importance of paying attention to international context when analyzing LGBTQIAP politics as the third wave ebbs.

Authoritarian Gender Equality Policy Making: The Politics of Domestic Violence in Russia

AbstractThis article provides an analytical framework for understanding why and how many authoritarian regimes have recently adopted reforms that address gender equality. I illustrate and hone the framework by tracing three policy-making processes on domestic violence in Russia, an important and least-likely case for such reforms. While recent scholarship finds the importance of international leverage, strategic actions by women’s groups, and regime interest in sidelining religious extremists, this study highlights other opportunities and agents and specifies authoritarian mechanisms such as intra-elite conflict, signaling between the autocrat and elites, and selective responsiveness. Drawing on the scholarship on authoritarian regime dynamics, policy making in Russia, and gender policy making, this study contributes to the literature on the relationship between gender and regime type by focusing on the micrologics of authoritarian policy making.

Local brokerage and international leverage: NGOs and land conflicts in Indonesia

AbstractThe rapid expansion of oil palm plantations in Indonesia has generated a large and growing number of conflicts between rural communities and palm oil companies over, mainly, access to land. Employing a detailed documentation of 150 such conflicts in four Indonesian provinces, this paper assesses and evaluates how local, national and international NGOs help communities address their grievances. We find that rights‐based activism characterises only a small portion of NGOs working on land conflicts, as a more common strategy revolves around political brokerage. NGOs generally fail to achieve significant impact, with the partial exception of (those connected with) international NGOs.

From Pararepublic to Parastate: International Leverage in Shaping Kosovo’s Secession

AbstractThe Kosovo Albanian political movement in the 1990s contained three fluctuating factions with distinct strategies: boycotting Serbian institutions, participating in elections, and resorting to an armed insurgency. This article shows how expectations of external assistance, primarily from the Clinton administration, influenced which strategy was to dominate the movement at certain periods. It also shows how the movement successfully conflated the issues of human rights and the ethnonationalist secessionist agenda, even though the secessionist agenda predated the claims of human rights violations following the rise of Slobodan Milošević to power in Serbia. In the end, the article discusses how the Clinton administration’s failure in the Rambouillet peace talks, the diplomatic result of the NATO attack on Serbia, and the fall of Slobodan Milošević set the foundations for freezing the conflict and turning Kosovo into a parastate.

Inducing state compliance with international fisheries law: lessons from two case studies concerning the Republic of Korea’s IUU fishing

Despite the expansion of international fisheries law, fish stocks are still threatened by illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. An inevitable question arises: What can be done to better induce state compliance with international fisheries law? This article reveals a factor affecting compliance with international fisheries law that had not yet been explored in the compliance studies literature: the processes for implementing that law. It notes that one actor’s implementation processes may enhance other actors’ compliance with international fisheries law if the processes aim to affect others’ behaviour and others conform to them. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to identify conditions under which the implementation processes have such a socialisation effect. These conditions are explored in two case studies concerning IUU fishing: that existing between the Republic of Korea and the European Union (2013–2015) and that between the Republic of Korea and the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (2011). The case studies show that, from an institutional perspective, the design of transparent implementation processes with dialogue between the actors involved is crucial and, in terms of social context, the international leverage and reputations of the implementing actor and the targeted actor, as well as collaboration with media and civil society, are also significant factors in the processes’ socialisation effect.

On Translation of Government Work Report from the Perspective of Functional Equivalence

Since implementing reform and opening up, China has obtained remarkable achievements in the areas of economy, politics, military, culture as well as international leverage. In this process, translation plays a vital role for it concerns about reputation and image of China. Translation of the government work report, which involves development status of economy, politics, education, people’s livelihood etc., contributes to help foreign readers to know China’s national situation and strengthen China’s international status. Nida’s functional equivalence theory is a reader-oriented theory that echoed the purpose of government work report translation. On the basis of the functional equivalence theory, this thesis tries to explore the translation of the government work report so as to provide reference for further study of the translation of similar texts.

Quality of service in the Jordanian telecommunications sector

This research seeks to examine the quality of service of the three main telecommunications operators (Zain, Orange and Umniah) in Jordan for year 2016 in terms of network, distribution, marketing and sales quality using qualitative data from semi-structured one-to-one interviews with a representative sample of the biggest wholesalers and sub-dealers across Jordan (n = 4,600), and qualitative interviews with key stakeholders (sub-dealers recruited from across the country). The core objective of this research was to examine the performance of the three operators in Jordan. It was found that the national telecommunications market is intensely competitive, and the three predominant operators have varying quality of service in numerous areas. Zain and Orange draw on their international leverage and capital to maintain market share, but the best technical and customer support value is offered by the later market entrant, Umniah, in terms of higher speed internet and better customer service. All firms benefit from high-quality human resources, and face similar challenges in terms of inhibitive taxes on prepaid tariffs and the stringent regulation of the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission.

Entrepreneurial marketing of international new ventures: a decision-making perspective and propositions

This conceptual paper studies the entrepreneurial marketing process in international new ventures by focusing on entrepreneurs' decision-making. This paper defines the concept of international entrepreneurial marketing and identifies its dimensions: entrepreneurs, international entrepreneurial marketing culture, strategy, and tactics. The paper proposes a model of the international entrepreneurial marketing process and develops propositions from a decision-making perspective based on the effectuation theory. The model suggests that entrepreneurs in international new ventures adopt an effectual decision-making process, utilise international entrepreneurial marketing culture and leverage contingences in the international business environment to create new marketing opportunities. As the outcome of the entrepreneurial decision-making process, international entrepreneurial marketing strategy and tactics shape the international business environment and create new markets. The paper makes theoretical contributions in international marketing and international entrepreneurship, as well as provides managerial implications for entrepreneurs or managers who conduct international marketing activities.

The Strategic Origins of Electoral Authoritarianism

Why do autocrats hold multiparty elections? This article argues that transitions to electoral authoritarianism (EA) follow a strategic calculus in which autocrats balance international incentives to adopt elections against the costs and risks of controlling them. It tests this hypothesis with a multinomial logit model that simultaneously predicts transitions to EA and democracy, using a sample of non-electoral autocracies from 1946–2010. It finds that pro-democratic international leverage – captured by dependence on democracies through trade ties, military alliances, international governmental organizations and aid – predicts EA adoption. Socio-economic factors that make voters easier to control, such as low average income and high inequality, also predict EA transition. In contrast, since democratization entails a loss of power for autocrats, it is mainly predicted by regime weakness rather than international engagement or socio-economic factors. The results demonstrate that different forms of liberalization follow distinct logics, providing insight into autocratic regime dynamics and democracy promotion’s unintended effects.

Introduction: The ‘graduation dilemma’ in foreign policy: Brazil at a watershed

Brazil attracted international attention in the early 2000s as a promising emerging market, a rising power with increasing international leverage, and a key player (potentially, a leader) in international organizations and blocs. High expectations were set in the largest Latin American country, partly encouraged by the popularity of the then president, ‘Lula’ da Silva, who fostered international activism and longstanding regional and global ambitions. At the same time, as Soares de Lima and Hirst argue,1 efforts both to acquire greater international influence and to improve the country's record on poverty, inequality and political participation became facets of the same process. International expectations remained very high at the beginning of the current decade. However, the global economic crisis, shortcomings in the multilateral system, the falling of global commodity prices, slow national economic growth, corruption scandals, and social protests during Dilma Rousseff's interrupted administration (2011–2016) have cast serious doubts on those initial very positive forecasts.2 To date, it is not clear whether Brazil has been able to reconcile domestic practice and international foreign policy discourse and ambitions in difficult times; or, more concretely, whether and how, despite domestic instability and contestation, Brazil is currently able to effectively influence international negotiations and global governance mechanisms.

Diffusion and default: a linkage and leverage perspective on the Nagorny Karabakh conflict

ABSTRACTThis article applies the concepts of linkage and leverage to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. While other post-Soviet conflicts feature cross-border linkages reinforcing the axes of conflict, this study reveals patterns of multi-directional, fragmented and cross-cutting linkages with a wide range of external actors. This pattern has diffused leverage potentials of external actors, accounting for the lack of decisive shifts in the direction of either conflict escalation or resolution, or regime renewal. The resulting linkage/leverage structure has proven stable but hinges on a tension between diffuse international leverage and a collective default among international actors to conflict management rather than resolution.

Chapter 4. Economic Considerations: Cost-Effective and Efficient Climate Policies

In this chapter we discuss the economics of climate change. We begin with a discussion of economic considerations that are important to take into account when designing and evaluating climate policy, including cost effectiveness and efficiency. We then discuss specific policies at the state, national, and international level in light of these economic considerations.We have several recommendations for the path forward for climate policy. First, the goal of climate policy should be to reduce the damages caused by greenhouse gases. In addition to mitigation policy to reduce greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere, one can also reduce the damages causes by greenhouse gases by adaptation measures that reduce our vulnerability to climate change impacts.Second, policy-makers should use incentive- (or market-) based instruments as opposed to command and control policies (including quantity-based mandates) whenever possible. Whenever unpriced emissions are the sole market failure, incentive-based instruments such as a carbon tax or cap and trade program are more likely to achieve the social optimum and maximize social net benefits [12]. Lin and Prince [3] calculate that the optimal gasoline tax for the state of California is $1.37 per gallon.Our third recommendation is to address the risk of emissions leakage, which arises when only one jurisdiction (e.g., California) imposes climate policy, but not the entire world. One way to reduce emissions leakage is to use the strategic distribution of emissions allowances to local producers. This method, known as “output-based allocation” or benchmarking, effectively subsidizes local producers and at least partially offsets the increase in their costs caused by an emissions cap [4]. Importantly, only local production is eligible for an allocation of valuable allowances, providing a counterweight to the incentive for emission leakage.Our fourth recommendation is that if they are used instead of incentive-based instruments, quantity-based mandates such as the federal Renewable Fuel Standard, California’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard, renewable portfolio standards, and the Clean Power Plan should be combined with a cost containment mechanism. The findings of Lade, Lin Lawell and Smith [5] suggest that pure quantity-based mechanisms leave policies susceptible to large increases in compliance costs, particularly in the presence of capacity or production constraints that are inherent in energy markets. Given the experiences with the federal RFS2 in 2013, anticipating and designing climate policies in a way that can contain compliance costs is imperative.Our fifth recommendation is that for international leverage, we should develop a climate club backed by border tax adjustments to non-participants. University of California at Berkeley Professor Larry S. Karp has been proposing an agreement between the top 10 emitters as an alternative to the UN framework [6]. Without international leverage or cooperation, unilateral climate policies, such as California’s AB 32 or the American Clean Energy and Security Act, are not only unlikely to fully combat climate change, but can also have other detrimental effects such as the reduction of economic competitiveness and the possible displacement of jobs from the U.S. to countries without carbon pricing [7].Our final, and main, recommendation is that, as University of California at Berkeley Professor Severin Borenstein points out, California should focus on solving the problem of global climate change. The primary goal of California climate policy should be to invent and develop the technologies that can replace fossil fuels, allowing the poorer nations of the world – where most of the world’s population lives – to achieve low-carbon economic growth [8].

Potentials and challenges of sustainable taro (Colocasia esculenta) production in Nigeria

During the past years, precisely 1965-1980, yam and taro reigned supreme in the Southern parts of Nigeria. Yam was the king and taro the queen. They were then the staple food of choice and were even offered to the gods. Their acceptance and ascendancy were challenged by the arrival and domestication of the easy growers (plantain, banana, maize and later cassava, tannia and sweetpotato). The easy growers gained recognition and prominence as staple foods and subsequently replaced the earlier staples. Thus, cassava and sweetpotato superseded yam and taro respectively. Nutritionally, taro has broader compliments of vitamins and nutrients compared to other root and tuber crops. The domestication of the new crops which are relatively more yielding and at the same time enjoys international leverage in research and development poses enormous challenges to the future of taro as a major crop. Strategic options for increase in taro production and consumption should be on consumer education and on its nutritional and health benefits. Increased attention on taro research will provoke a better understanding and contributions the crop can offer in the areas of food security, health and economic empowerment.

Leverage Ratio Comparisons: Basel III International Leverage Ratio and the U.S Leverage Ratio, Tier One Capital and Leverage Ratios

In its aims to address concerns raised by the Basel Committee’s June 2013 consultative paper, namely concerns that the Consultative Paper’s definition of exposure was “too expansive”, that is, “the leverage ratio’s denominator was too large”, changes have been made to the June 2013 paper, as evidenced by the more recent January 2014 update and the April 2014 Final Standard for measuring and controlling large exposures. These changes introduce a more simplistic, consistent approach to the measurement of exposures through incorporating the use of credit conversion factors (CCFs). However, the use of Credit Conversion Factors (CCFs), as finalised by the January 2014 Final Standard, has been considered inappropriate since it applies risk weighting factors to a non risk based leverage framework and furthermore, the reduction of exposures (through CCFs) to as little as 10%, may, as argued by several commentators, result in the under capitalisation of banks. As well as drawing comparisons and contrasts between the Basel Committee's June 2013 consultative paper, its successor - the January 2014 Standard, and the U.S July 2013 and subsequent revisions, this presentation considers the primary reasons for the introduction of the Supplementary Leverage Ratios in the U.S, as well as the Enhanced Supplementary Leverage Ratio. It highlights concerns presented through the Basel Committee's January 2014 standard and reasons why U.S regulators may be unlikely to reduce the ESLR’s buffer of 2%.

Re-Branding Zimbabwe: A Transformative and Challenging Process

During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. This article explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political problems during the past two decades. The main purpose of the study was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on global map. The country needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process. However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive transformation of the country’s socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic development strategy for the country. The research study concludes with the propagation of the proposed transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p298

Governing Climate Change: A Case for Europe

type="graphical" xml:id="gpol12155-abs-0002"> The European Union needs to close ranks in order to stand its ground in our globalised world.

A two-edged sword: The navy as an instrument of Canadian foreign policy, by Nicholas Tracy

Nicholas Tracy A two-edged sword: navy as an instrument of Canadian foreign Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2012. 496pp., $49.95 (hardcover) ISBN 978-0-7735-4051-4Nicholas Tracy's comprehensive and thoroughly researched book, A Two-edged Sword: Navy as an Instrument of Canadian Foreign Policy, appeals two audiences: readers of naval history, because of its focus on the actions of the Royal Canadian Navy from its autonomy in 1910 until the present day, and readers concerned with the navy's role in Canadian international relations. Of particular interest the international relations community are Tracy's closing chapters that discuss post-Cold themes involving navy constabulary and humanitarian actions, Arctic concerns, and future strategic directions. Certainly, for those interested in Canadian defence policy, Tracy's detailed study would be a great supplement David McDonough's National Security in the Post-9j 11 World: Strategy, Interests, and Threats {2012).The genesis of the title, A Two-edged Sword, becomes clear in the concluding chapters, which outline the paradox that navy must navigate between independence and integration with Canadian naval allies. Although the navy remains a critical component of national autonomy, the degree of operational freedom from historic allies is questionable. Integration and interoperability with British and American naval counterparts in terms of command and control, communication, and equipment continues be essential, since foreign encourages its forces to remain in a position play a meaningful role in global security affairs (257). Coalition efforts in Afghanistan and Somalia are examples of how such integration comes at the price of saliency and operational influence. This proviso presents (299), Tracy argues, as Canada's partnership with the United States has come replicate the degree of integration that existed within the British Empire (299). Indeed, as Tracy continues, The management of relationship with the United States has been at the heart of naval strategy and this objective has been largely... successful but it is one that constantly challenges the independence of Canadian policy (300). Tracy's argument certainly rings true when one considers that the procurement policies of the Royal Canadian Navy are this day governed in large part by their need for C4ISTAR interoperability and are therefore heavily influenced by British and American suppliers (submarines and helicopters, respectively).1 Indeed, with a small defence budget, for Canada remain internationally relevant, compromises between command and control and practical sovereignty concerns are inevitable (13).2Although Tracy queries the costs of integration with its southern neighbour, he underlines the leveraging effect soft-power relations between the Canadian navy and her allied counterparts play in mitigating gun-boat intervention. 1995 Turbot War between Spain and Canada off the coast of Newfoundland, for example, was settled peacefully by international leverage brought bear by inter-service camaraderie. In this case, These unquantifiable relationships with the US Navy and the historic relationship with the Royal Navy, Tracy explains, were far more important than the easily assessed power of [naval] units (250). …

Dangerous Precedent: America’s Illegal War in Afghanistan

Osama bin Laden’s death has lead many to question the efficacy of America’s continued fighting in Afghanistan. Too often dismissed is any meaningful discussion of the legality of the war on terror in Afghanistan, where the U.S. has promised to keep fighting until at least 2014. The use of force in international law is generally forbidden, except under three circumstances: in self-defense, pursuant to a United Nations Security Council resolution, or with consent from the leader of an invaded state. After a careful examination of all three, it is apparent that America’s continued fighting in Afghanistan, more than a decade after 9/11, does not fall under any category. By continuing to fight this illegal war, America loses a significant amount of moral high ground and tangible international leverage. Worse still, by relying on an illegitimate leader’s consent as justification for the war, America unwittingly establishes a precarious blueprint for future states to follow. Whatever sound (or unsound) reasons America has for continuing the war, its illegality foreshadows a more dangerous future.

Sind Umweltzölle ein geeignetes Instrument zur Ermöglichung fairen Wettbewerbs zwischen Ländern mit hohen und geringen Klimaschutzanforderungen?

Abstract Border measures to support unilateral climate policy efforts are being discussed in particular in the EU and the US. The EU has stipulated in its 2008 Directive on the European Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) that in order to address the potential for carbon leakage, an inclusion of importers in the ETS could be a policy option amongst others. A climate policy adjustment at the border could take various forms and it could be motivated in three ways. First, trade measures could be announced as a “stick”, sanctioning those countries who are not willing to cooperate on climate protection. Second, the border adjustment for importers (making them pay at the border according to the carbon they emitted for producing the traded good) or a rebate for exporters for the CO2-price they paid at home, would take away the competitive disadvantage vis-à-vis producers from third countries. Third, and as the flip side of the competitiveness effects, the border adjustment could be motivated from a climate policy point of view: in order to secure the environmental integrity of a domestic carbon pricing scheme, such measures could prevent leakage of emissions (caused by relocation of production, in parts or as a whole). While a strong economic case could be made for preventing leakage and also competitiveness effects from CO2 pricing through a cost adjustment at the border for a few sectors, there is little evidence that trade measures as such help to create international leverage for climate policy cooperation. From a legal point of view the justification of such measures very much depends on their designs and motivations. From a political point of view, the risk of disruptions amongst trade partners is fairly high and this is a major argument for limiting the use of border adjustments altogether.

African mediation of the Kenyan post-2007 election crisis

This contribution analyses the African Union-led mediation of Kenya's post-election crisis in 2008. In little more than a month, four main factors aligned in a concert of action to deliver a successful mediation that led to the signing of the National Accord and the formation of the Grand Coalition Government. The first was a framework for mediation that emerged within the ambit of the African Union around which support and momentum grew over time. Accepted by both sides of the conflict, this mechanism enjoyed legitimacy and became a rallying point for all actors interested in resolving the crisis. Second, was the role of Kenyan stakeholders in mounting and sustaining pressure on the parties of the conflict and the mediating team to return Kenya to peace. Mobilising across party lines, Kenyans from various constituencies engaged the peace process from the start to beyond the signing of the accord. In many ways, this translated into local ownership of the peace process and built a constituency of support for it. Third, was the character of the mediating team, which embodied experience, expertise, network and mediation skills for addressing the crisis. All the eminent personalities enjoyed respect in Kenya and internationally, and hence raised confidence in the process. Furthermore, their being African diminished any resistance that could have been associated with Western or other external influence on the process. The final factor was the unrelenting international pressure and leverage that was exerted largely through the framework of mediation. The Kenyan mediation generated critical lessons for negotiations elsewhere. However, as in many other peace agreements, the process lacked mechanisms to ensure full compliance with the provisions of the accord.