International Civil Society Research Articles

Why are we doing it? Exploring participant motivations within a participatory video project

One of the most recurring strengths attributed to the use of participatory video is its ability to enable social change, advocacy, activism and empowerment. Yet, to what extent is this a joint vision of all parties involved in the participatory video process? Why do researchers and participants do participatory video? What are their differential motivations and how does this affect decisionmaking during the participatory video process? In this paper, we reflect on these questions through discussing participatory video experiences of research carried out by the authors in collaboration with indigenous communities in the North Rupununi,Guyana and in Tumucumaque,Brazil. Participatory video formed part of a project involving local communities, local, national and international civil society organisations and academic researchers. We evaluate the different perceptions and distinct worldviews of the individuals, groups and organisations involved in the participatory video process, and show how these determine the ways in which people participate. We conclude that a significant component of the participatory video process needs to include the iterative surfacing of individual motivations and worldviews using an adaptive research approach. This helps to negotiate expectations of all researchers and participants at different stages of the participatory video, enabling greater outcomes for all participants, while at the same time producing more nuanced and grounded academic research.

THE ECONOMIC AND PSYCHO-SOCIAL EXPERIENCES AND COPING RESOURCES OF FAMILY MEMBERS CARING FOR PEOPLE LIVING WITH AIDS IN THEIR HOMES IN BHAMBAYI, KWAZULU-NATAL, SOUTH AFRICA

There is empirical evidence that families have responded with much resilience and compassion to caring for persons living with AIDS (PWAs) in their homes (Engelbrecht & Kasiram, 2007; Sekokotla & Mturi, 2004; Simpson & Raniga, 2004). At the same time families in poverty-stricken communities are increasingly struggling and failing to provide optimally for the economic and psycho-social needs of PWAs who are in their care (Bartlett & Finkbeiner, 2006; Darling, Olmstead & Tiggleman, 2009). It is not surprising, however, at a time when the devastating effects of HIV and AIDS are all too evident, that international organisations, national governments and civil society organisations recognise the invaluable role played by extended family members as support caregivers in the care of those terminally ill with AIDS.

Smooth Machinery: Global Governmentality and Civil Society HIV/AIDS Work in Rwanda

In recent years there has been a massive influx of aid to civil society HIV/AIDS work in Africa. Drawing on fieldwork in Rwanda, this article explores, through a governmentality perspective, the rationalities and technologies of government that accompany the new funding schemes. The paper feeds into contemporary debates on the relevance of governmentality studies in Africa and on the complicated relationship between state, civil society, and international donors in the particular context of Rwanda. Despite the country's known record of authoritarian politics, the paper argues that Rwandan civil society organizations are in fact largely subject to advanced liberal rule, rendering them responsible and active in their own government. This global governmentality, in turn, unfolds through a post-political machinery that effectively blurs boundaries between international donor, state, and civil society institutions. Ultimately, this means that researchers interested in resistance must be prepared to extend their visual field considerably.

The Transnational Project and its Implications for Migrant Civil Society in Bangladesh

In Bangladesh, overseas labor migration plays a vital role in the development strategy promoted by government agencies, international donor organizations and civil society organizations. Civil society organizations facilitate the migration process, respond to exploitation facing migrants while overseas and assist migrants upon their return to Bangladesh. Organizations in Bangladesh are pursuing a ‘transnational project,’ whereby their activities, missions, and objectives are now focused around transnational work in order to assist migrants. The transnational project is driven by foreign development agencies and the legitimating actions of local migrant organizations. This paper demonstrates the different ways transnationalism has moved from a radical concept to a banal development practice, by critically analyzing contemporary development practices of migrant civil society organizations in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Also addressed are the implications of the transnational project on migrant organizations, development, and migrant political inclusion, arguing that the transnational project creates new power structures and paradoxes within organizations.

Neoliberalism and violence: The Big Society and the changing politics of domestic violence in England

Focusing on the domestic violence sector as a case study, this article examines how the Big Society agenda, coming alongside public spending cuts, is affecting the independence and ability of women’s organizations to engage in progressive policy shaping. By situating the analysis of the Big Society agenda within the broader context of international civil society strengthening programmes, the article considers how the processes currently unfolding in England, share certain similarities to what has happened globally wherever neoliberal policies aimed at instrumentalizing civil society for service delivery have been implemented. It contends that the policies of the Big Society agenda, which are aimed at strengthening the ‘capacity’ of civil society, are instead creating a situation where the independence and ability of civil society organizations to engage in progressive policy making is weakened.

Patriarchy, Labour Markets and Development: Contesting the Sexual Division of Labour in Sri Lanka

Although certain strides have been made towards increased female participation in paid work, Sri Lanka’s labour market remains heavily segmented and offers limited sustainable economic opportunity for a majority of women. Differentiated entitlements determined by gender, ethnicity and class have left women disproportionately burdened by the challenges of economic development. Shaped by neoliberal reforms embedded in patriarchal ethno-nationalist economic policies, women remain over-represented in the labour-intensive, low-paid occupations that have historically formed Sri Lanka’s export base and underpinned development. As migrant domestic workers and garment producers, a majority of Sri Lankan women have been restricted to earning their livelihood through vulnerable and exploitative work within stratified labour markets. By framing domestic labour markets as embedded in global production networks, this article explores the potential for International Labour Organization (ILO) and civil society initiatives to shape domestic policy measures to re-regulate labour markets by addressing mechanisms that devalue and marginalize women workers. It then considers the ways in which civil society actors, women workers groups and labour unions contest or complement entrenched patriarchal tendencies within labour markets. Although ILO and state-led measures are significant, the challenges women face in articulating their collective concerns within labour markets remain central to addressing conditions of exploitation that women workers endure.

Devolution of power in Zimbabwe's new constitutional order : opportunities and potential constraints

Many countries in sub-Saharan Africa have adopted constitutions which legislate different forms of decentralisation for their governance structures and systems. This currency and desirability for decentralisation is built on a consensus of African governments, international development agencies and civil society organisations that see it as a democratic system of government which advances citizen participation in human development. This consensus further sees decentralisation as a key for local democratisation in Africa since it brings a locally responsive government closer to the people and makes government more accountable to local people. Although there are four main forms of decentralisation, namely, administrative, political, fiscal and market, many African governments have chosen to implement political decentralisation (devolution) and administrative decentralisation (deconcentration) with those running devolved systems of government being seen and acclaimed as more democratic. These are the democratic credentials usually showered on Kenya and Uganda which run devolved governments, as well as South Africa which uses a unique decentralisation model based on a three tier co-operative government structure. Of late, Zimbabwe has joined this group of African countries with constitutions that legislate a devolved governance system. Zimbabwe's new Constitution adopted in May 2013 states that governmental powers and responsibilities must be devolved between the national government, provincial and metropolitan councils and local authorities which are expected to ensure good governance by being effective, transparent, accountable and responsive to the needs of local people. This introduction of devolution of power as a new governance model in Zimbabwe replaces deconcentration on the premise that devolution is a more democratic, citizen centred, participatory, more transparent, accountable and locally relevant development focussed governance system. This article examines the opportunities and potential constraints associated with this transition from deconcentration to a three tier devolved system of governance. It does this through answering the following questions: To what extent will this reconfiguration of the State from centralisation to devolution give citizens more power to elect representatives who understand and champion their local development needs? Will local needs, aspirations, influence and drive the development agenda as opposed to the current top-down deconcentration model of development? Which consequentialist and deontological benefits will be derived from devolution of power? Is devolution going to influence equitable and fair exploitation of local resources for the benefit of all communities including marginalised provinces, such as, Matabeleland, Midlands and Manicaland? Does an anti-devolutionist ZANU-PF dominated government have the political will to fully implement devolution? Or maybe devolution of power will remain a symbolic constitutional provision while the deconcentration status quo remains?

Role of Multi-Stakeholder Partnerships in Free and Fair Elections: Experience from Bangladesh

Multi-stakeholder partnerships (MSPs) are a new paradigm in Bangladesh working for improvement to the credibility of election. An increasing number of different institutions such as civil society, media and international election observers, etc. are giving priority on the electoral process as part of their development programs in Bangladesh. In the findings, in general, the research found that international institutions, media and civil society is heavily investing to ensure free and fair election, but there is still the lack of interest and capacity in this field. These issues will be analyzed throughout this article.

An Analysis of the Policy Environment Surrounding Noncommunicable Diseases Risk Factor Surveillance in Kenya.

Kenya is a developing country in sub-Saharan Africa, facing a triple disease burden, with an increase in non-communicable diseases (NCDs); uncontained infectious diseases; coupled with significant morbidity and mortality from environmental causes such as droughts and flooding. The limelight has been on infectious diseases, leaving few resources for NCDs. As NCDs start to gain attention, it is becoming apparent that essential information on their epidemiology and risk factor trends—key in evidence-based decision-making—is lacking. As a consequence, policies have long relied on information derived from unreliable data sources such as vital registries and facility-level data, and unrepresentative data from small-scale clinical and academic research. This study analyzed the health policy aspects of NCD risk factor surveillance in Kenya, describing barriers to the successful design and implementation of an NCD risk factor surveillance system, and suggests a strategy best suited for the Kenyan situation. A review of policy documents and publications was augmented by a field-study consisting of interviews of key informants identified as stakeholders. Findings were analyzed using the Walt and Gilson policy analysis triangle. Findings attest that no population baseline NCD burden or risk factor data was available, with a failed WHO STEPs survey in 2005, to be undertaken in 2013. Despite the continued mention of NCD surveillance and the highlighting of its importance in various policy documents, a related strategy is yet to be established. Hurdles ranged from a lack of political attention for NCDs and competing public interests, to the lack of an evidence-based decision making culture and the impact of aid dependency of health programs. Progress in recognition of NCDs was noted and the international community and civil society's contribution to these achievements documented. While a positive outlook on the future of NCD surveillance were encountered, it is noteworthy that overcoming policy and structural hurdles for continued success is imperative.

From spoils to weapons: framing wartime sexual violence

The way an issue is ‘framed’ (viewed and understood) has a profound effect on whether it is viewed as a priority for action by international organisations, states, and civil society. Wartime sexual violence used to be framed as a ‘women's issue’, but since the issue gained widespread notoriety in the mid-1990s, it has shifted to being understood as a ‘security issue’. Activists and campaigners have used this as an opportunity to press for more attention at international and national levels, and policymakers have given higher priority to the issue of ending wartime sexual violence. Yet framing wartime sexual violence in terms of security – and in particular, a focus on ‘rape as a weapon’ – comes at a cost. First, it isolates this violence conceptually from the wider context of gender-based violence before, during, and after active armed conflict, and other types of violence may receive little attention. In addition, the specific emphasis on ‘rape as a weapon’ affects the types of wartime sexual violence recognised and condemned by the international community, the kinds of ‘victims’ granted assistance, and the extent to which women and men are perceived as victims, empowered agents, or perpetrators.

New Technology and the Prevention of Violence and Conflict

Amid unprecedented growth in access to information communication technologies (ICTs), particularly in the developing world, how can international actors, governments, and civil society organizations leverage ICTs and the data they generate to more effectively prevent violence and conflict? New research shows that there is huge potential for innovative tech - nologies to inform conflict prevention efforts, particularly when technology is used to help information flow horizontally between citizens and when it is integrated into existing civil society initiatives. 1 However, new technologies are not a panacea for preventing and reduc- ing violence and conflict. In fact, failure to consider the possible knock-on effects of apply - ing a specific technology can lead to fatal outcomes in violent settings. In addition, employ - ing new technologies for conflict prevention can produce very different results depending on the context in which they are applied and whether or not those using the technology take that context into account. This is particularly true in light of the dramatic changes under- way in the landscapes of violence and conflict on a global level. As such, instead of focus - ing on supply-driven technical fixes, those undertaking prevention initiatives should let the context inform what kind of technology is needed and what kind of approach will work best.

“Migration and Violence: Lessons from Colombia for the Americas” A workshop of the Transatlantic Forum on Migration and Integration and the Refugee Research Network (TFMI)

The conference, “Migration and Violence: Lessons from Colombia to the Americas” was held in Bogotá D.C., Colombia at the Pontifi cia Universidad Javeriana on June 29, 2012. The main objective of the conference was to develop inter-disciplinary academic research in Central America and Mexico regarding the relationship between violence, particularly narco-violence, and migration. The setting in Bogotá D.C. was deliberate as the participants discussed how lessons learned from Colombia’s experience with narco-induced migration could be leveraged for the benefit of Central America and Mexico. With the participation of experts on international migration, government representatives, academics, and civil society, the conference highlighted research results and relevant intervention experience concerning this problem in Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico.This article presents an analysis of the presentations given and the discussions held at the conference. It consists of four parts. The first section compares the similarities and differences regarding migration and violence in Colombia and El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico. The second section presents the major epistemological challenges emerging from research and models of intervention. The third section presents the implications of the epistemological challenges and their impact on public policy. The fourth section concludes with principal lessons from Colombia for research and intervention in the problem of violence and migration.

A Rose by Any Other Name? Explaining the Absence of Constitutional Environmental Rights in Sri Lanka

Why do some countries adopt constitutional environmental rights while other do not? The results of a large-N survival analysis indicate that the likelihood that a country adopts a constitutional environmental right is related to at least five factors — GDP per capita, international civil society influence, level of democracy, population density, and protection of civil liberties. However, in order to reveal factors not captured by quantitative techniques and better understand the specific causal mechanisms, a more granular approach to understanding the phenomenon is needed. Therefore, in this paper I offer an analysis of Sri Lanka, a most-likely case (based on the statistical model) which does not have constitutional environmental rights. Through a qualitative content analysis of seven interviews conducted in Colombo and evidence from scholarly literature, I find that constitutional environmental rights were not included in any of Sri Lanka’s governing charters mainly due to the existing capacity of domestic law and policy to address environmental issues, politicization of the constitutional reform process, and the emphasis placed on certain controversies during the drafting of a new constitution. This research provides important insights into constitutional design and how international norms translate into domestic contexts.

“Death Does Not Rot”: Transitional Justice and Local “Truths” in the Aftermath of the War in Northern Uganda

The article looks at the way Acholi in northern Uganda address war-related matters of “peace” and “justice” beyond the mainstream human rights discourse reflecting some of the basic concepts that are decisive for the way people deal with transitional and local justice. The relationality and the segmentary structure of Acholi society play major roles in categorising “peace” and “war” while being at odds with the globalised standards of human rights that have been brought into play by international agencies, civil society and church organisations as well as the Ugandan state. A major argument is that a one-dimensional understanding of the cosmological underpinnings of rituals as a locally embedded tool of transitional justice (TJ) has an impact on the failure of TJ in northern Uganda. Thus the article highlights the specific cultural dilemmas in which the process of peace currently appears to be stuck.

Sovereignty, Human Rights and the Global Land Grab

The phenomenon of land grab in recent years has drawn the attention of various interests including international organizations, government and civil society. This is because of the speed at which such large scale acquisition are taking place, the nature of most deals and more importantly the unjustness in which most land deals do not take into consideration the right of the local communities and also small holder farmers. The era of globalization has made it impossible for nations to exist without engaging in some trade or contractual agreement with other state or private investor. States in legitimate exercise of their sovereignty attract foreign investors, but with such right is the responsibility to respect the investor and protect their interests. States also exercise their sovereignty through membership of international organizations, establishment of sovereign wealth funds and direct/indirect support to investors. States pursue commitments at these levels, usually in terms of their national interest. Human rights concerns and their protection guaranteed by numerous international legal instruments are a partial cause of the current trend in global land rush. Before the advent of human rights protection most land acquisitions were based on agreements between parties concerned or were based on the use of force. However, the Charter of the United Nations has frowned against unlawful threat or the use of force against any sovereign state. While land grabs are condemned because of the impact they have on the local population and the environment, it does not change the fact that most land deals are legitimate. It is therefore argued that human rights capture important dimension of the values that are at stake when we discuss or modify the land rights and land use of women, men and children and their should be the focus of states and international organizations in addressing the issue of land grabs.

Manufacturing governance: global norms and policy diffusion – the case of the Chinese apparel industry

Transnational corporations (TNCs) have increasingly addressed labour conditions associated with their commercial suppliers in developing countries. For TNCs, however, weak rule of law, poor governance capacity, corruption and gaps in appropriate legislation in developing countries have made the management, enforcement and monitoring of local labour practices problematic, in the process exposing TNCs to reputational risks and potential commercial harm. TNCs have attempted to overcome these constraints by developing corporate responsibility (CR) strategies designed to set in place codes of ethical conduct in the treatment of worker rights while protecting shareholder interests and those of other stakeholders. As this paper explores, TNCs are pursuing the development of regulatory codes that are required to be adopted by their supply chain partners, in the process, setting standards that are diffused to local businesses and organizations and impacting the regulatory structures that govern local business behaviour. As this paper notes, however, this is not a one-way process of norm diffusion but rather a site of norm reciprocity, where local institutions and practices shape the regulatory outcomes that evolve. To this end, the paper examines the interactions between TNCs and other actors (international organizations, the state, civil society and private actors) in norm diffusion, attempting to map and ascertain how reciprocity in norm diffusion shapes norm and institutional outcomes in CR activities.

World Citizenship and Concern for Global Warming: Building the Case for a Strong International Civil Society

Climate change shares many characteristics with classic social dilemmas. Social psychological studies of social dilemmas have found that individuals who identify as members of social groups are more likely to cooperate with other group members. Using multilevel models and the 2005–2008 wave of the World Values Survey, I test the effect of four social identities—world citizen, national citizen, local community member, and autonomous individual—on the odds an individual considers global warming a very serious problem. I find that identification as a world citizen increases the odds an individual judges global warming to be very serious, but only for individuals who also identify as autonomous individuals. I argue that awareness of the individual and collective nature of environmental risks may strengthen efforts to promote ecological citizenship.

Reframing the Debate on Migration, Development and Human Rights

ABSTRACTThe relationship between migration, development, and human rights is a topic of growing interest among international organisations, academics, and civil society organisations. To varying degrees, international organisations such as the World Bank and the International Organization for Migration see remittances as an essential tool in the development of migrant‐sending, underdeveloped countries. They also envisage international migration management as a core element in the design and implementation of migration policies that are apparently beneficial for all parties. We argue that this perspective, which has dominated the academic and policy agendas, is essentially one‐sided, de‐contextualised, reductionist, and misleading. It overlooks the realm of neoliberal globalisation and unequal development in which contemporary migration is embedded. It also disregards human and labour rights as central and intrinsic elements of coherent migration and development policies, as well as the exploitation, social exclusion, human insecurity, and criminalisation suffered by international migrants. In addition, it masks most of the fundamental contributions made by migrants to the destination countries and ignores the costs of migration for the countries of origin; costs that go far beyond the overemphasised ‘positive’ impact of remittances. The purpose of this article is to provide some key elements for reframing the debate on migration, development, and human rights with particular emphasis on the promotion of a comprehensive, inclusive, and human‐centred alternative agenda. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Enhancing the contribution of FDI to development: A new agenda for the corporate social responsibility community, international labour and civil society, aid donors and multilateral financial institutions

Both positive contributions and negative damages from foreign direct investment are greater than even the most sophisticated of today’s models and estimating techniques can portray. Securing these positive contributions and avoiding the negative damages requires strategies to correct for market failures, to supply public goods and international standards, to capture positive externalities and limit negative externalities. Members of international civil society, labour groups, corporate social responsibility advocates, international donors, and multilateral lenders should fashion their agenda more closely – as outlined here – to provide those external pressures and actions needed to optimize the impact of mainstream transnational corporate activities on host country growth and welfare. The findings reported here should not in any way undercut the efforts of those who simply want to pressure transnational corporations to “give back” more to the communities where they operate. Corporate charity surely has its place, but the pro-poor sustainable development policy community will want to focus on the larger – and in many ways more important – set of targets sketched out here.

Competition Policy and Poverty Reduction: A Holistic Approach

This paper examines the role of competition law and policy as tools for poverty reduction and development. The authors put forward five related principles, building upon the important work on related issues that has been done by the OECD, the International Competition Network (ICN), UNCTAD and civil society organizations such as CUTS in recent years, in addition to the earlier work done on these topics in the WTO Working Group on the Interaction between Trade and Competition Policy when that body was active from 1997 through 2003. Together, these principles comprise the holistic approach to competition law and policy which is referenced in the title of the paper: * First, the focus of policy makers in using competition policy as tool for poverty reduction should be on approaches that are relatively easy to implement but have a trackrecord of being effective and economically sound. * Second, for competition policy reforms and legislation to be successful, public acceptance and support is critical and must be an essential focus of related initiatives. * Third, to serve as an effective tool of poverty reduction, competition policy needs to address the needs of the citizens of poorer societies in their capacities as producers (and, therefore, as users of extensive input goods and services, including public infrastructure), in addition to their capacities as final consumers/households. * Fourth, it is posited that competition policy is more than just what competition agencies do and includes the full spectrum of measures that governments employ to enhance competition and improve the performance of markets. * Fifth, in order to address the challenges posed by the changing landscape of competition policy worldwide, new forms of international co-operation may need to be considered. The paper then develops the application of these principles with respect to five specific areas in which competition policy can contribute to poverty reduction, namely: (i) the reform of public and business infrastructure sectors, particularly in the context of developing and transition economies; (ii) the complementary roles of competition law enforcement and market liberalization in public procurement markets; (iii) various related dimensions of competition policy as they relate to public health objectives; (iv) the addressing of possible monopsonistic practices in international supply chains that may affect the ability of developing country producers to reap gains from participation in international markets; and (v) measures to address the enduring problem of international cartels which, despite an impressive record of prosecutions by developed jurisdiction competition agencies over the past decade, continue to impose substantial costs on developing economies. The paper concludes with some observations regarding the future of international cooperation in the competition policy sphere.