Internal Colonialism Research Articles

수용소 이후의 수용소와 인종화된 식민주의

The following paper examines the course in which the colonial hierarchy of violence is internalized as multi-layered racism through the experiences of the soldiers from Okinawa and the Korean guards at Japanese POW camps during WWII. Although the Korean guards oversaw Allied prisoners of war in Japan’s WWII camps, they were under watch themselves by their Japanese counterparts and superiors. In a somewhat similar way, the soldiers from Okinawa contributed to Japan’s colonial rule in East Asia while being subject to Japan’s “internal colonialism.” I will describe the nature of their two-sided involvement as “victimhood implicated in perpetration of violence”, and I will seek ways to liberate their experience from the relations that are colonized and institutionalized.<BR>What lies within the purview of this paper are the experiences of (1) the people from Okinawa who were gunzoku-militarized personnel of the Japanese imperial army-and (2) the Korean guards who oversaw the Allied prisoners of war in Southeast Asia between 1942 and 1945. In addition, the literary work, testimonies, and other written accounts of institutionalized life in the years that followed will also be examined.<BR>The first case to be examined is Yi Yŏngkil (李永吉), a Korean guard at the Japanese POW camp whose Japanese name was Yoshimoto Nagayoshi (慶本永吉), for which his writings as well as the testimonies of his coworkers will be analyzed. During the course of his life, Yi was taken from the POW camp to a detention center, and was eventually placed in a psychiatric ward, being faced with a number of different forms of institutionalization in conjunction with colonization.<BR>Yi’s case is followed by the analysis of the series of fictional and archival writings that reveal the course in which the Korean and Okinawan gunzokus in Southeast Asia came to participate in the independence movement in Indonesia after 1945. By comparing Okinawan writer Ōta Ryōhaku’s Black Diamond (1949) with the Korean guards’ written accounts, I attempt to question whether it is possible that decolonization of one colonized community lead to decolonization of other colonized communities.<BR>The goal of this paper is to seek how the Korean and the Okinawan people-the people who are marked by “victimhood implicated in perpetration of violence”-can truly be liberated from the post-concentration camp institutionalization and the colonization that persists even in the aftermath of colonialism through the case of what I call “concomitance of two independences.” By drawing connections among various “abjects”, my intention is neither to keep their experience as abject nor to request their inclusion in the conventional space of historiography, but to suggest a new imaginary where a series of abjected experiences become connected in unexpected ways.

THE SOCIAL DIMENSION OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM.THE GALICIAN CASE

The thesis of internal colonialism reveals the realities that different populations face, and posits that even populations that are within the core central regions of the capitalist world-system are victims of certain exploitation models more typical of the colonial periphery. This article reviews this thesis about internal colonialism with the aim of freeing it from its rigid structuralism and bringing it closer to other perspectives, such as the post-colonialist and decolonialist views, which could ultimately enhance its usefulness as a theoretical tool. Furthermore, this paper addresses the need for an exploration of the social dimension that accompanies internal colonialism, somewhat neglected by the traditional thesis, in light of a conceptual proposition that emphasizes the genesis and transformation of different colonial identities and highlights internal colonialism as an identityfixing dispositive. Finally, this paper briefly examines the Galician case of internal colonialism to demonstrate the potential offered by this new theoretical approach.

Armed with Cameras and Guns

Vezub and De Oto parse out the double discourses present in anthropological photography in twentieth-century Argentine nationhood. Ethnography thus becomes a powerful tool to create the national archive, reaffirming the coloniality of power, by way of representation and through the placement of indigenous bodies in relation to ethnographers who, engaged in processes of internal colonialism, behaved like earlier colonial explorers. This article presents a rupture in the dominant narrative as it interrupts myths of nationhood and integration of the Tehuelches people with a counternarrative that presents decolonial possibilities within the photographic archive. Maintaining the ambiguity in the discourse of Peronism itself, the authors emphasize that, while financing these ethnographic campaigns, Peronist leaders also supported emancipatory policies for the racialized working class. Los descamisados, a shirtless working-class and subaltern figure, emerges with Peronism, as a positive alternative to suit-wearing oligarchs in discourses of nationhood and nation-building.

Internal Colonialism and the Wasteland Theme in Ron Rash's Serena

Ron Rash’s Serena (2008) is about the clash between northern industrialists who cut timber in southern Appalachia and conservationists who want the area converted into a national park. Set during the Depression, it also addresses our own times of unchecked greed and environmental holocaust. This article relates the situation of internal colonialism, which turns the region into a sacrifice zone, with the theme of the wasteland. The latter is related in the novel not only to T. S. Eliot’s poem but also to other works that Rash acknowledgesas influences, including Moby-Dick, The Great Gatsby and Christopher Marlowe’s tragedies about the will to power. Characterized by what Erich Fromm calls the exploitative orientation, Serena Pemberton wields hard power and embodies the rapaciousness of economy, in contrast to a local female character, who stands for ecology and soft power.

The patterns and driving forces of uneven regional growth in ASEAN countries: A tale of two Thailands' path toward regional coordinated development

AbstractUneven development has long been a critical issue in geography and urban studies, leading to economically inefficient urbanization, environmentally unbalanced regions, and socially unequal livelihoods. As one result, primate cities and urban primacy form within a hierarchical urban system, to which urban and regional planning must positively respond. It is worth noting that Thailand has experienced a number of important urbanization issues related to developing countries, such as semicolonialism and internal colonialism. This study aims to investigate regional uneven development based on primacy theory and the rank‐size rule, which are common in most Asian and developing countries. We examined the urbanization processes in Thailand, from 2000 to 2015, by looking at factors of population, GDP, land use, transportation networks, and nighttime light, which provide very recent regional development patterns. The second set of analyses explained the degree of primacy among different provinces and their ranking hierarchies. By presenting the persistent disparities of contemporary urbanization in Thailand and exploring its driving forces, this study offers insights into planning and policy and underscores the importance of regional coordinated development for achieving sustainable urbanization in Southeast Asian countries.

The Tongpo case: indigenous institutions and environmental justice in China

ABSTRACT Environmental conflict between indigenous peoples and state agencies developing natural resources has become a global phenomenon. This article presents a compelling but underreported incident of environmental conflict in China. The Tongpo case describes a struggle between a Mongol pastoral people who worship and protect their sacred mountain and a Han Chinese natural resource development company that began constructing a coking mill at the foot of this mountain in late 2005. This paper gives a detailed account of the origins, development, and impact of the Tongpo case from the perspective of indigenous environmental justice. It focuses on two related subjects: how Mongol indigenous institutions in China have protected the environment, and how environmental injustice has occurred at the local level in China. By applying an indigenous environmental justice lens to this case study, this paper exposes how environmental injustice is manifested through internal colonialism, nationalism, and racism and illuminates the ways in which indigenous groups protect their sacred lands.

Kulturowe źródła prawa i kulturowe uwarunkowania władzy politycznej. Wewnętrzny kolonializm i casus akulturacji prawnej Ślązaków

Cultural Sources of Law and Conditions of Political Power. Internal Colonialism and the Case of Legal Acculturation of Silesians The article addresses legal pluralism, namely the interaction of norms resulting from either custom or law, which takes place in the face of emancipation processes in Polish Silesia. It concerns legal conceptualizations of regional autonomy and the negotiations of the legal status of the regional group that aims at a higher level of sovereignty. Namely, investigating the relationship between cultural and legal norms, I analyse the judicial procedure regarding the way of adjudicating and defining Silesianness. Considering the existence of multiple parallel ethnic identities in Poland, I strive to illuminate the question of the legal definition of Polishness and the normative dimension of legal definition. I bring to light the making of the adjudication in the Polish justice system, and thus highlight the mechanisms present in the legislative process and rationalisations operating wherein. I am interested in the consequences of these processes for establishing the legal and the factual status of different groups. The conception of identity used by modern jurisdiction derives from the definition of the dominant group (of Poles) and works towards strengthening its status against the status of other, parallelly existing groups whose self-identities do not fall squarely within the hegemonic construction. My hypothesis is that the process of interpreting the law in force in Poland follows subjective ideas and is often drafted in programmatic terms.

Authoritarian populism and emancipatory politics in the rural United States

• The Democratic Party's neoliberal turn alienated its working-class base. • A white-washed version of “the rural” drives ethno-nationalist populism in the USA. • Historical and contemporary cases of multiracial unity deserve greater attention. • Internal colonialism is key to analyzing racial formation and urban/rural divides. • Uncertainty, when recognized as a shared problem, can build solidarity.

The racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification

AbstractIn recent years, studies of gentrification have added a deeper political economic, political, and cultural understanding to this process by demonstrating how it can be understood as not only driven by the physical displacement of working‐class residents but also by the political, cultural, and physical displacement of poor and working‐class Black, Latinx, Asian, and Indigenous populations. In this study, I review these recent key works in urban sociology, geography, and urban history which examine the specifically racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification. These works provide invaluable insights to the political economic, political, and cultural dimensions of gentrification, but are still constrained by not developing a deeper historical analytics of the racial and colonial structures which shape gentrification. Because of this, the foundations of anti‐Black and anti‐Indigenous racism which make possible the commodification of space and devaluation and dispossession of people that gentrification requires, remain obscured. I argue the alternative frameworks of settler colonialism, internal colonialism, and coloniality—developed largely separate from urban sociology—can provide a sharper analysis to the study of gentrification by helping to more explicitly name and explain the racial and colonial structures, logics, and subjectivities which shape gentrification.

An Exploration of the Chingada Complex: The Legacy of Conquest

The Chingada Complex is the result of the conquest of the Americas. La Chingada is a Mexican expression that reveals a defining cultural complex for people of the Americas, which is expressed through language and image. Beginning in 1492, La Chingada was the name given to describe the conquest of Mexico. It is the story of the birth of a people, the mestizo, a mixed race—a blending of European conquistadores and the indigenous people of the Americas. Not only did La Chingada occur in Mexico—a second “Chingada” occurred in the United States as a result of the Mexican–American War of 1846, which created a new collective trauma that continues to the present day. Who are these people, these mestizos, that live within the borders of the United States? The Xicanx are the Hijos de la Chingada, they are the children of the conquest and internal colonialism. The trauma of this conquest is seen in unique cultural expressions rooted in Mexican heritage but uniquely expressed by today’s Xicanx. This paper will begin to examine the children of the conquest living in the United States. We will examine the archetypal phenomena of Pachuquismo and the oppression of the indigenous feminine through past and current events. As we shall see, the Chingada Complex impacts us all. By examining this North American complex, we can bring to consciousness the shadow of both the European conquest and the American Dream so that a process of reconciliation may begin. I am reminded of Jung’s wisdom when he wrote, “When there is a light in the darkness, which comprehends the darkness, darkness no longer prevails.” (Jung, 1970/1956, para. 345)

Progressive New World: How Settler Colonialism and Transpacific Exchange Shaped American Reform by Marilyn Lake

Progressive New World: How Settler Colonialism and Transpacific Exchange Shaped American Reform by Marilyn Lake

Indigeneity, Gender, and Resistance: Critique and Contemporaneity of Bolivian Anarchism in the Historical Imagination of Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui

From the 1920s to the 1940s, Bolivia was a hub of Andean transnational solidarities rooted in artisanal trades, and spearheaded by migrant workers whose cultural, educational and social activism reflected a mosaic of influences from older militant traditions in neighbouring countries. Virtually absent from existing overviews of Latin American anarchism in English, Bolivian anarchism engaged extensively with autonomous indigenous and communal movements, and is therefore a distinctly revealing case from which to evaluate the engagement of anarchists with indigenous majorities in the Andean space where they lived. This article explores the work of sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, whose dense tapestry of pioneering scholarship on the intertwining horizons of conquest, rebellion, republicanism, resistance and populism in Bolivia over five hundred years includes profound and nuanced assessments of indigeneity and gender, pointing to the need for a more nuanced understanding of how racialised identities are defined in society, and the ways in which they are deployed discursively by revolutionary movements. From the rebellions Tupac Katari and Pablo Zárate Willka in the late 19th century, the subsequent quest of Aymara 'caciques apoderados' for allies among organized artisans and the urban poor, struggles of anarchist women, independent agrarian trade unionism, and the Katarista movement of the 1960s and 1970s to the popular insurgencies of the past three decades, Cusicanqui's work threads together archival, oral and iconographic history while enlisting the participation of popular movements in an ongoing critique of the legacies of internal colonialism, racialization, patriarchal inheritances, and languages of resistance in Bolivia; as well as the lessons of struggles for autonomy, freedom and decolonization in which anarchists and the movements they subsequently influenced took part.

“Latino” or “Hispanic”? The Sociodemographic Correlates of Panethnic Label Preferences among U.S. Latinos/Hispanics

Despite different origins, “Hispanic” and “Latino” are often used interchangeably to describe people with Latin American ancestry in the United States. Nevertheless, research consistently finds around half of U.S. Latinos/Hispanics prefer one term over the other. What factors explain these differences and account for no preference at all? Drawing on the 2013 National Survey of Latinos, we find college graduates, non-Mexicans, and first- and second-generation immigrants, and respondents in the western United States have higher relative odds of preferring “Latino” over “Hispanic.” Those who identify racially as “Hispanic/Latino” also opt for “Latino,” suggesting it is associated with racialization in the U.S. context. Conversely, gender, citizenship status, language use, and political affiliation do not explain specific panethnic label preference. We employ several theoretical approaches to provide insight on these findings, including (neo)colonization and internal colonialism, assimilation and racialization, and consciousness-raising.

“Fight for Your Rights or Obey Your Master?” A MSI for Remedying Victims of a Dam Collapse

This paper examines the effectiveness of Brazil’s largest Multi Stakeholder Initiative (MSI) called Renova born out of the need to remedy and compensate the victims of the country’s largest environmental disaster caused by the rupturing of a mining corporation’s dam in the municipality of Mariana, Minas Gerais. Renova Foundation is fully funded by the two mining corporations responsible for the dam collapse. This qualitative case study with fieldwork allows for a critical analysis of Renova’s capacity for participation and deliberative democracy in providing access to justice via the concept of restorative justice. The case also permits for a comparison and contrasting of perspectives between the MSI and victims (and their legal aid consultants). I draw from the theory of internal colonialism to help explain from a local contextual and cultural perspective how and why in many cases Renova as well as the Brazilian justice system has managed to domesticate, silence and exhaust the victims into accepting meager amounts of compensation that is not rights-compliant. The implications for deliberative democracy and MSIs are also discussed.

Migration and the invisible economies of care: Production, social reproduction and seasonal migrant labour in India

This paper focuses on the processes of migrant labour exploitation which are crucial for capitalist growth and the inequalities they generate. Ethnographic research conducted in different sites across India shows how patterns of seasonal labour migration are driven by class relations marked by hierarchies of identity (caste and tribe) and the spatial geopolitics of internal colonialism (region) – differences that are mobilised for accumulation. Labour migration scholarship has mainly explored sites of production. We extend recent social reproduction theory (SRT) and an older literature on labour migration and reproduction to argue that the intimate relationship between production and social reproduction is crucial to the exploitation of migrant labour and that this means we have to place centre‐stage the analysis of invisible economies of care which take place across spatiotemporally divided households, both in the place of migration and in the home regions of migrants. Furthermore, we develop recent work on SRT and migration to argue that an analysis of kinship (gender over generations, not just gender) is crucial to these invisible economies of care. This analysis is important in showing the machinations of capitalist growth and for political alternatives.

Editorial. El etnocidio del otro también es nuestra propia muerte.

Este editorial plantea el problema del etnocidio del Otro como el modusoperandi equivalente al asesinato-suicidio contra la humanidad misma. Para Este editorial plantea el problema del etnocidio del Otro como el modus operandi equivalente al asesinato-suicidio contra la humanidad misma. Para ello, se problematiza los asesinatos en Costa Rica de Yeri Rivera Rivera, líder indígena Bröran de Térraba, el pasado 24 de febrero de 2020 y; de Sergio Rojas Ortiz, líder indígena Bribri, cometido el 18 de marzo de 2019, en el proceso de la recuperación de sus territorios frente a usurpadores no indígenas y sus aliados. Metodológicamente, se realizó un acercamiento etnográfico con entrevistas abiertas para lograr un acercamiento dialógico con sus compañeros de lucha. Lo analizado permite concluir que ambos asesinatos tienen una profunda raíz de racismo en Costa Rica y otros países del Sur Global; tiene como blanco la desaparición forzada de líderes y lideresas indígenas y activistas sociales; forman parte del colonialismo interno; se comete con ello el etnocidio del Otro, que es también nuestra propia muerte y; como otros tantos asesinatos, siguen impunes. Como parte de nuestro compromiso desde la universidad pública, Trama, la Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades ante a estos hechos, se posiciona como un espacio para la comunicación de conocimiento liberador del racismo, la xenofobia, el patriarcado, el capitalismo y el colonialismo. Palabras clave: colonialidad, emancipación; humanismo; lucha social.

Hindu nationalism and media violence in news discourses in India

ABSTRACT The mainstream media and communication discourses in India in the present times engender ‘media violence’ embedded in the dominant productions of ‘Hinduism’ together with aspirations for neoliberal development. The media violence engenders indigenous forms of racism and colonialism. This article attempts to examine the nature of these productions through critical theories of postcoloniality and decolonial approaches put into conversation with theories of journalism. Through the examination of the instances of selective silencing of journalistic voices, and erasures embedded within the journalistic practices, this article argues for critical theories of press freedom. The productions of racial superiority and internal colonialism in India only begin to make sense when read together with the interplays of religion, class, caste, and global reach of the privileged sections of Indian society, namely the civil society. Against the backdrop of the historical role of the press in India in freedom struggle against colonial rule, the history of press censorship after independence, the civil society voices that are amplified in the neoliberal restructuring of news media, and the Dalit movements that expose the Brahminical dominance in the imaginary of the ‘Indian culture’, the meanings of race and coloniality in India unfold.

Religion and Internal Migrations in the Processes of Indonesianisation and Islamisation of West Papua

&lt;p&gt;Migracje wewnętrzne stanowią coraz większy problem w społeczeństwach wieloetnicznych. Indonezja jest jednym z najbardziej różnorodnych krajów na świecie i domem dla setek grup etnicznych zjednoczonych w ramach głównej idei – tożsamości narodowej. Jednak koncepcja ta pozostaje niejasna dla wielu Indonezyjczyków, szczególnie tych mieszkających poza centralną, przeludnioną Jawą i Madurą. Aby osiągnąć utopijną jedność, prezydent Suharto (1967–1998) wprowadził program „transmigracji”, który przeniósł ludzi z przeludnionych terytoriów na tak zwane „wyspy zewnętrzne”. Oficjalne plany podkreślały jego gospodarcze i rozwojowe znaczenie, ale transmigracja była również politycznym narzędziem do wprowadzenia procesów indonezjanizacji i islamizacji. Korzystając z teorii wewnętrznego kolonializmu Michaela Hechtera, autorka popiera swój argument sprawozdaniami i dokumentami dotyczącymi przypadku Zachodniej Papui we wschodniej Indonezji. Terytorium z separatystycznym doświadczeniem i silnym pragnieniem wielkiej autonomii stanowi dobry przykład prób celowej indonezjanizacji i islamizacji. Przytłaczająca liczba wewnętrznych migrantów, jawajskich muzułmanów, stopniowo osłabiała jedność chrześcijańskich Papuasów. Brak równowagi między tymi grupami powoduje ciągłe napięcie w zmieniającym się społeczeństwie. Na podstawie tego argumentu przedstawiony jest wpływ migracji wewnętrznej w szerszym kontekście. Autorka zwraca uwagę na dynamikę struktury religijnej i etnicznej przed upadkiem reżimu Nowego Ładu i po nim i twierdzi, że procesy indonezjanizacji i islamizacji mają kluczowe znaczenie dla dalszego istnienia Papuasów i rozwiązań przyjętych przez państwo indonezyjskie.&lt;/p&gt;

Internal cultural imperialism: The case of the Kurds in Turkey

The cultural imperialism thesis that emerged in late 20th century focused on inequalities in the West driven global flow of culture and communication, and how that adversely affected the cultural conditions of nations in the so called Third World. However, the core–periphery dynamic at the root of cultural imperialism has not merely been confined to the transnational level, from the West to the Rest. It has existed at the national level as well. Conducting a historical examination of state policy vis-à-vis Kurdish culture in Turkey, and drawing on the theories of cultural imperialism, internal colonialism and nationalism, I develop the concept of internal cultural imperialism to capture the state of severe center peripheral cultural imbalance that has been a product of Turkish nationalist ideology and its policies of cultural homogenization. In hegemonic condition, the state’s ultimate goal has been to subjugate and/or possibly eradicate the cultures of non-core groups within its territory.

Russia: Colonial, anticolonial, postcolonial Empire?

This article is devoted to the discussion of Russian colonial and anti-colonial social imaginaries. It starts by delving into the definitions of colony and colonization, and proceeds to the analysis of the colonial experience of the Russian continental Empire. The internal colonization thesis is also analyzed in the context of the imperial reality. The complex Soviet experience is understood as, on the one hand, a radical break with the past, through decolonization and anti-colonialism. The author, on the other hand, agrees with those who claim that Stalinism can also be understood in terms of an internal colonialism theory. This article, however, emphasizes the metaphoric nature of the internal colonialism arguments. In conclusion, the author describes different features of Russian colonial/anti-colonial experience as aspects of what he calls the modernity of control and what he describes as the dominance of the rational mastery discourses over imaginary signification of autonomy.