Internal Affairs Of Other Countries Research Articles

Russian-Ukrainian Relations in the Historical Context of the Formation of Sovereign Ukrainian Statehood

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analy- sis of historical factors, features and political and legal patterns of the formation of modern Ukrainian statehood, taking into account the difficult and constantly escalating Russian-Ukrainian relations, the growing Ukrainian nationalist radicalism, Russophobia and neo-Nazism, the formation of the state of a rigidly pro-Western-oriented regime of government. Special emphasis is placed on the problems of dynamically increasing difficulties in preserving and strengthening state sovereignty, ensuring financial, economic and military-political independence of the country, difficulties and prospects for implementing the European choice strategy in Ukrainian.Methodology and methods. dialectical-ma- terialistic model of research; principles of scientific, historicism and objectivity; methods of retrospection and comparison, analysis and synthesis, mental mod- eling, ascent from the abstract to the concrete.The results of the study. In the leading posi- tions of the presented research, the political and legal problems of destabilizing and disintegrating processes in the conditions of radicalization of the ruling Ukrainian regime of anti-Russian orientation, taking into account the historically difficult dialectics of the development of intra-national and interstate issues. In a comparative cross-country context, the features of the concept of building Ukrainian statehood as an- ti-Russia are analyzed, the author's concept of turning Ukraine into an instrument of Western forces in the fight against Russia, into a mercenary state and a springboard for military-ideological struggle with the Russian world in order to inflict strategic defeat on it is presented.Discussion and conclusion. Using the example of the difficult Ukrainian experience of post–Soviet state-building, the validity of the fact that the policy of the modern West is a policy of gross violation of international law, a policy of hegemonism and striving for world domination with the help of allied countries and at the expense of satellite countries and the enslavement of mercenaries is substantiated. Hence the gross interference in the internal affairs of other countries and peoples, direct interventions, the export of corruption, the imposition of morals of meanness, hostility and destruction, the unleashing of interstate, interethnic and interfaith conflicts, the policy of lies and provocations. Some judgments are formulated concerning the complex and far from un- ambiguously interpreted problems of state-building in the post-Soviet space in accordance with the ideals and values of a true democratic, legal, social, secular state.

China's Cooperation with Countries of Central Asia: Present and Prospects

The article examines China’s geopolitical, economic, and security interests in Central Asia against the background of global geopolitical confrontation in the region. It has been established that China’s foreign policy towards the countries of Central Asia is aimed at: observing the principles of good-neighborly friendship and peaceful cooperation; implementation of mutually beneficial cooperation to promote general prosperity; respect for the choices of people of all countries and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries; respect for independence and sovereignty and promotion of regional stability. Special attention is paid to the issue of security and maintenance of stability in the region, which is ensured mainly through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The issue of cooperation in the energy sector was also considered. China’s state-owned companies in the region have focused their interest on the energy industry, and especially on Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan – countries that contain significant hydrocarbon potential and high export and transit opportunities. By attracting investments to the region, China strengthens its influence, thereby weakening the dependence of the countries of the region on Russia and balancing Russia's political activity in the region. According to the results of the first summit «China - Central Asia», held on May 18-19, 2023 in the city of Xiʼan, the leaders of the countries of the region approved the policy of «one China», supporting its policy towards Taiwan, and also agreed on the activation of bilateral relations, the development of transport energy and transport and logistics communications, increasing the export of food products to China.

Концепт демократии во внешней политике США в условиях постбиполярной системы

Introduction. Democracy nowadays means not only specific parameters of domestic political, social and economic development, but has also become a tool for identifying “friends” and “strangers” for the USA and a number of other states of the so-called Western world. In addition, international law, calling the problem of human rights the most important one for the democratization of the world, denotes the possibility of interference of the states concerned in the internal affairs of other countries. Methods and materials. The study was conducted in accordance with the epistemological orientations of social constructivism using the case-study method. Analysis. The logic of analysis assumes considering a concept of democracy from the position of the theory of the democratic world with its verification on USA political practice including their participation in contemporary local and regional conflicts. Results. Thus, democracy becomes a complex tool that allows the USA to solve several problems at once: to divide between states, to influence the domestic politics of other states, to change its position in the international arena, to spread its values, to conceal its foreign policy goals by dressing them up in “democratic” clothes. The U.S., considering itself a model democratic state, identifying other countries as its allies or enemies, at the same time gives them the status of “democratic” or “non-democratic”, or, if necessary, avoiding such a designation (in the case of Saudi Arabia).

China and Europe in Africa: Competition or Cooperation?

This paper presents the development strategies of the European Union and China towards Africa. European development aid has always been accompanied by political and economic conditions such as adopting neoliberalist policies, democracy and regime modification. As for China, its development policies have not been conditional because it adopts the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and a win-win strategy. The paper points to a great disparity between the Chinese and European development strategies. China represents the South-South development model, and the European Union provides the North-South development model. The development experience in Africa indicates the progress of the Chinese model and its attraction to the African governments and peoples.

Revealing China’s “Hidden Hand”

Revealing China’s “Hidden Hand” Charles Parton (bio) Hidden Hand: Exposing How the Chinese Communist Party Is Re-shaping the World. By Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg. London: Oneworld, 2020. 280 pp. Legal threats and letters delayed the publication of this book on the united front strategy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and how that strategy operates in Europe and North America. You cannot buy publicity like that. Media coverage of the controversy has ensured reprints already. It is an object lesson for Xi Jinping’s Central Propaganda Department: If you want publicity for something, pretend you object to it and threaten to sue; if you want to kill a story, the best thing is to keep quiet. In 2018, the Australian public intellectual Clive Hamilton published Silent Invasion, his first foray against CCP influence and interference abroad. (There is a difference: The first is called “public diplomacy” and all countries do it; the second is what Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull called “covert, coercive, or corrupt[ing],” and the CCP devotes vast resources to the dire art.) Silent Invasion was a rol-licking polemic in the best Australian tradition; it aimed to expose CCP attempts to bend Australia to a CCP narrative and detach the country from its allies. Hidden Hand comes from the same kitchen. It offers the reader a gallimaufry of incidents, people, events, and organizations—all thrown into the pot, sometimes fittingly, occasionally jarringly. Some may condemn this as a merely polemical stew, but (to shift the metaphor) the authors’ unabashed aim is indeed to throw grenades. They want to rouse Europeans [End Page 182] and North Americans from their complacent slumbers, and to expose those who put their personal interests above the values they say they espouse and above the general good. If that means occasional overinterpretations, they are the casualties of combat. And this book is nothing if not “combat-atative”—the neologism captures the high rate of fire which Hamilton and Ohlberg aim at the target. Hidden Hand is also a highly readable primer on the united front strategy and how the CCP interferes in the internal affairs of other countries (the CCP does a fine line in hypocrisy; how often do we hear that phrase whenever foreigners express views on China?). Ohlberg is a fluent speaker and reader of Chinese, an excellent China scholar with an intimate knowledge of the CCP’s workings and an ability to explain clearly what the united front strategy is and how the CCP implements it. You do not have to be a China scholar to follow the passages which lay these out, although it helps if you have a memory for impossible acronyms containing the letter C in profusion. Fortunately, there is an annex setting out organizations and their acronyms, as well as 123 pages of notes, a highly useful feature for those wishing to dig more deeply. Indeed, one of the strengths of the book is that almost every assertion is backed up by a reference, allowing interested readers to make up their own minds on a claim’s reliability and significance. Besides its value as a polemic and primer, the book has a third purpose. That is to ask: How are likeminded democracies to deal with CCP interference? This is where the reader must work a bit harder. The text supplies or implies many suggestions, but does not set them out in one place for easy digestion. Fair enough, this is not a policy paper; there are enough of those elsewhere to mine for ideas and solutions. Waking the broader public and politicians to the issue and explaining it to them are the first and most crucial steps. A lack of understanding of the CCP, its aims, and its methods remains rife—and there are those who do not wish to be awakened. Although the primary role of the CCP Central Committee’s United Front Work Department (UFWD) is to align non-Party elements of society with CCP interests, the UFWD is also a very significant player in promoting those interests abroad. First, it sets the united front strategy, whose goals the authors define as “to induce, co-opt and coerce those outside...

Голодомор 1932-1933 рр. очима іноземних дипломатів

У статті розкривається роль представників іноземних консульств, які працювали на той час в УСРР (Харків, Київ, Одеса), щодо висвітлення Голодомору 1932-1933 рр. Найбільш змістовними, у даному випадку, є звіти німецьких, польських та італійських консулів.
 У своїх звітах вони повідомляли про політичний та економічний стан в УСРР, жорстку політику «розкуркулення» та примусової колективізації, репресії на селі, нелюдські умови, в яких опинилося населення, про різноманітні прояви протестів серед селянства проти впровадження «совєтами» нової сільськогосподарської політики, канібалізм, результати політики хлібозаготівель тощо.

China’s Policy in North African and Eastern Mediterranean Countries

The object of this paper is North Africa and Mediterranean. The subject of research is China’s policy towards North African countries during “Arab spring” and at the present historical stage. This article is devoted to the role of the North African and Mediterranean countries in contemporary China’s foreign policy and in new Chinese initiative “One Belt–One Road”(BRI). The methodological basis of research is comparative political approach. The fundamental China’s foreign policy principle is non – interference in internal affairs of other countries. The study shows, that “Arab awakening” has become a test for Beijings’ traditional commitment to this principle, composing it by measures for protection of Chinese citizens, business and financial investments abroad. At the same time, Beijing drew conclusions from the Libyan events. Together with Russia it has prevented the escalating of Syrian conflict under the Libyan scenario. In Beijing foreign policy strategy the new initiative BRI takes the leading place. The aim of this research is to show that the North African and Mediterranean countries, located at the crossroads of the land and sea Silk roads, play an important role in new Chinese project. Egypt, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia are in focus of China’s interests. The implementation of Chinese initiative envisages infrastructure projects, which should cover all expanse of the Belt. These projects include the construction of railways and highways, aviation, energy, industrial parks, construction of ports in Turkey, Greece, Israel and other coastal countries. The author makes the conclusion: although China adheres to doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and avoids participation in armed confrontation, it aspires to play the role of influential player in North Africa and Mediterranean and to strengthen its economic, political and military influence in this important region.

China’s Solutions to Security Governance in the Middle East: An Assessment

:Over several decades, many intricate security issues in the Middle East, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Iranian nuclear crisis, the Syrian conflict and terrorism, etc., have greatly influenced regional and global security and stability. The international community has taken many measures to solve these problems, but they did not achieve the expected results. With the rise of China, the international community’s expectation for China to participate in global governance has also increased. Therefore, in recent years, China has taken an increasingly proactive stance on the Middle East security governance, transforming from a detached bystander into an active participant and initiator. To realize and maintain security and stability in the Middle East, China has put forward its own solutions to the security issues based on the principles of respecting sovereignty, non-interference of the internal affairs of other countries, objectivity and impartiality, comprehensive and fundamental governance, peaceful resolution, and multilateral participation. Although China’s solutions are not perfect yet and are faced with many criticisms, their prospects are optimistic. They have provided new ideas for the Middle East security governance.

МІЖНАРОДНА ІНФОРМАЦІЙНА БЕЗПЕКА – КЛЮЧОВИЙ НАПРЯМ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ШАНХАЙСЬКОЇ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЇ СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА: 2006-2017 рр.

The article deals with researches of the SCO's activities in the area of international information security and analysis of the legislative initiatives of the Russian Federation as a member country of the SCO in the historical retrospective.The resource base of the article is the official documents posted on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization web site (https://rus.sectsco.org/), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (https: // www.mid.ru) and other web sites of member countries of organization.The article is based on the problematic-chronological principle.It was determined that the cooperation of the SCOʼs member countries in the area of information security de facto began on June 16, 2009 by signing the Yekaterinburg Declaration of cooperation in information security providing. According to paragraph 7 of this document, the relevance of international information security providing is identified as an important element of the overall international security system.The Russian Federation's initiatives in the area of international information security were continued in Yekaterinburg (September 2011). The Russian experts presented a draft concept of the IIB Collaboration Convention as an alternative to the 2001 Budapest Council of Europe Convention concerning cybercrime.On September 12, 2011 United Nations Permanent Representatives of Russia, China,Tajikistan and Uzbekistan sent a joint letter to UN Secretary General with a request to extend the draft «Rules of Conduct in the Field of International Information Security" adopted at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit in Astana on June 2011 as an official document of the United Nations General Assembly. The main task of the Rules» was to develop a code of responsible behavior of countries in the international information security, taking into account military-political, criminal and terrorist challenges and threats.However, due to discrepancies in terms of terminology and models of international information security between the Russian Federation and Western countries, the document was not adopted until present. One of the document provisions is the prohibition – «to use ICT and information and communication networks for interference in the internal affairs of other countries with purpose to undermine their political, economic and social stability».The author concludes that Russia plays a dominant role in the field of international information security within the framework of the SCO, which promotes the name of this regional organization of legislative initiatives related to its national interests. The development of draft international legal documents concerning international information security is carried out by powerful research organizations and institutions of the Russian Federation and, on some issues, duplicates Russian doctrinal documents.In further research, the author is going to consider the historical process of creating national information security systems in the countries of the Central Asian region - the republics of the former USSR - and to analyze the content of information campaigns conducted by the Russian Federation in these countries.

PRIORITIES OF FOREIGN POLICY OF BANGLADESH SINCE 2005

Foreign Policy is usually viewed as an extension of domestic policy. Foreign policy refers to the policy of a sovereign state to achieve its desired goals to the foreign countries. The foreign policy of Bangladesh, like that of any other state is also primarily a projection of the country's socio-economic and political compulsions in international politics. The Foreign Policy of Bangladesh emanates from the following provisions of the Bangladesh Constitution. These provisions are stated in Article 25 of the Constitution. 1.The State shall base its international relations on the principles of respect for national sovereignty and equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, peaceful settlements of international disputes, and respect for international law and the principles enunciated in the United Nations Charter. 2. The state shall endeavor to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity.

Norm Contestation and Global Governance: Taking Actor Configurations and Practical Reasoning Seriously

Norm Contestation and Global Governance: Taking Actor Configurations and Practical Reasoning Seriously

China's Non-Intervention Question

AbstractWhile it continues to adhere to the rule of 'non-interference/non-intervention' in the internal affairs of other countries, in a rapidly changing world, a steadily rising China is exploring how it can play a more constructive role in relation to international engagement with major political and humanitarian crises. The transformation of China's role in relation to international intervention has been driven by the nation's growing integration into the global political economy. To date, however, China has still not become deeply involved in unilateral or multilateral coercive intervention, but has in recent times selectively participated in international efforts mandated by the UN Security Council and has also joined or organized many regional efforts. Facing big challenges, great pressures and many uncertainties, China has to balance its traditional commitment to 'non-interference' with its responsibilities as a great power.

The construction of an East Asian order and the limitations of the ASEAN model

An East Asian Summit will be held in Malaysia this December. Like other institutions in the region, the summit will be hosted by ASEAN. Only nations that have signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (or TAC), which sets out the basic principles of ASEAN, will receive an invitation to the summit from ASEAN. This unprecedented summit may become a historic starting point on the path towards the founding of an East Asian community. If so, the TAC may well come to represent the basic principles of the East Asian community. The commitment to peaceful resolution of conflict that is enshrined in the TAC could be expanded from Southeast Asia to East Asia. If a Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in East Asia could be concluded, it would surely constitute a major contribution to peace and prosperity in East Asia. At the same time, however, it is likely that the bedrock principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries—as stipulated in the TAC—would also become a fundamental doctrine of an East Asian community. Even within ASEAN there are some who regard this principle as outdated, as it is used as a pretext for resisting pressure to democratize. If it retains the TAC as its basis, will an East Asian community be able to share the concept of democracy?

Cooperation between an NGO and "host" states in the control of leprosy in Latin America

The proliferation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can be considered the result of the inability of the current democratic system to perform all the tasks desired by its citizens. Although NGOs often do quite positive work, they tend to diminish governmental power and are capable of interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. In this context, there are efforts to control their activities, and this control can produce both negative effects (blocking the defense of human rights) and positive ones (correcting the lack of coordination in the work by NGOs). NGOs working with the control of leprosy have a long history of cooperation with "host" states in Latin America. In the worst cases they work in a vacuum left by the state. In a country like Brazil, where the government prioritizes the control of Hansen disease and community participation in the political process - NGOs generally work "in harmony" with national authorities. The most useful contribution to state efforts has been the technical and financial support for training health personnel, supervision, and awareness-raising campaigns. Thus, the NGO becomes "quasi-governmental" in performing its tasks.

Two Views of Chinese Foreign Policy

The authors of the two volumes under review present different approaches to an analysis of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China. Gurtov and Hwang stress the importance of national interest and the interaction of domestic factors and foreign policy; they make a connection between China's sensitivity to external threat and its reaction to it, especially at times of domestic political weakness. Armstrong asserts that ideology has played a major role in Chinese foreign policy making. In both volumes, case studies are cited to support the authors' hypotheses. The article concludes that national interest is the principal factor determining the foreign policy of the PRC. Mao Zedong's thought continues to play an important role in Chinese thinking; it is concerned with domestic economic and social change and not with the internal affairs of other countries.

Regulation of Mass Information by International Law

The intensification of the ideological struggle in the international arena makes the question of regulating by law the use of the means of mass information in international relations a pressing one. Normal, good-neighborly relations among states are based on such fundamental principles of international law as respect for sovereignty and nonintervention in the internal affairs of other countries. States are required to adhere to these principles in any activity in which they engage, including the utilization of the mass media at the international level. Adherence to the basic principles of international law in this area is particularly important since the mass media are being actively employed for purposes of ideological struggle. A feature of this struggle is its inevitability and naturalness; no compromises and understandings are possible in it. But the irreconcilability of ideological struggle does not mean that it is permissible to employ therein such means as are incompatible with peaceful coexistence of states with different sociopolitical systems.

Brazilian "Interdependence" and Imperialist Integration

The state of inter-American relations since the United States and Brazil intervened in the Dominican Republic carries the threat of military domination of the entire continent. In 1961 this situation seemed improbable, and the United States was in no position to impose it, not even daring to give open support to an invasion of Cuba. In those days, the Brazilian position opposing intervention in the internal affairs of other countries had a decisive influence. And the present policies of the Brazilian military government playa similarly important role in the change which has taken place in inter-American relationsThis article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Moral Choices in Foreign Affairs

Three contemporary problems in American foreign policy illustrate in graphic terms the moral dilemmas that confront any state in the conduct of foreign relations. Every American President since George Washington has proclaimed the Republic's devotion to democracy both here and abroad. One of our greatest Presidents, Woodrow Wilson, led the country in a crusade to “make the world safe for democracy.” The Eisenhower administration in 1952 rededicated itself to the liberation of subject peoples in eastern Europe from tyranny and oppression. By April 29, 1958, however, Vice President Nixon in replying to a question why the United States supported dictatorships in Latin America observed: “If we openly discriminate between one government and another in Latin America, what would we be charged with? We would be charged with interfering in the internal affairs of other countries and with trying to impose our system of government on them.”

The United States and the Defense of the Western Hemisphere, 1815-1940

ONE OF THE essential facts, if indeed it was not the most basic fact, in the situation that produced the original Monroe Doctrine was the existence of a distinct European system. The great continental powers of Europe united in suppressing with force the appearance of any of the ideas of the French Revolution in any of the countries of Europe. If extended to the new world this system of intervention in the internal affairs of other countries and of dictating the political institutions other peoples might employ would have seriously endangered the United States. An application of the system to Latin America would have left the United States the last bulwark of those ideas in the world, a more or less democratic republic, born of the successful assertion of a right of revolution, and with a government based on the precise political philosophy which was anathema to the European powers. Of course the system was not extended to the Western Hemisphere. In fact it broke down in Europe itself within a comparatively short time. In 1830 it failed to function, and by 1848 it had clearly disintegrated beyond hope of restoration. From then until the 1930's there was no European system of the character Monroe referred to in his message. In this respect the political system of Europe was essentially the same as that of America. Consequently the Monroe Doctrine lost the most valid of its original reasons for existence. Other reasons there might be, but they rested on different grounds. For example, the American antipathy to the French intervention in Mexico in the 186o's arose, so far as it was not blind devotion to a traditional policy, not from the belief that there was any European system which, if extended to America, would endanger the United States but from the fear of having a powerful and aggressive neighbor. It was therefore not as close to the original Monroe Doctrine as to what might be called the Jefferson Doctrine-the policy of resisting the appearance in Louisiana in i802 of a powerful and aggressive power. Although no writer has adequately traced the significance of the disappearance of a European system for the ideological background of the Monroe Doctrine, an appreciation of the fact was one of the reasons why